EN161 Marymount University (Spring 2023)tonyaEN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234 Howe, Tonya and Tonya Howe. "Headnote for Arthur Conan Doyle." Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z Arthur Conan Doyle (1859-1930) was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, in May of 1859, to Irish Catholic parents; his father was an alcoholic who experienced significant psychiatric illness throughout his life, but Doyle was very close to his mother. For a period of their lives, the family lived in characteristically squalid tenement housing. He was sent to live and study in England as a child, and he eventually rejected the faith of his parents and became agnostic. In his twenties, he studied medicine at the University of Edinburgh, and he began writing during that period of his life with some minor successes. After graduating, he served briefly as a ship’s surgeon traveling to West Africa, and then set up a series of unsuccessful medical practices. After marrying twice, first to Louisa Hawkins and after her death to Jean Leckie, he returned to South Africa where he served as a field surgeon during the Second Boer War. Elements in his own biography therefore connect Doyle to James Watson, the doctor and military man. Like Watson, Doyle was also athletic; he played soccer, cricket, and golf, among other sports, and he boxed, as well. He eventually turned to writing—as does Watson—as a way to make his living, though he never stopped studying medicine, which became an important part of his most famous literary creations. The image included here is a photograph of Doyle from 1890, by Herbert Rose Barraud (1845-1896), in the public domain. Doyle’s first Sherlock Holmes story was A Study in Scarlet, which he wrote in three weeks and published in 1886. The Sign of Four, the second Holmes and Watson story, was published in Lippincott’s Magazine of February 1890. These stories became highly popular, though Doyle himself thought they “[took his] mind from better things” and he killed Holmes off in a 1893 story. However, the public was so upset that the character had been killed that Doyle was forced to resurrect him in 1901. Overall, Doyle wrote 60 pieces featuring the detective, who has remained an iconic figure, and the subject of much recreation in print and film—but Doyle wrote other material, as well, including theatrical pieces for the stage. Doyle modeled Sherlock Holmes on one of his professors at the University of Edinburgh, Dr. Joseph Bell, who advocated close empirical study and deductive thinking as the chief tools in diagnostic medicine, is sometimes seen as a progenitor of modern forensic science. Among other investigative activities, Bell consulted with Scotland Yard on the notorious Jack the Ripper murders, and he also served as Queen Victoria’s private physician when she visited Scotland. Literature in Context contains three Doyle pieces: The Speckled Band, The Copper Beeches, and The Sign of Four. The Sign of Four (1888) It is impossible to understand The Sign of Four without considering several important contexts. Doyle wrote during the Victorian and Edwardian eras, and he died in 1930—after seeing several wars, including the First World War, reshape the modern world. The 19th century was known for its quickly growing economy, characterized by factory labor and industrialization. During the period of this novella, London was an incredibly dirty and polluted city as a result. This was a truly class-based society, with a middle class and a working class that saw themselves as such, distinct groups of people with characteristic traits and interests. But class was not just about income; it is both economic and cultural, extending to what sort of occupation and education you had, how your family was structured, political beliefs, sexuality, and even how you spent your free time—those who read the “penny dreadfuls” of the day were not in the same class as those who read Greek or Latin, or even the “classics” of British literature. Science was popularized as a form of entertainment—mesmerism, electricity, and photography were all entertainment economies that grew out of scientific developments of the 19th century, and Doyle himself was a spiritualist (he met Harry Houdini!). Literacy was rapidly growing, and print had reached truly popular proportions--magazines, circulating libraries, newspapers made both knowledge and entertainment common and accessible. Like other Holmes and Watson tales, The Sign of Four, like most of Doyle's Watson and Holmes tales, was published in periodical form, easily accessible by almost any reader. It was not, however, serialized because of its short length. In the 19th century, many novelists published “serially,” meaning their works were released piecemeal in magazines, and therefore more accessible to working and middle-class readerships. An important element of this material context is the gender ideology of the Victorian period. While the vote was expanding and women’s suffrage was in full swing, women were seen in a paradoxical light. On the one hand, femininity was seen as central to the moral power of the middle class; and yet, women are separated fully from the masculine world of Watson and Holmes. Victorian gender roles are very much in evidence in The Sign of Four; consider that Dr. Watson’s central conflict is how to negotiate the conventions of class and gender that keep him from romantically pursuing Miss Morstan. It is often—and falsely—claimed that the Victorian era is a “sexually repressed” period; in reality, sexuality and gender were highly monitored. Pay attention to the way that Doyle reveals the subtle landscape of acceptable and unacceptable gender norms. What attitudes shape the gendered depiction of Mary Morstan? Thaddeus Sholto? Holmes? Watson? During the Victorian period, Britain was the most powerful empire in the world, with territories across the globe. In the image here, an 1897 map of the world, British imperial possessions are noted in red. It was said that “the sun never sets on the British empire,” referring both to the fact that there were British colonies all around the world (there was always a place where the sun had not yet set), and the belief that the empire would persist in perpetuity. Despite its immense wealth, much of that wealth was consolidated at the top. Because of the shifting economy, there were very high numbers of individuals in poverty—think of Holmes’ “Street Arabs.” About 75% of the whole population of London was in poverty. Virtually none of the vast wealth of the empire trickled down to the working classes, but it was precisely this colonial income that grew the middle classes, increasingly seen as the “moral center” of English society. The story of The Sign of Four is driven by this colonial context; the mystery at the heart of the tale is a stolen treasure that once belonged to India, while the very English Miss Mary Morstan in some ways represents all that must be kept safe from the dangerous non-English world, and yet is also the rightful beneficiary of the wealth of empire. As you read, pay attention to the way that “civility” and “Englishness” are represented. To what are these features opposed? How are “the Four” characterized? What about the Sholtos and Captain Morstan? Tonga? If we think of The Sign of Four as an imperial tale, what roles do Watson and Holmes play? Two specific elements of England’s imperialism are essential for understanding The Sign of Four. Doyle himself served as a field surgeon in the Boer War, as Watson did in the Second Anglo-Afghan War. The Boer War (1899-1902) was fought between the British Empire and two independent Boer states over the British Empire's influence in South Africa. The “Boers” (now often termed Afrikaners) are the Dutch-speaking descendants of 17th and 18th century colonial settlers. The Boer republics were annexed by Britain to became South Africa. During this time, Britain also administered Egypt—which Doyle also visited. The Second Afghan war (1878-1880) was fought between Britain and the Afghan state because then—as today—Britain was worried about Russian influence in the region. Doyle’s personal experience in South Africa, Watson’s experience in Afghanistan, and with the vivid presentness of the global world to the Victorian English more broadly is important to keep in mind as you read. But perhaps even more significant than the Boer war for The Sign of Four, however, is the British colonization of India, which is the direct backdrop against which the novella is set. In 1600, the East India Company was set up to facilitate trade principally between England and the Asian subcontinent. The EIC dominated trade in all the luxury goods of the time, as well as in saltpetre, a chief ingredient in gunpowder, and it had its own vast armies. From 1757 to 1858, the East India Company essentially ruled India. Indians resisted Company rule, and this resistance came to a head with the Indian Rebellion of 1857—sometimes called the Sepoy Mutiny or the First Indian War of Independence. There are many reasons for the rebellion, including British administrative practices, military authority, traditional caste systems, religious division, and more. But the tipping point came with a new munition the Company gave to its soldiers, including the Sepoys—Indian members of the Company army. The bullets were initially greased with animal fat, deeply offensive to both Hindus and Muslims. The rebellion ignited, and it would last for three years. Widespread atrocities led to hundreds of thousands of Indian deaths, and a large number of British in India were also killed. The Rebellion led to the end of Company rule and saw the creation of the “British Raj,” or was monarchial administrative rule. Queen Victoria became the Empress of India in 1877. The Sign of Four was published in 1890, but is set against the backdrop of the Indian Rebellion, and the penal colonies set up in the Andaman Islands, where “the Four” were imprisoned; Tonga is also a native Andaman. Captain Morstan and his comrades were stationed in the penal colony, and through their machinations, the treasure stolen by the Four during the Rebellion in turn made its way to England. It is the quest to discover this treasure and uncover its history that sets the plot of Doyle’s novella in motion. Both because of Britain’s long history and its global concerns, London was a multicultural city, a modern city, a mercantile city. The Sign of Four tells a story that is beholden to those values—in addition to being a rollicking good read. Wheatley, Phillis and Phillis Wheatley. "To S. M. a young African Painter, on seeing his Works". Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral, Printed for A. Bell, 1773 , pp 114-115 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z 114 To S. M.According to Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience, Scipio Moorhead was an enslaved artist, principally known for his painting of Phillis Wheatley, which became the basis for the frontispiece to her 1773 collection of poems. The frontispiece is included in this database. While no signed paintings by Moorhead survive, this poem by Wheatley may describe two of his works. Moorhead was owned by the Presbyterian minister John Moorhead of Boston and was likely tutored by Sarah Moorhead (Appiah and Gates 62). a young African Painter, on seeing his Works. 1 TO show the lab'ring bosom's deep intent, 2 And thought in living characters to paint, 3 When first thy pencil did those beauties give, 4 And breathing figures learnt from thee to live, 5 How did those prospects give my soul delight, 6 A new creation rushing on my sight? 7 Still, wond'rous youth! each noble path pursue, 8 On deathless glories fix thine ardent view: 9 Still may the painter's and the poet's fire 10 To aid thy pencil, and thy verse conspire! 11 And may the charms of each seraphic theme 12 Conduct thy footsteps to immortal fame! 13 High to the blissful wonders of the skies 14 Elate thy soul, and raise thy wishful eyes. 15 Thrice happy, when exalted to survey 16 That splendid cityWheatley refers to the heavenly city of "New Jerusalem," described in Revelation 21. As many scholars have noted, Christianity offered a not uncomplicated narrative of salvation and hope that was particularly resonant for the enslaved. She continues this metaphor of future bliss crowning current woe throughout this and other poems; see, for instance, lines 23-28, below., crown'd with endless day, 17 Whose twice six gates on radiant hinges ring: 18 Celestial Salem blooms in endless spring. 115 19 Calm and serene thy moments glide along, 20 And may the muse inspire each future song! 21 Still, with the sweets of contemplation bless'd, 22 May peace with balmy wings your soul invest! 23 But when these shades of time are chas'd away, 24 And darkness ends in everlasting day, 25 On what seraphic pinions shall we move, 26 And view the landscapes in the realms above? 27 There shall thy tongue in heav'nly murmurs flow, 28 And there my muse with heav'nly transport glow: 29 No more to tell of Damon's tender sighsDamon is a typical name for a male lover in pastoral poetry, poetry that imagines romantic conflicts in bucolic or country settings. Wheatley frequently both references and draws on classical pastoral poetry throughout her Poems. For a deeper reading of Wheatley's use of the pastoral, see John C. Shield's scholarly essay, "Phillis Wheatley's Subversive Pastoral.", 30 Or rising radiance of Aurora's eyesIn Greco-Roman mythology, Aurora (called Eos in the Greek) personifies the dawn., 31 For nobler themes demand a nobler strain, 32 And purer language on th' ethereal plain. 33 Cease, gentle muse! the solemn gloom of night 34 Now seals the fair creation from my sight. Selected Text from Robinson Crusoe THE LIFE AND STRANGE SURPRIZING ADVENTURES OF ROBINSON CRUSOE, Of YORK, MARINER: Who lived Eight and Twenty Years all alone in an un-inhabited Island on the Coast of AMERICA, near the Mouth of the Great River of OROONOQUE; Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the Men perished but himself. WITH An Account how he was at last as strangely deliver'd by PYRATES. Written by Himself. LONDON: Printed for W. TAYLOR at the Ship in Pater-Noster-Row. MDCCXIX. THE PREFACE. IF ever the Story of any private Man's Adventures in the World were worth making Publick, and were acceptable when Publish'd, the Editor of this Account thinks this will be so. The Wonders of this Man's Life exceed all that (he thinks) is to be found extant; the Life of one Man being scarce capable of a greater Variety. The Story is told with Modesty, with Seriousness, and with a religious Application of Events to the Uses to which wise Men always apply them (viz.)An abbreviation for the Latin videlicet, meaning 'namely.' Source: Oxford English Dictionary to the Instruction of others by this Example, and to justify and honour the Wisdom of Providence in all the Variety of our Circumstances, let them happen how they will. The Editor believes the thing to be a just History of Fact; neither is there any Appearance of Fiction in it: And however thinks, because all such things are dispatch'd, that the Improvement of it, as well to the Diversion, as to the Instruction of the Reader, will be the same; and as such, he thinks, without farther Compliment to the World, he does them a great Service in the Publication. THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF ROBINSON CRUSOE, &c. I Was born in the Year 1632, in the City of York, of a good Family, tho' not of that Country, my Father being a Foreigner of Bremen,A city in Northern Germany. Source: Wikipedia who settled first at Hull: He got a good Estate by Merchandise, and leaving off his Trade, lived afterward at York, from whence he had married my Mother, whose Relations were named Robinson, a very good Family in that Country, and from whom I was called Robinson Kreutznaer;In naming his title character "Crusoe," Defoe may be recalling his childhood schoolmate Timothy Cruso (1656-1697), who would go on to a prominent career as a Presbyterian minister. The name "Kreutznaer," from which Crusoe tells us his name is derived, is suggestive of the Christian cross. And the fact that Crusoe lives his adult life with a name other than that he was born with links him both to Defoe, who was born simply Daniel Foe, and Alexander Selkirk, who was born Alexander Selcraig. but by the usual Corruption of Words in England, we are now called, nay we call our selves, and write our Name Crusoe, and so my Companions always call'd me. I had two elder Brothers, one of which was Lieutenant Collonel to an English Regiment of Foot in Flanders, formerly commanded by the famous Coll. Lockhart, and was killed at the Battle near Dunkirk inagast the Spaniards: What became of my second Brother I never knew any more than my Father or Mother did know what was become of me. Being the third Son of the Family, and not bred to any Trade, my Head began to be fill'd very early with rambling Thoughts: My Father, who was very ancient, had given me a competent Share of Learning, as far as House-Education, and a Country Free-School generally goes, and design'd me for the Law; but I would be satisfied with nothing but going to Sea, and my Inclination to this led me so strongly against the Will, nay the Commands of my Father, and against all the Entreaties and Perswasions of my Mother and other Friends, that there seem'd to be something fatal in that Propension of Nature tending directly to the Life of Misery which was to befal me. My Father, a wise and grave Man, gave me serious and excellent Counsel against what he foresaw was my DesignIntended purpose. Source: Oxford English Dictionary. He call'd me one Morning into his Chamber, where he was confined by the Gout, and expostulated very warmlyVehemently. Source: Oxford English Dictioanry with me upon this Subject: He ask'd me what Reasons more than a meer wandring Inclination I had for leaving my Father's House and my native Country, where I might be well introduced, and had a Prospect of raising my Fortunes by Application and Industry, with a Life of Ease and Pleasure. He told me it was for Men of desperate Fortunes on one Hand, or of aspiring, superior Fortunes on the other, who went abroad upon Adventures, to rise by Enterprize, and make themselves famous in Undertakings of a Nature out of the common Road; that these things were all either too far above me, or too far below me; that mine was the middle StateA social middle class between the gentry and the commons; the kind of place occupied in this era by the emergent merchant and professional class. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, or what might be called the upper Station of Low Life, which he had found by long Experience was the best State in the World, the most suited to human Happiness, not exposed to the Miseries and Hardships, the Labour and Sufferings of the mechanickManual laboring. Source: Oxford English Dictionary Part of Mankind, and not embarass'd with the Pride, Luxury, Ambition and Envy of the upper Part of Mankind. He told me, I might judge of the Happiness of this State, by this one thing, viz. That this was the State of Life which all other People envied, that Kings have frequently lamented the miserable Consequences of being born to great things, and wish'd they had been placed in the Middle of the two Extremes, between the Mean and the Great; that the wise Man gave his Testimony to this as the just Standard of true Felicity, when he prayed to have neither Poverty or Riches. He bid me observe it, and I should always find, that the Calamities of Life were shared among the upper and lower Part of Mankind; but that the middle Station had the fewest Disasters, and was not expos'd to so many Vicissitudes as the higher or lower Part of Mankind; nay, they were not subjected to so many Distempers and Uneasinesses either of Body or Mind, as those were who, by vicious Living, Luxury and Extravagancies on one Hand, or by hard Labour, Want of Necessaries, and mean or insufficient Diet on the other Hand, bring Distempers upon themselves by the natural Consequences of their Way of Living; That the middle Station of Life was calculated for all kind of Vertues and all kinds of Enjoyments; that Peace and Plenty were the Hand-maids of a middle Fortune; that Temperance, Moderation, Quietness, Health, Society, all agreeable Diversions, and all desirable Pleasures, were the Blessings attending the middle Station of Life; that this Way Men went silently and smoothly thro' the World, and comfortably out of it, not embarass'd with the Labours of the Hands or of the Head, not sold to the Life of Slavery for daily Bread, or harrast with perplex'd Circumstances, which rob the Soul of Peace, and the Body of Rest; not enrag'd with the Passion of Envy, or secret burning Lust of Ambition for great things; but in easy Circumstances sliding gently thro' the World, and sensibly tasting the Sweets of living, without the bitter, feeling that they are happy, and learning by every Day's Experience to know it more sensibly. After this, he press'd me earnestly, and in the most affectionate manner, not to play the young Man, not to precipitate my self into Miseries which Nature and the Station of Life I was born in, seem'd to have provided against; that I was under no Necessity of seeking my Bread; that he would do well for me, and endeavour to enter me fairly into the Station of Life which he had been just recommending to me; and that if I was not very easy and happy in the World, it must be my meer Fate or Fault that must hinder it, and that he should have nothing to answer for, having thus discharg'd his Duty in warning me against Measures which he knew would be to my Hurt: In a word, that as he would do very kind things for me if I would stay and settle at Home as he directed, so he would not have so much Hand in my Misfortunes, as to give me any Encouragement to go away: And to close all, he told me I had my elder Brother for an Example, to whom he had used the same earnest Perswasions to keep him from going into the Low Country Wars, but could not prevail, his young Desires prompting him to run into the Army where he was kill'd; and tho' he said he would not cease to pray for me, yet he would venture to say to me, that if I did take this foolish Step, God would not bless me, and I would have Leisure hereafter to reflect upon having neglected his Counsel when there might be none to assist in my Recovery. I observed in this last Part of his Discourse, which was truly Prophetick, tho' I suppose my Father did not know it to be so himself; I say, I observed the Tears run down his Face very plentifully, and especially when he spoke of my Brother who was kill'd; and that when he spoke of my having Leisure to repent, and none to assist me, he was so mov'd, that he broke off the Discourse, and told me, his Heart was so full he could say no more to me. I was sincerely affected with this Discourse, as indeed who could be otherwise; and I resolv'd not to think of going abroad any more, but to settle at home according to my Father's Desire. But alas! a few Days wore it all off; and in short, to prevent any of my Father's farther Importunities, in a few Weeks after, I resolv'd to run quite away from him. However, I did not act so hastily neither as my first Heat of Resolution prompted, but I took my Mother, at a time when I thought her a little pleasanter than ordinary, and told her, that my Thoughts were so entirely bent upon seeing the World, that I should never settle to any thing with Resolution enough to go through with it, and my Father had better give me his Consent than force me to go without it; that I was now Eighteen Years old, which was too late to go Apprentice to a Trade.Crusoe is too old because apprenticeships in this period typically began around the age of thirteen, and lasted seven years., or Clerk to an Attorney; that I was sure if I did, I should never serve out my time, and I should certainly run away from my Master before my Time was out, and go to Sea; and if she would speak to my Father to let me go but one Voyage abroad, if I came home again and did not like it, I would go no more, and I would promise by a double Diligence to recover that Time I had lost. This put my Mother into a great Passion: She told me, she knew it would be to no Purpose to speak to my Father upon any such Subject; that he knew too well what was my Interest to give his Consent to any thing so much for my Hurt, and that she wondered how I could think of any such thing after such a Discourse as I had had with my Father, and such kind and tender Expressions as she knew my Father had us'd to me; and that in short, if I would ruine my self there was no Help for me; but I might depend I should never have their Consent to it: That for her Part she would not have so much Hand in my Destruction; and I should never have it to say, that my Mother was willing when my Father was not. Tho' my Mother refused to move it to my Father, yet as I have heard afterwards, she reported all the Discourse to him, and that my Father, after shewing a great Concern at it, said to her with a Sigh, That Boy might be happy if he would stay at home, but if he goes abroad he will be the miserablest Wretch that was ever born: I can give no Consent to it. It was not till almost a Year after this that I broke loose, tho' in the mean time I continued obstinately deaf to all Proposals of settling to Business, and frequently expostulating with my Father and Mother, about their being so positively determin'd against what they knew my Inclinations prompted me to. But being one Day at HullA coastal town in southeast Yorkshire, on the river Humber leading out to the North Sea, and a major port. Depicted here by Wenceslaus Hollar at around the time Crusoe would have arrived. Source: Wikipedia, where I went casually, and without any Purpose of making an ElopementThat is, the general action of fleeing, with no suggestion of a clandestine marriage. Source: Oxford English Dictionary that time; but I say, being there, and one of my Companions being going by Sea to London, in his Father's Ship, and prompting me to go with them, with the common Allurement of Seafaring Men, viz That it should cost me nothing for my Passage, I consulted neither Father or Mother any more, nor so much as sent them Word of it; but leaving them to hear of it as they might, without asking God's Blessing, or my Father's, without any Consideration of Circumstances or Consequences, and in an ill Hour, God knows. On the first of September 1661 I went on Board a Ship bound for London; never any young Adventurer's Misfortunes, I believe, began sooner, or continued longer than mine. The Ship was no sooner gotten out of the Humber, but the Wind began to blow, and the Winds to rise in a most frightful manner; and as I had never been at Sea before, I was most inexpressibly sick in Body, and terrify'd in my Mind: I began now seriously to reflect upon what I had done, and how justly I was overtaken by the Judgment of Heaven for my wicked leaving my Father's House, and abandoning my Duty; all the good Counsel of my Parents, my Father's Tears and my Mother's Entreaties came now fresh into my Mind, and my Conscience, which was not yet come to the Pitch of Hardness which it has been since, reproach'd me with the Contempt of Advice, and the Breach of my Duty to God and my Father. All this while the Storm encreas'd, and the Sea, which I had never been upon before, went very high, tho' nothing like what I have seen many times since; no, nor like what I saw a few Days after: But it was enough to affect me then, who was but a young Sailor, and had never known any thing of the matter. I expected every Wave would have swallowed us up, and that every time the Ship fell down, as I thought, in the Trough or Hollow of the Sea, we should never rise more; and in this Agony of Mind, I made many Vows and Resolutions, that if it would please God here to spare my Life this one Voyage, if ever I got once my Foot upon dry Land again, I would go directly home to my Father, and never set it into a Ship again while I liv'd; that I would take his Advice, and never run my self into such Miseries as these any more. Now I saw plainly the Goodness of his Observations about the middle Station of Life, how easy, how comfortably he had liv'd all his Days, and never had been expos'd to Tempests at Sea, or Troubles on Shore; and I resolv'd that I would, like a true repenting ProdigalAlluding to the Biblical story of the prodigal son, who left home, squandered his inheritance, and finally returned to his father in shame, only to be forgiven for his folly. Source: Luke 15:11, go home to my Father. These wise and sober Thoughts continued all the while the Storm continued, and indeed some time after; but the next Day the Wind was abated and the Sea calmer, and I began to be a little inur'dAccustomed. Source: Oxford English Dictionary to it: However I was very grave for all that Day, being also a little Sea sick still; but towards Night the Weather clear'd up, the Wind was quite over, and a charming fine Evening follow'd; the Sun went down perfectly clear and rose so the next Morning; and having little or no Wind and a smooth Sea, the Sun shining upon it, the Sight was, as I thought, the most delightful that ever I saw. I had slept well in the Night, and was now no more Sea sick but very chearful, looking with Wonder upon the Sea that was so rough and terrible the Day before, and could be so calm and so pleasant in so little time after. And now least my good Resolutions should continue, my Companion, who had indeed entic'd me away, comes to me, Well Bob, says he, clapping me on the Shoulder, How do you do after it? I warrant you were frighted, wa'n't you, last Night, when it blew but a Cap full of Wind? A Cap full d'you call it? said I, 'twas a terrible Storm: A Storm, you Fool you, replies he, do you call that a Storm why it was nothing at all; give us but a good Ship and Sea Room, and we think nothing of such a Squal of Wind as that; but you're but a fresh Water Sailor, Bob; come let us make a Bowl of Punch and we'll forget all that, d'ye see what charming Weather 'tis now. To make short this sad Part of my Story, we went the old way of all Sailors, the Punch was made, and I was made drunk with it, and in that one Night's Wickedness I drowned all my Repentance, all my Reflections upon my past Conduct, and all my Resolutions for my future. In a word, as the Sea was returned to its Smoothness of Surface and settled Calmness by the Abatement of that Storm, so the Hurry of my Thoughts being over, my Fears and Apprehensions of being swallow'd up by the Sea being forgotten, and the Current of my former Desires return'd, I entirely forgot the Vows and PromisesThis account of how Crusoe forgot the vows he made fits well within the tradition of the "sea-Providence," stories of others who testify how the urge to repent prompted by a storm wears off as soon as the weather calms. that I made in my Distress. I found indeed some Intervals of Reflection, and the serious Thoughts did, as it were endeavour to return again sometimes, but I shook them off, and rouz'd my self from them as it were from a Distemper, and applying my self to Drink and Company, soon master'd the Return of those Fits, for so I call'd them, and I had in five or six Days got as compleat a Victory over Conscience as any young, Fellow that resolv'd not to be troubled with it, could desire: But I was to have another Trial for it still; and Providence, as in such Cases generally it does, resolv'd to leave me entirely without Excuse. For if I would not take this for a Deliverance, the next was to be such a one as the worst and most Wretch among us would confess both the harden'd Danger and the Mercy. The sixth Day of our being at Sea we came into YarmouthA stretch of sea east of the coastal town of Great Yarmouth, in the English county of Norfolk. Roads ; the Wind having been contrary, and the Weather calm, we had made but little Way since the Storm. Here we were obliged to come to an Anchor, and here we lay, the Wind continuing contrary, viz. at South-west, for seven or eight Days, during which time a great many Ships from Newcastle came into the same Roads, as the common Harbour where the Ships might wait for a Wind for the River. We had not however ridRemained anchored; floated stationary. Source: Oxford English Dictionary here so long, but should have Tided itLet the tide carry them up. Source: Oxford English Dictionary up the River, but that the Wind blew too fresh; and after we had lain four or five Days, blew very hard. However, the Roads being reckoned as good as a Harbour, the Anchorage good, and our Ground-TackleEquipment used to anchor the ship. Source: Oxford English Dictionary very strong, our Men were unconcerned, and not in the least apprehensive of Danger, but spent the Time in Rest and Mirth, after the manner of the Sea; but the eighth Day in the Morning, the Wind increased, and we had all Hands at Work to strike our Top-Masts, and make every thing snug and close, that the Ship might ride as easy as possible. By Noon the Sea went very high indeed, and our Ship rid Forecastle in,With the bow (the foremost part of the hull) in the water. Source: Oxford English Dictionary shipp'd several Seas, and we thought once or twice our Anchor had come homeUndone; loose. Source: Oxford English Dictionary; upon which our Master order'd out the Sheet AnchorA very large, heavy spare anchor stored in the waist of the ship, used in emergencies like the one described here. Source: Oxford English Dictionary; so that we rode with two Anchors a-Head, and the Cables vered out to the better End. By this Time it blew a terrible Storm indeed, and now I began to see Terror and Amazement in the Faces even of the Seamen themselves. The Master, tho' vigilant to the Business of preserving the Ship, yet as he went in and out of his Cabbin by me, I could hear him softly to himself say several times, Lord be merciful to us, we shall be all lost, we shall be all undone; and the like. During these first Hurries, I was stupidIn a stupor. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, lying still in my Cabbin, which was in the SteerageThe lower deck of a ship, just below the main deck and above the ballast; lower classes of passengers often purchased chapter tickets to travel in this part of the ship. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, and cannot describe my Temper: I could ill re-assume the first Penitence, which I had so apparently trampled upon, and harden'd my self against: I thought the Bitterness of Death had been past, and that this would be nothing too like the first. But when the Master himself came by me, as I said just now, and said we should be all lost, I was dreadfully frighted: I got up out of my Cabbin, and look'd out; but such a dismal Sight I never saw: The Sea went Mountains high, and broke upon us every three or four Minutes: When I could look about, I could see nothing but Distress round us: Two Ships that rid near us we found had cut their Masts by the Board, being deep loaden; and our Men cry'd out, that a Ship which rid about a Mile a-Head of us was foundered. Two more Ships being driven from their Anchors, were run out of the Roads to Sea at all AdventuresAt the mercy of all risks or dangers, and that with not a Mast standing. The light Ships fared the best, as not so much labouring in the Sea; but two or three of them drove, and came close by us, running away with only their Sprit-sailA small, usually square-shaped sail at the front of a sailing ship out before the Wind. Towards Evening the Mate and Boat-SwainPronounced "bosun," he was the supervisor of the deck crew begg'd the Master of our Ship to let them cut away the Foremast, which he was very unwilling to: But the Boat-Swain protesting to him, that if he did not, the Ship would founder, he consented; and when they had cut away the ForemastIn adverse weather conditions, one may cut away the mast of a ship to prevent it capsizing. Without the force of the heavy wind on the mast, the boat has a lower probability of tipping over., the Main-Mast stood so loose, and shook the Ship so much, they were obliged to cut her away also, and make a clear Deck. Any one may judge what a Condition I must be in at all this, who was but a young Sailor, and who had been in such a Fright before at but a little. But if I can express at this Distance the Thoughts I had about me at that time, I was in tenfold more Horror of Mind upon Account of my former Convictions, and the having returned from them to the Resolutions I had wickedly taken at first, than I was at Death it self; and these added to the Terror of the Storm, put me into such a Condition, that I can by no Words describe it. But the worst was not come yet, the Storm continued with such Fury, that the Seamen themselves acknowledged they had never known a worse. We had a good Ship, but she was deep loaden, and wallowed in the Sea, that the Seamen every now and then cried out, she would founder. It was my Advantage in one respect, that I did not know what they meant by Founder, till I enquir'd. However, the Storm was so violent, that I saw what is not often seen, the Master, the Boat-Swain, and some others more sensible than the rest, at their Prayers, and expecting every Moment when the Ship would go to the Bottom. In the Middle of the Night, and under all the rest of of our Distresses, one of the Men that had been down on Purpose to see, cried out we had sprung a Leak; another said there was four Foot Water in the Hold. Then all Hands were called to the Pump. At that very Word my Heart, as I thought, died within me, and I fell backwards upon the Side of my Bed where I sat, into the Cabbin. However, the Men roused me, and told me, that I that was able to do nothing before, was as well able to pump as another; at which I stirr'd up, and went to the Pump and work'd very heartily. While this was doing, the Master seeing some light ColliersCoal barges, who not able to ride out the Storm, were oblig'd to flip and run away to Sea, and would come near us, ordered to fire a Gun as a Signal of Distress. I who knew nothing what that meant, was so surprised, that I thought the Ship had broke, or some dreadful thing had happen'd. In a word, I was so surprised, that I fell down in a Swoon. As this was a time when every Body had his own Life to think of, no Body minded me, or what was become of me; but another Man stept up to the Pump, and thrusting me aside with his Foot, let me lye, thinking I had been dead; and it was a great while before I came to my self. We work'd on, but the Water encreasing in the Hold, it was apparent that the Ship would founder, and tho' the Storm began to abate a little, yet as it was not possible she could swim till we might run into a Port, so the Master continued firing Guns for Help; and a light Ship who had rid it out just a Head of us ventured a Boat out to help us. It was with the utmost Hazard the Boat came near us, but it was impossible for us to get on Board, or for the Boat to lie near the Ship Side, till at last the Men rowing very heartily, and venturing their Lives to save ours, our Men cast them a Rope over the Stern with a Buoy to it, and then vered it out a great Length, which they after great Labour and Hazard took hold of and we hall'd them close under our Stern and got all into their Boat. It was to no Purpose for them or us after we were in the Boat to think of reaching to their own Ship, so all agreed to let her drive and only to pull her in towards Shore as much as we could, and our Master promised them, That if the Boat was stav'd upon Shore he would make it good to their MasterThat is, if the boat was crushed or damaged while running aground, he would reimburse their master., so partly rowing and partly driving our Boat went away to the NorwardNorthward sloaping towards the Shore almost as far as Winterton Ness.An area of foreland along the north Norfolk coast of England We were not much more than a quarter of an Hour out of our Ship but we saw her sink, and then I understood for the first time what was meant by a Ship foundering in the Sea; I must acknowledge I had hardly Eyes to look up when the Seamen told me she was sinking; for from that Moment they rather put me into the Boat than that I might be said to go in, my Heart was as it were dead within me, partly with Fright, partly with Horror of Mind and the Thoughts of what was yet before me. While we were in this Condition, the Men yet labouring at the Oar to bring the Boat near the Shore, we could see, when our Boat mounting the Waves, we were able to see the Shore, a great many People running along the Shore to assist us when we should come near, but we made but slow way towards the Shore, nor were we able to reach the Shore, till being past the Light-House at Winterton, the Shore falls off to the Westward towards Cromer, and so the Land broke off a little the Violence of the Wind: Here we got in, and tho' not without much Difficulty got all safe on Shore and walk'd afterwards on Foot to Yarmouth, where, as unfortunate Men, we were used with great Humanity as well by the Magistrates of the Town, who assign'd us good Quarters, as by particular Merchants and Owners of Ships, and had Money given us sufficient to carry us either to London or back to Hull, as we thought fit. Had I now had the Sense to have gone back to Hull, and have gone home, I had been happy, and my Father, an Emblem of our Blessed Saviour's Parable, had even kill'd the fatted Calf for meAnother allusion to the parable of the Prodigal Son, when the father kills the fatted calf to feast and celebrate the return of his ruined son (Luke 15:23); for hearing the Ship I went away in was cast away in Yarmouth Road, it was a great while before he had any Assurance that I was not drown'd. But my ill Fate push'd me on now with an Obstinacy that nothing could resist; and tho' I had several times loud Calls from my Reason and my more composed Judgment to go home, yet I had no Power to do it. I know not what to call this, nor will I urge, that it is a secret over-ruling Decree that hurries us on to be the Instruments of our own Destruction, even tho' it be before us, and that we rush upon it with our Eyes open. Certainly nothing but some such decreed unavoidable Misery attending, and which it was impossible for me to escape, could have push'd me forward against the calm Reasonings and Perswasions of my most retired Thoughts, and against two such visible Instructions as I had met with in my first Attempt. My Comrade, who had help'd to harden me before, and who was the Master's Son, was now less forward than I; the first time he spoke to me after we were at Yarmouth, which was not till two or three Days, for we were separated in the Town to several Quarters; I say, the first time he saw me, it appear'd his Tone was alter'd, and looking very melancholy and shaking his Head, ask'd me how I did, and telling his Father who I was, and how I had come this Voyage only for a Trial in order to go farther abroad; his Father turning to me with a very grave and concern'd Tone, Young Man, says he, you ought never to go to Sea any more, you ought to take this for a plain and visible Token that you are not to be a Seafaring Man, why, Sir, said I, will you go to Sea no more? That is another Case, said he, it is my Calling, and therefore my Duty; but as you made this Voyage for a Trial, you see what a Taste Heaven has given you of what you are to expect if you persist; perhaps this is all befallen us on your Account, like Jonah in the Ship of Tarshish The Biblical Jonah boarded a ship bound for Tarshish, but was thrown overboard and swallowed by a whale when the crew discovered that he was fleeing God's commandment, and held him responsible for the violent storms encountered by their ship.. Pray, continues he, what are you? and on what Account did you go to Sea? Upon that I told him some of my Story; at the End of which he burst out with a strange kind of Passion, What had I done, says he, that such an unhappy Wretch should come into my Ship? I would not set my Foot in the same Ship with thee again for a Thousand Pounds. This indeed was, as I said, an Excursion of his Spirits which were yet agitated by the Sense of his Loss, and was farther than he could have Authority to go. However he afterwards talk'd very gravely to me, exhorted me to go back to my Father, and not tempt Providence to my Ruine; told me I might see a visible Hand of Heaven against me, And young Man, said he, depend upon it, if you do not go back, where-ever you go, you will meet with nothing but Disasters and Disappointments till your Father's Words are fulfilled upon you. We parted soon after; for I made him little Answer, and I saw him no more; which way he went, I know not. As for me, having some Money in my Pocket, I travelled to London by Land; and there, as well as on the Road, had many Struggles with my self, what Course of Life I should take, and whether I should go Home, or go to Sea. As to going Home, Shame opposed the best Motions that offered to my Thoughts; and it immediately occurr'd to me how I should be laugh'd at among the Neighbours, and should be asham'd to see, not my Father and Mother only, but even every Body else; from whence I have since often observed, how incongruous and irrational the common Temper of Mankind is, especially of Youth, to that Reason which ought to guide them in such Cases, viz. That they are not asham'd to sin, and yet are asham'd to repent; not asham'd of the Action for which they ought justly to be esteemed Fools, but are asham'd of the returning, which only can make them be esteem'd wise Men. In this State of Life however I remained some time, uncertain what Measures to take, and what Course of Life to lead. An irresistible Reluctance continu'd to going Home; and as I stay'd a while, the Remembrance of the Distress I had been in wore off; and as that abated, the little Motion I had in my Desires to a Return wore off with it, till at last I quite lay'd aside the Thoughts of it, and lookt out for a Voyage. That evil Influence which carryed me first away from my Father's House, that hurried me into the wild and indigested Notion of raising my Fortune; and that imprest those Conceits so forcibly upon me, as to make me deaf to all good Advice, and to the Entreaties and even Command of my Father: I say the same Influence, whatever it was, presented the most unfortunate of all Enterprises to my View; and I went on board a Vessel bound to the Coast of Africa; or, as our Sailors vulgarly call it, a Voyage to Guinea. It was my great Misfortune that in all these Adventures I did not ship my self as a Sailor; whereby, tho' I might indeed have workt a little harder than ordinary, yet at the same time I had learn'd the Duty and Office of a Fore-mast ManCommon sailor; and in time might have quallified my self for a Mate or Lieutenant, if not for a Master: But as it was always my Fate to choose for the worse, so I did here; for having Money in my Pocket, and good Cloaths upon my Back, I would always go on board in the Habit of a Gentleman; and so I neither had any Business in the Ship, or learn'd to do any. It was my Lot first of all to fall into pretty good Company in London, which does not always happen to such loose and unguided young Fellows as I then was; the Devil generally not omitting to lay some Snare for them very early: But it was not so with me, I first fell acquainted with the Master of a Ship who had been on the Coast of Guinea; and who having had very good Success there, was resolved to go again; and who taking a Fancy to my Conversation, which was not at all disagreeable at that time, hearing me say I had a mind to see the Word, told me if I wou'd go the Voyage with him I should be at no Expence; I should be his Mess-matePerson with whom one regularly takes meals. and his Companion, and if I could carry any thing with me, I should have all the Advantage of it that the Trade would admit; and perhaps I might meet with some Encouragement. I embrac'd the Offer, and entring into a strict Friendship with this Captain, who was an honest and plain-dealing Man, I went the Voyage with him, and carried a small AdventureQuantity of capital or valuables with me, which by the disinterested Honesty of my Friend the Captain, I increased very considerably; for I carried about 40 l.40 pounds in such Toys and Trifles as the Captain directed me to buy. This 40 l. I had mustered together by the Assistance of some of my Relations whom I corresponded with, and who, I believe, got my Father, or at least my Mother, to contribute so much as that to my first Adventure. This was the only Voyage which I may say was successful in all my Adventures, and which I owe to the Integrity and Honesty of my Friend the Captain, under whom also I got a competent Knowledge of the Mathematicks and the Rules of Navigation, learn'd how to keep an Account of the Ship's Course, take an Observation; and in short, to understand some things that were needful to be understood by a Sailor: For, as he took Delight to introduce me, I took Delight to learn; and, in a word, this Voyage made me both a Sailor and a Merchant: for I brought Home L. 5.9 Ounces Five pounds, nine ounces of Gold Dust for my Adventure, which yielded me in London at my Return, almost 300 l.300 British pounds, a very substantial sum at a time when a person could live on a fraction of that for a year and this fill'd me with those aspiring Thoughts which have since so compleated my Ruin. Yet even in this Voyage I had my Misfortunes too; particularly, that I was continually sick, being thrown into a violent CalentureFeverish delirium by the excessive Heat of the Climate; our principal Trading being upon the Coast, from the Latitude of 15 Degrees, North even to the LineThe Equator it self. I was now set up for a Guiney Trader A merchant in the goods that Europeans sought from Africa: gold, ivory, and ultimately, slaves.; and my Friend, to my great Misfortune, dying soon after his Arrival, I resolved to go the same Voyage again, and I embark'd in the same Vessel with one who was his Mate in the former Voyage, and had now got the Command of the Ship. This was the unhappiest Voyage that ever Man made; for tho' I did not carry quite 100 l. of my new gain'd Wealth, so that I had 200 left, and which I lodg'd with my Friend's Widow, who was very just to me, yet I fell into terrible Misfortunes in this Voyage; and the first was this, viz. Our Ship making her Course towards the Canary Islands, or rather between those Islands, and the African Shore, was surprised in the Grey of the Morning, by a Turkish Rover of Sallee,A city in northwest Morocco who gave Chase to us with all the Sail she could make. We crowded also as much Canvass as our Yards would spread, or our Masts carry, to have got clear; but finding the Pirate gain'd upon us, and would certainly come up with us in a few Hours, we prepar'd to fight; our Ship having 12 Guns, and the Rogue 18. About three in the Afternoon he came up with us, and bringing to by Mistake, just athwart our Quarter, instead of athwart our Stern, as he intended, we brought 8 of our Guns to bear on that Side, and pour'd in a BroadsideThat is, they fired all the cannons on one side of the ship upon him, which made him sheer off again, after returning our Fire, and pouring in also his small Shot from near 200 Men which he had on Board. However, we had not a Man touch'd, all our Men keeping close. He prepar'd to attack us again, and we to defend our selves; but laying us on Board the next time upon our other Quarter, he entred 60 Men upon our Decks, who immediatel fell to cutting and hacking the Decks and Rigging. We ply'd them with Small-shot, Half-Pikes, Powder-Chests, and such like, and clea'rd our Deck of them twice. However, to cut short this melancholly Part of our Story, our Ship being disabled, and three of our Men kill'd, and eight wounded, we were obliged to yield, and were carry'd all Prisoners into Sallee,A city in northwest Morocco a Port belonging to the Moors. The Usage I hadTreatment I received there was not so dreadful as at first I apprehended, nor was I carried up the Country to the Emperor's Court, as the rest of our Men were, but was kept by the Captain of the Rover, as his proper Prize, and made his Slave, being young and nimble, and fit for his Business. At this surprising Change of my Circumstances from a Merchant to a miserable Slave, I was perfectly overwhelmed; and now I look'd back upon my Father's prophetick Discourse to me, that I should be miserable, and have none to relieve me, which I thought was now so effectually brought to pass, that it could not be worse; that now the Hand of Heaven had overtaken me, and I was undone without Redemption. But alas! this was but a Taste of the Misery I was to go thro', as will appear in the Sequel of this Story. As my new Patron or Master had taken me Home to his House, so I was in hopes that he would take me with him when he went to Sea again, believing that it would some time or other be his Fate to be taken by a Spanish or Portugal Man of War; and that then I should be set at Liberty. But this Hope of mine was soon taken away; for when he went to Sea, he left me on Shoar to look after his little Garden, and do the common Drudgery of Slaves about his House; and when he came home again from his Cruise, he order'd me to lye in the Cabbin to look after the Ship. Here I meditated nothing but my Escape; and what Method I might take to effect it, but found no Way that had the least Probability in it: Nothing presented to make the Supposition of it rational; for I had no Body to communicate it to, that would embark with me; no Fellow-Slave, no Englishman, Irishman, or Scotsman there but my self; so that for two Years, tho' I often pleased my self with the Imagination, yet I never had the least encouraging Prospect of putting it in Practice. After about two Years an odd Circumstance presented it self, which put the old Thought of making some Attempt for my Liberty, again in my Head: My Patron lying at Home longer than usual, without fitting out his Ship, which, as I heard, was for want of Money; he used constantly, once or twice a Week, sometimes oftner, if the Weather was fair, to take the Ship's PinnaceA light rowboat carried aboard large merchant and war vessels., and go out into the Road a-fishing; and as he always took me and a young Maresco with him to row the Boat, we made him very merry, and I prov'd very dexterous in catching Fish; insomuch that sometimes he would send me with a Moor, one of his Kinsmen, and the Youth the Maresco,Moor, a term generally used in this period to refer to people from northern Africa. as they call'd him, to catch a Dish of Fish for him. It happen'd one time, that going a fishing in a stark calm Morning, a Fog rose so thick, that tho' we were not half a League from the Shoar we lost Sight of it; and rowing we knew not whither or which way, we labour'd all Day and all the next Night, and when the Morning came we found we had pull'd off to Sea instead of pulling in for the Shoar; and that we were at least two Leagues from the Shoar: However we got well in again, tho' with a great deal of Labour, and some Danger; for the Wind began to blow pretty fresh in the Morning; but particularly we were all very hungry. But our Patron warn'd by this Disaster, resolved to take more Care of himself for the future; and having lying by him the Long-boat of our English Ship we had taken, he resolved he would not go a fishing any more without a Compass and some Provision; so he ordered the Carpenter of his Ship, who also was an English Slave, to build a little State-room or Cabin in the middle of the Long Boat, like that of a Barge, with a Place to stand behind it to steer and hale home the Main-sheet; and Room before for a hand or two to stand and work the Sails; she sail'd with that we call a Shoulder of Mutton Sail; and the Boom gib'dShifted from one side of the vessel to the other when running before the wind. over the Top of the Cabbin, which lay very snug and low, and had in it Room for him to lye, with a Slave or two, and a Table to eat on, with some small Lockers to put in some Bottles of such Liquor as he thought fit to drink in; particularly his Bread, Rice and Coffee. We went frequently out with this Boat a fishing, and as I was most dextrous to catch fish for him, he never went without me: It happen'd that he had appointed to go out in this Boat, either for Pleasure or for Fish, with two or three Moors of some Distinction in that Place, and for whom he had provided extraordinarily; and had therefore sent on board the Boat over Night, a larger Store of Provisions than ordinary; and had order'd me to get ready three Fuzees with Powder and Shot, which were on board his Ship; for that they design'd some Sport of Fowling as well as Fishing. I got all things ready as he had directed, and waited the next Morning with the Boat, washed clean, her Antient and PendantsAn ancient or ensign is the national flag a ship flies at sea; pennants would be other flags on the rigging that would communicate facts about the ship, such as its master and status, to other ships. out, and every thing to accomodate his Guests; when by and by my Patroon came on board alone, and told me his Guests had put off going, upon some Business that fell out, and order'd me with the Man and Boy, as usual, to go out with the Boat and catch them some Fish, for that his Friends were to sup at his House; and commanded that as soon as I had got some Fish I should bring it home to his House; all which I prepar'd to do. This Moment my former Notions of Deliverance darted into my Thoughts, for now I found I was like to have a little Ship at my Command; and my Master being gone, I prepar'd to furnish my self, not for a fishing Business but for a Voyage; tho' I knew not, neither did I so much as consider whither I should steer; for any where to get out of that Place was my Way. My first Contrivance was to make a Pretence to speak to this Moor, to get something for our Subsistance on board; for I told him we must not presume to eat of our Patroon's Bread, he said that was true; so he brought a large Basket of Rusk or Bisket of their kind, and three Jarrs with fresh Water into the Boat; I knew where my Patroon's Case of Bottles stood, which it was evident by the make were taken out of some English Prize; and I convey'd them into the Boat while the Moor was on Shoar, as if they had been there before, for our Master: I convey'd also a great Lump of Bees-Wax into the Boat, which weighed above half a Hundred WeightMore than 56 lb (a full hundredweight is 112 lb), with a Parcel of Twine or Thread, a Hatchet, a Saw and a Hammer, all which were of great Use to us afterwards; especially the Wax to make Candles. Another Trick I try'd upon him, which he innocently came into also; his Name was Ismael, who they call Muly or Moely, so I call'd to him, Moely said I, our Patroon's Guns are on board the Boat, can you not get a little Powder and Shot, it may be we may kill some Alcamies (a Fowl like our Curlieus) Or curlew; a wading bird of mottled brown color with a long, slender beak. for our selves, for I know he keeps the Gunner's Stores in the Ship? Yes, says he, I'll bring some, and accordingly he brought a great Leather Pouch which held about a Pound and half of Powder, or rather more; and another with Shot, that had five or six Pound, with some Bullets; and put all into the Boat: At the same time I had found some Powder of my Masters in the Great Cabbin, with which I fill'd one of the large Bottles in the Case, which was almost empty; pouring what was in it into another: and thus furnished with every thing needful, we sail'd out of the Port to fish: The Castle which is at the Entrance of the Port knew who we were, and took no Notice of us; and we were not above a Mile out of the Port before we hal'd in our Sail, and set us down to fish: The Wind blew from the N. NE. which was contrary to my Desire; for had it blown southerly I had been sure to have made the Coast of Spain, and at least reacht to the Bay of CadizA coastal city in southwest Spain; but my Resolutions were, blow which way it would, I would be gone from that horrid Place where I was, and leave the rest to Fate. After we had fisht some time and catcht nothing, for when I had Fish on my Hook, I would not pull them up, that he might not see them; I said to the Moor, this will not do, our Master will not be thus serv'd, we must stand farther off: He thinking no harm agreed, and being in the head of the Boat set the Sails; and as I had the Helm I run the Boat out near a League farther, and then brought her too as if I would fish; when giving the Boy the Helm, I stept forward to where the Moor was, and making as if I stoopt for something hehind him, I took him by Surprize with my Arm under his TwistCrotch, and tost him clear over-board into the Sea; he rise immediately, for he swam like a Cork, and call'd to me, begg'd to be taken in, told me he would go all over the World with me; he swam so strong after the Boat that he would have reacht me very quickly, there being but little Wind; upon which I stept into the Cabbin and fetching one of the Fowling-piecesGuns, usually used to shoot birds, I presented itAimed at him, and told him, I had done him no hurt, and if he would be quiet I would do him none; but said I, you swim well enough to reach to the Shoar, and the Sea is calm, make the best of your Way to Shoar and I will do you no harm, but if you come near the Boat I'll shoot you thro' the Head; for I am resolved to have my Liberty; so he turn'd himself about and swam for the Shoar, and I make no doubt but he reacht it with Ease, for he was an Excellent Swimmer. I could ha' been content to ha' taken this Moor with me, and ha' drown'd the Boy, but there was no venturing to trust him: When he was gone I turn'd to the Boy, who they call'd Xury, and said to him, Xury, if you will be faithful to me I'll make you a great Man, but if you will not stroak your Face to be true to me, that is, swear by Mahomet and his Father's Beard, I must throw you into the Sea too; the Boy smil'd in my Face and spoke so innocently that I could not mistrust him; and swore to be faithful to me, and go all over the World with me. While I was in View of the Moor that was swimming, I stood out directly to Sea with the Boat, rather stretching to Windward, that they might think me gone towards the Straits-mouth (as indeed any one that had been in their Wits must ha' been supposed to do) for who would ha' suppos'd we were saild on to the southward to the truly Barbarian Coast The North African coast, between Tripoli and Morocco., where whole Nations of Negroes were sure to surround us with their Canoes, and destroy us; where we could ne'er once go on shoar but we should be devour'd by savage Beasts, or more merciless Savages of humane kind. But as soon as it grew dusk in the Evening, I chang'd my Course, and steer'd directly South and by East, bending my Course a little toward the East, that I might keep in with the Shoar; and having a fair fresh Gale of Wind, and a smooth quiet Sea, I made such Sail that I believe by the next Day at Three a Clock in the Afternoon, when I first made the Land, I could not be less than 150 Miles South of Sallee; quite beyond the Emperor of Morocco's Dominions, or indeed of any other King thereabouts, for we saw no People. Yet such was the Fright I had taken at the Moors, and the dreadful Apprehensions I had of falling into their Hands, that I would not stop, or go on Shoar, or come to an Anchor; the Wind continuing fair, 'till I had sail'd in that manner five Days: And then the Wind shifting to the southward, I concluded also that if any of our Vessels were in Chase of me, they also would now give overIf any of his Master's men had tried to follow him, he was by now so far away that they would have given up.; so I ventur'd to make to the Coast, and came to an Anchor in the Mouth of a little River, I knew not what, or where; neither what Latitude, what Country, what Nations, or what River: I neither saw, or desir'd to see any People, the principal thing I wanted was fresh Water: We came into this Creek in the Evening, resolving to swim on shoar as soon as it was dark, and discover the Country; but as soon as it was quite dark, we heard such dreadful Noises of the Barking, Roaring, and Howling of Wild Creatures, of we knew not what Kinds, that the poor Boy was ready to die with Fear, and beg'd of me not to go on shoar till Day; well Xury said I, then I won't, but it may be we may see Men by Day, who will be as bad to us as those Lyons; then we give them the shoot Gun says Xury laughing, make them run wey; such English Xury spoke by conversing among us Slaves, however I was glad to see the Boy so cheerful, and I gave him a Drama small amount from a bottle, a swig or a sip (out of our Patroon's Case of Bottles) to chear him up: After all, Xury's Advice was good, and I took it, we dropt our little Anchor and lay still all Night; I say still, for we slept none! for in two or three Hours we saw vast great Creatures (we knew not what to call them) of many sorts, come down to the Sea-shoar and run into the Water, wallowing and washing themselves for the Pleasure of cooling themselves; and they made such hideous Howlings and Yellings, that I never indeed heard the like. Xury was dreadfully frighted, and indeed so was I too; but we were both more frighted when we heard one of these mighty Creatures come swimming towards our Boat, we could not see him, but we might hear him by his blowing to be a monstrous, huge and furious Beast; Xury said it was a Lyon, and it might be so for ought I know; but poor Xury cryed to me to weigh the Anchor and row away; no says I, Xury, we can slip our Cable with the Buoy to it and go off to Sea, they cannot follow us far; I had no sooner said so, but I perceiv'd the Creature (whatever it was) within Two Oars Length, which something surprized me; however I immediately stept to the Cabbin-door, and taking up my Gun fir'd at him, upon which he immediately turn'd about and swam towards the Shoar again. But it is impossible to describe the horrible Noises, and hideous Cryes and Howlings, that were raised as well upon the Edge of the Shoar, as higher within the Country; upon the Noise or Report of the Gun, a Thing I have some Reason to believe those Creatures had never heard before: This Convinc'd me that there was no going on Shoar for us in the Night upon that Coast, and how to venture on Shoar in the Day was another Question too; for to have fallen into the Hands of any of the Savages, had been as bad as to have fallen into the Hands of Lyons and Tygers; at least we were equally apprehensive of the Danger of it. Be that as it would, we were oblig'd to go on Shoar somewhere or other for Water, for we had not a Pint left in the Boat; when or where to get to it was the Point: Xury said, if I would let him go on Shoar with one of the Jarrs, he would find if there was any Water and bring some to me. I ask'd him why he would go? Why I should not go and he stay in the Boat? The Boy answer'd with so much Affection that made me love him ever after. Says he, If wild Mans come, they eat me, you go wey. Well, Xury, said I, we will both go, and if the wild Man's come we will kill them, they shall Eat neither of us; so I gave Xury a piece of Rusk-bread to Eat and a Dram out of our Patroons Case of Bottles which I mentioned before; and we hal'd the Boat in as near the Shoar as we thought was proper, and so waded on Shoar, carrying nothing but our Arms and two Jarrs for Water. I did not care to go out of Sight of the Boat, fearing the coming of Canoes with Savages down the River; but the Boy seeing a low Place about a Mile up the Country rambled to it; and by and by I saw him come running towards me, I thought he was pursued by some Savage, or frighted with some wild Beast, and I run forward towards him to help him, but when I came nearer to him, I saw something hanging over his Shoulders which was a Creature that he had shot, like a Hare but different in Colour, and longer Legs, however we were very glad of it, and it was very good Meat; but the great Joy that poor Xury came with, was to tell me he had found good Water and seen no wild Mans. But we found afterwards that we need not take such Pains for Water, for a little higher up the Creek where we were, we found the Water fresh when the Tide was out, which flowed but a little way up; so we filled our Jarrs and feasted on the Hare we had killed, and prepared to go on our Way, having seen no Foot-steps of any humane Creature in that part of the Country. As I had been one Voyage to this Coast before, I knew very well that the Islands of the Canaries, and the Cape de Verd Islands also, lay not far off from the Coast There is a geographical inconsistency here. Crusoe and Xury are somewhere along the southwest Moroccan coast if the Canary Islands are close by. Therefore, they are to the southwest of their starting point at Salé (next to Rabat on the map below), which is in northwest Morocco. However, Crusoe claims to have sailed south and east of Salé - this is, in fact, impossible, since traveling southeast of Sale would entail going inland.. But as I had no Instruments to take an Observation to know what Latitude we were in, and did not exactly know, or at least remember what Latitude they were in; I knew not where to look for them, or when to stand off to Sea towards them; otherwise I might now easily have found some of these Islands. But my hope was, that if I stood along this Coast till I came to that Part where the English Traded, I should find some of their Vessels upon their usual Design of Trade, that would relieve and take us in. By the best of my Calculation, that Place were I now was, must be that Country, which lying between the Emperor of Morocco's Dominions and the Negro's, lies wast and uninhabited, except by wild Beasts; the Negroes having abandon'd it and gone farther South for fear of the Moors; and the Moors not thinking it worth inhabiting, by reason of its Barrenness; and indeed both forsaking it because of the prodigious Numbers of Tygers, Lyons, Leopards and other furious Creatures which harbour there; so that the Moors use it for their Hunting only, where they go like an Army, two or three thousand Men at a time; and indeed for near an hundred Miles together upon this Coast, we saw nothing but a wast uninhabited Country, by Day; and heard nothing but Howlings and Roaring of wild Beasts, by Night. Once or twice in the Day time, I thought I saw the Pico of Teneriffe, being the high top of the Mountain Teneriffe in the Canaries; and had a great mind to venture out in hopes of reaching thither; but having tried twice I was forced in again by contrary Winds, the Sea also going too high for my little Vessel, so I resolved to pursue my first Design and keep along the Shoar. Several times I was obliged to land for fresh Water, after we had left this Place; and once in particular, being early in the Morning, we came to an Anchor under a little Point of Land which was pretty high, and the Tide beginning to flow, we lay still to go farther in; Xury, whose Eyes were more about him than it seems mine were, calls softly to me, and tells me that we had best go farther off the Shoar; for, says he, look yonder lies a dreadful Monster on the side of that Hillock fast asleep: I look'd where he pointed, and saw a dreadful Monster indeed, for it was a terrible great Lyon that lay on the Side of the Shoar, under the Shade of a Piece of the Hill that hung as it were a little over him. Xury, says I, you shall go on Shoar and kill him; Xury look'd frighted, and said, Me kill! he eat me at one Mouth; one Mouthful he meant; however, I said no more to the Boy, but bad him lye still, and I took our biggest Gun, which was almost Musquet-bore"Bore" refers to the interior of the barrel of a gun, and the diameter of the bore determines the calibre. Crusoe's gun, then, is musket calibre., and loaded it with a good Charge of Powder, and with two SlugsBullets, and laid it down; then I loaded another Gun with two Bullets, and the third, for we had three Pieces, I loaded with five smaller Bullets. I took the best aim I could with the first Piece to have shot him into the Head, but he lay so with his Leg rais'd a little above his Nose, that the Slugs hit his Leg about the Knee, and broke the Bone. He started up growling at first, but finding his Leg broke fell down again, and then got up upon three Legs and gave the most hideous Roar that ever I heard; I was a little suppriz'd that I had not hit him on the Head; however I took up the second Piece immediately, and tho' he began to move off fir'd again, and shot him into the Head, and had the Pleasure to see him drop, and make but little Noise, but lay struggling for Life. Then Xury took Heart, and would have me let him go on Shoar: Well, go said I, so the Boy jump'd into the Water, and taking a little Gun in one Hand swam to Shoar with the other Hand, and coming close to the Creature, put the Muzzle of the Piece to his Ear, and shot him into the Head again which dispatch'd him quite. This was Game indeed to us, but this was no Food, and I was very sorry to lose three Charges of Powder and Shot upon a Creature that was good for nothing to us. However Xury said he would have some of him; so he comes on board, and ask'd me to give him the Hatchet; for what, Xury, said I? Me cut off his Head, said he. However Xury could not cut off his Head, but he cut off a Foot and brought it with him, and it was a monstrous great one. I bethought my self however, that perhaps the Skin of him might one way or other be of some Value to us; and I resolved to take off his Skin if I could. So Xury and I went to work with him; but Xury was much the better Workman at it, for I knew very ill how to do it. Indeed it took us up both the whole Day, but at last we got of the Hide of him, and spreading it on the top of our Cabbin, the Sun effectually dried it in two Days time, and it afterwards serv'd me to lye upon. After this Stop we made on to the Southward continually for ten or twelve Days, living very sparing on our Provisions, which began to abate very much, and going no oftner into the Shoar than we were oblig'd to for fresh Water; my Design in this was to make the River Gambia or Sennegall, that is to say, any where about the Cape de Verd,The area south of Morocco, near modern Senegal, was an epicenter for British trade in salt and slaves. where I was in hopes to meet with some European Ship, and if I did not, I knew not what Course I had to take, but to seek out for the Islands, or perish there among the Negroes. I knew that all the Ships from Europe, which sail'd either to the Coast of Guiney, or to Brasil, or to the East-Indies,European merchant vessels would have carried salt, gold, and slaves away from Africa, and sugar and spices back from Brazil and the Indies respectively. made this Cape or those Islands; and in a word, I put the whole of my Fortune upon this single Point, either that I must meet with some Ship, or must perish. When I had pursued this Resolution about ten Days longer, as I have said, I began to see that the Land was inhabited, and in two or three Places as we sailed by, we saw People stand upon the Shoar to look at us, we could also perceive they were quite Black and Stark-naked. I was once inclin'd to ha' gone on Shoar to them; but Xury was my better Councellor, and said to me, no go, no go; however I hal'd in nearer the Shoar that I might talk to them, and I found they run along the Shoar by me a good way; I observ'd they had no Weapons in their Hands, except one who had a long slender Stick, which Xury said was a Lance, and that they would throw them a great way with good aim; so I kept at a distance, but talk'd with them by Signs as well as I could; and particularly made Signs for some thing to Eat, they beckon'd to me to stop my Boat, and that they would fetch me some Meat; upon this I lower'd the top of my Sail, and lay by, and two of them run up into the Country, and in less than half an Hour came back and brought with them two Pieces of dry Flesh and some Corn, such as is the Produce of their Country, but we neither knew what the one or the other was; however we were willing to accept it, but how to come at it was our next Dispute, for I was not for venturing on Shore to them, and they were as much affraid of us; but they took a safe way for us all, for they brought it to the Shore and laid it down, and went and stood a great way off till we fetch'd it on Board, and then came close to us again. We made Signs of Thanks to them, for we had nothing to make them amends; but an Opportunity offer'd that very Instant to oblige them wonderfully, for while we were lying by the Shore, came two mighty Creatures one pursuing the other, (as we took it) with great Fury, from the Mountains towards the Sea; whether it was the Male pursuing the Female, or whether they were in Sport or in Rage, we could not tell, any more than we could tell whether it was usual or strange, but I believe it was the latter; because in the first Place, those ravenous Creatures seldom appear but in the Night; and in the second Place, we found the People terribly frighted, especially the Women. The Man that had the Lance or Dart did not fly from them, but the rest did; however as the two Creatures ran directly into the Water, they did not seem to offer to fall upon any of the Negroes, but plung'd themselves into the Sea and swam about as if they had come for their Diversion; at last one of them began to come nearer our Boat than at first I expected, but I lay ready for him, for I had loaded my Gun with all possible Expedition, and bad Xury load both the other; as soon as he came fairly within my reach, I fir'd, and shot him directly into the Head; immediately he sunk down into the Water, but rose instantly and plung'd up and down as if he was struggling for Life; and so indeed he was, he immediately made to the Shore, but between the Wound which was his mortal Hurt, and the strangling of the Water, he dyed just before he reach'd the Shore. It is impossible to express the Astonishment of these poor Creatures at the Noise and the Fire of my Gun; some of them were even ready to dye for Fear, and fell down as Dead with the very Terror. But when they saw the Creature dead and sunk in the Water, and that I made Signs to them to come to the Shore; they took Heart and came to the Shore and began to search for the Creature, I found him by his Blood staining the Water, and by the help of a Rope which I slung round him and gave the Negroes to hawl, they drag'd him on Shore, and found that it was a most curious Leopard, spotted and fine to an admirable Degree, and the Negroes held up their Hands with Admiration to think what it was I had kill'd him with. The other Creature frighted with the flash of Fire and the Noise of the Gun swam on Shore, and ran up directly to the Mountains from whence they came, nor could I at that Distance know what it was. I found quickly the Negroes were for eating the Flesh of this Creature, so I was willing to have them take it as a Favour from me, which when I made Signs to them that they might take him, they were very thankful for, immediately they fell to work with him, and tho' they had no Knife, yet with a sharpen'd Piece of Wood they took off his Skin as readily, and much more readily than we cou'd have done with a Knife; they offer'd me some of the Flesh, which I declined, making as if I would give it them, but made Signs for the Skin, which they gave me very freely, and brought me a great deal more of their Provision, which tho' I did not understand, yet I accepted; then I made Signs to them for some Water, and held out one of my Jarrs to them, turning it bottom upward, to shew that it was empty, and that I wanted to have it filled. They call'd immediately to some of their Friends, and there came two Women and brought a great Vessel made of Earth, and burnt as I suppose in the Sun; this they set down for me, as before, and I sent Xury on Shore with my Jarrs, and filled them all three: The Women were as stark Naked as the Men. I was now furnished with Roots and Corn, such as it was, and Water, and leaving my friendly Negroes, I made forward for about eleven Days more without offering to go near the Shoar, till I saw the Land run out a great Length into the Sea, at about the Distance of four or five Leagues before me, and the Sea being very calm I kept a large, offing to make this Point; at length, doubling the Point at about two Leagues from the Land, I saw plainly Land on the other Side to Seaward; then I concluded, as it was most certain indeed, that this was the Cape de Verd, and those the Islands, call'd from thence Cape de Verd Islands. However they were at a great Distance, and I could not well tell what I had best to do, for if I should be taken with a Fresh of Wind I might neither reach one or other. In this Dilemna, as I was very pensive, I stept into the Cabbin and sat me down, Xury having the Helm, when on a suddain the Boy cry'd out, Master, Master, a Ship with a Sail, and the foolish Boy was frighted out of his Wits, thinking it must needs be some of his Master's Ships sent to pursue us, when, I knew we were gotten far enough out of their reach. I jump'd out of the Cabbin, and immediately saw not only the Ship, but what she was, (viz.) that it was a Portuguese Ship, and as I thought was bound to the Coast of Guinea for Negroes. But when I observ'd the Course she steer'd, I was soon convinc'd they were bound some other way, and did not design to come any nearer to the Shoar; upon which I stretch'd out to Sea as much as I could, resolving to speak with them if possible. With all the Sail I could make, I found I should not be able to come in their Way, but that they would be gone by, before I could make any Signal to them; but after I had crowded to the utmost, and began to despair, they it seems saw me by the help of their Perspective-Glasses, and that it was some European Boat, which as they supposed must belong to some Ship that was lost, so they shortned Sail to let me come up. I was encouraged with this, and as I had my Patroon's Antient on Board, I made a Waft of it to them for a Signal of Distress, and fir'd a Gun, both which they saw, for they told me they saw the Smoke, tho' they did not hear the Gun; upon these Signals they very kindly brought too, and lay by for me, and in about three Hours time I came up with them. They ask'd me what I was, in Portuguese, and in Spanish, and in French, but I understood none of them; but at last a Scots Sailor who was on board, call'd to me, and I answer'd him, and told him I was an Englishman, that I had made my escape out of Slavery from the Moors at Sallee; then they bad me come on board, and very kindly took me in, and all my Goods. It was an inexpressible Joy to me, that any one will believe, that I was thus deliver'd, as I esteem'd it, from such a miserable and almost hopeless Condition as I was in, and I immediately offered all I had to the Captain of the Ship, as a Return for my Deliverance; but he generously told me, he would take nothing from me, but that all I had should be deliver'd safe to me when I came to the Brasils, for says he, I have sav'd your Life on no other Terms than I would be glad to be saved my self, and it may one time or other be my Lot to be taken up in the same Condition; besides, said he, when I carry you to the Brasils, so great a way from your own Country, if I should take from you what you have, you will be starved there, and then I only take away that Life I have given. No, no, Seignor Inglese, says he, Mr. Englishman, I will carry you thither in Charity, and those things will help you to buy your Subsistance there and your Passage home again. As he was Charitable in his Proposal, so he was Just in the Performance to a tittleDown to the smallest detail; to the highest degree, for he ordered the Seamen that none should offer to touch any thing I had; then he took every thing into his own Possession, and gave me back an exact Inventory of them, that I might have them, even so much as my three Earthen Jarrs. As to my Boat it was a very good one, and that he saw, and told me he would buy it of me for the Ship's use, and ask'd me what I would have for it? I told him he had been so generous to me in every thing, that I could not offer to make any Price of the Boat, but left it entirely to him, upon which he told me he would give me a Note of his Hand to pay me 80 Pieces of EightEighty Spanish dollars ("Pieces of eight" were so called because one was worth eight Spanish reales.) for it at Brasil, and when it came there, if any one offer'd to give more he would make it up; he offer'd me also 60 Pieces of Eight more for my Boy Xury, which I was loath to take, not that I was not willing to let the Captain have him, but I was very loath to sell the poor Boy's Liberty, who had assisted me so faithfully in procuring my own. However when I let him know my Reason. he own'd it to be just, and offer'd me this Medium, that he would give the Boy an Obligation to set him free in ten Years, if he turn'd Christian; upon this, and Xury saying he was willing to go to him, I let the Captain have him. We had a very good Voyage to the Brasils, and arriv'd in the Bay de Todos los Santos, or All-Saints Bay,A bay near Salvador. in about Twenty-two Days afterThis duration is actually remarkably short. Merchant vessels carrying slaves and cargo could take anywhere from four weeks to several months to travel from the Gold Coast to the Americas.. And now I was once more deliver'd from the most miserable of all Conditions of Life, and what to do next with my self I was now to consider. The generous Treatment the Captain gave me, I can never enough remember; he would take nothing of me for my Passage, gave me twenty DucatsA gold or silver trade coin, formerly current in most European countries. for the Leopard's Skin, and forty for the Lyon's Skin which I had in my Boat, and caused every thing I had in the Ship to be punctually deliver'd me, and what I was willing to sell he bought, such as the Case of Bottles, two of my Guns, and a Piece of the Lump of Bees-wax, for I had made Candles of the rest; in a word, I made about 220 Pieces of Eight of all my Cargo, and with this Stock I went on Shoar in the Brasilo. I had not been long here, but being recommended to the House of a good honest Man like himself, who had an Ingeino as they call it; that is, a Plantation and a Sugar-HousePortugal colonized Brazil in the late sixteenth century and instituted the lucrative sugar plantation system, which relied on African and Native American slave labor. In the seventeenth century, Brazil was the world's leading exporter of sugar.. I lived with him some time, and acquainted my self by that means with the Manner of their planting and making of Sugar; and seeing how well the Planters liv'd, and how they grew rich suddenly, I resolv'd, if I could get Licence to settle there, I would turn Planter among them, resolving in the mean time to find out some Way to get my Money which I had left in London remitted to me. To this Purpose getting a kind of a Letter of Naturalization, I purchased as much Land that was Uncur'd, as my Money would reach, and form'd a Plan for my Plantation and Settlement, and such a one as might be suitable to the Stock which I proposed to my self to receive from England. I had a Neighbour, a Portugueze of Lisbon, but born of English Parents, whose Name was Wells, and in much such Circumstances as I was. I call him my Neighbour, because his Plantation lay next to mine, and we went on very sociably together. My Stock was but low as well as his; and we rather planted for Food than any thing else, for about two Years. However, we began to increase, and our Land began to come into Order; so that the third Year we planted some Tobacco, and made each of us a large Piece of Ground ready for planting Canes in the Year to come; but we both wanted Help, and now I found more than before, I had done wrong in parting with my Boy Xury. But alas! for me to do wrong that never did right, was no great Wonder: I had no Remedy but to go on; I was gotten into an Employment quite remote to my Genius, and directly contrary to the Life I delighted in, and for which I forsook my Father's House, and broke thro' all his good Advice; nay, I was coming into the very Middle Station, or upper Degree of low Life, which my Father advised me to before; and which if I resolved to go on with, I might as well ha' staid at Home, and never have fatigu'd my self in the World as I had done; and I used often to say to my self, I could ha' done this as well in England among my Friends, as ha' gone 5000 Miles off to do it among Strangers and Salvages in a Wilderness, and at such a Distance, as never to hear from any Part of the World that had the least Knowledge of me. In this manner I used to look upon my Condition with the utmost Regret. I had no body to converse with but now and then this Neighbour; no Work to be done, but by the Labour of my Hands; and I used to say, I liv'd just like a Man cast away upon some desolate Island, that had no body there but himself. But how just has it been, and how should all Men reflect, that when they compare their present Conditions with others that are worse, Heaven may oblige them to make the Exchange, and be convinc'd of their former Felicity by their Experience: I say, how just has it been, that the truly solitary Life I reflected on in an Island of meer Desolation should be my Lot, who had so often unjustly compar'd it with the Life which I then led, in which had I continued, I had in all Probability been exceeding prosperous and rich. I was in some Degree settled in my Measures for carrying on the Plantation, before my kind Friend the Captain of the Ship that took me up at Sea, went back; for the Ship remained there in providing his Loading, and preparing for his Voyage, near three Months, when telling him what little Stock I had left behind me in London, he gave me this friendly and sincere Advice, Seignior Inglese says he; for so he always called me, if you will give me Letters, and a Procuration here in Form to me, with Orders to the Person who has your Money in London, to send your Effects to Lisbon, to such Persons as I shall direct, and in such Goods as are proper for this Country, I will bring you the Produce of them, God willing, at my Return; but since human Affairs are all subject to Changes and Disasters, I would have you give Orders but for One Hundred Pounds Sterl.British pounds are also referred to as pounds sterling which you say is Half your Stock, and let the Hazard be run for the first; so that if it come safe, you may order the rest the same Way; and if it miscarry, you may have the other Half to have Recourse to for your Supply. This was so wholesom Advice, and look'd so friendly, that I could not but be convinc'd it was the best Course I could take; so I accordingly prepared Letters to the Gentlewoman with whom I had left my Money, and a Procuration to the Portuguese Captain, as he desired. I wrote the English Captain's Widow a full Account of all my Adventures, my Slavery, Escape, and how I had met with the Portugal Captain at Sea, the Humanity of his Behaviour, and in what Condition I was now in, with all other necessary Directions for my Supply; and when this honest Captain came to Lisbon, he found means by some of the English Merchants there, to send over not the Order only, but a full Account of my Story to a Merchant at London, who represented it effectually to her; whereupon, she not only delivered the Money, but out of her own Pocket sent the Portugal Captain a very handsom Present for his Humanity and Charity to me. The Merchant in London vesting this Hundred Pounds in English Goods, such as the Captain had writ for, sent them directly to him at Lisbon, and he brought them all safe to me to the Brasils, among which, without my Direction (for I was too young in my Business to think of them) he had taken Care to have all Sorts of Tools, Iron-Work, and Utensils necessary for my Plantation, and which were of great Use to me. When this Cargo arrived, I thought my Fortunes made, for I was surprised with the Joy of it; and my good Steward the Captain had laid out the Five Pounds which my Friend had sent him for a Present for himself, to purchase, and bring me over a Servant under Bond for six Years Service, and would not accept of any Consideration, except a little Tobacco, which I would have him accept, being of my own Produce. Neither was this all; but my Goods being all English Manufactures, such as Cloath, Stuffs, Bays, and things particularly valuable and desirable in the Country, I found means to sell them to a very great Advantage; so that I might say, I had more than four times the Value of my first Cargo, and was now infinitely beyond my poor Neighbour, I mean in the Advancement of my Plantation; for the first thing I did, I bought me a Negro Slave, and an European Servant also; I mean another besides that which the Captain brought me from Lisbon. But as abus'd Prosperity is oftentimes made the very Means of our greatest Adversity, so was it with me. I went on the next Year with great Success in my Plantation: I raised fifty great Rolls of Tobacco on my own Ground, more than I had disposed of for Necessaries among my Neighbours; and these fifty Rolls being each of above a 100 Wt.A hundredweight, also known as a centum weight or quintal, equal to eight stone, or about 112 lb according to the imperial system. (The American hundredweight, by contrast, equals 100 lb.) were well cur'd and laid by against the Return of the Fleet from Lisbon: and now increasing in Business and in Wealth, my Head began to be full of Projects and Undertakings beyond my Reach; such as are indeed often the Ruine of the best Heads in Business. Had I continued in the Station I was now in, I had room for all the happy things to have yet befallen me, for which my Father so earnestly recommended a quiet retired Life, and of which he had so sensibly describ'd the middle Station of Life to be full of; but other things attended me, and I was still to be the wilful Agent of all my own Miseries; and particularly to encrease my Fault and double the Reflections upon my self, which in my future Sorrows I should have leisure to make; all these Miscarriages were procured by my apparent obstinate adhering to my foolish inclination of wandring abroad and pursuing that Inclination, in contradiction to the clearest Views of doing my self good in a fair and plain pursuit of those Prospects and those measures of Life, which Nature and Providence concurred to present me with, and to make my Duty. As I had once done thus in my breaking away from my Parents, so I could not be content now, but I must go and leave the happy View I had of being a rich and thriving Man in my new Plantation, only to pursue a rash and immoderate Desire of rising faster than the Nature of the Thing admitted; and thus I cast my self down again into the deepest Gulph of human Misery that ever Man fell into, or perhaps could be consistent with Life and a State Health of in the World. To come then by the just Degrees, to the Particulars of this Part of my Story; you may suppose, that having now lived almost four Years in the Brasilo, and beginning to thrive and prosper very well upon my Plantation; I had not only learn'd the Language, but had contracted Acquaintance and Friendship among my Fellow-Planters, as well as among the Merchants at St. Salvadore, which was our Port; and that in my Discourses among them, I had frequently given them an Account of my two Voyages to the Coast of Guinea, the manner of Trading with the Negroes there, and how easy it was to purchase upon the Coast, for Trifles, such as Beads, Toys, Knives, Scissars, Hatchets, bits of Glass, and the like; not only Gold Dust, Guinea Grains, Elephants Teeth, &c. but Negroes for the Service of the Brasils, in great Numbers. They listened always very attentively to my Discourses on these Heads, but especially to that Part which related to the buying Negroes, which was a Trade at that time not only not far entred into, but as far as it was, had been carried on by the Assiento'sThe asiento was the contract to provide slaves to the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in the Americas. At the time of the publication of Robinson Crusoe, the contract was held by Great Britain, which could not exercise it in 1718 and 1719 due to the outbreak of war with Spain. The language here makes it seem as though African slaves were rare in Brazil, but in reality, the sugar and tobacco plantations of colonial Brazil were heavily dependent on slave labor and the trans-Atlantic slave trade. In 1888, Brazil became the last country in the Western world to abolish slavery., or Permission of the Kings of Spain and Portugal, and engross'd in the Publick, so that few Negroes were brought, and those excessive dear. It happen'd, being in Company with some Merchants and Planters of my Acquaintance, and talking of those things very earnestly, three of them came to me the next Morning, and told me they had been musing very much upon what I had discoursed with them of, the last Night, and they came to make a secret Proposal to me; and after enjoining me Secrecy, they told me, that they had a mind to fit out a Ship to go to Guinea,A country south of Guinea-Bissau and north of Sierra Leone, along the west coast of Africa that they had all Plantations as well as I, and were straiten'd forLacking nothing so much as Servants; that as it was a Trade that could not be carried on, because they could not publickly sell the NegroesBecause the sales were not authorized by the Spanish or Portuguese crowns under the terms of the asiento. when they came home, so they desired to make but one Voyage, to bring the Negroes on Shoar privately, and divide them among their own Plantations; and in a Word, the Question was, whether I would go their Super-Cargo in the Ship to manage the Trading Part upon the Coast of Guinea? And they offer'd me that I should have my equal Share of the Negroes without providing any Part of the Stock. This was a fair Proposal it must be confess'd, had it been made to any one that had not had a Settlement and Plantation of his own to look after, which was in a fair way of coming to be very Considerable, and with a good Stock upon it. But for me that was thus entered and established, and had nothing to do but go on as I had begun for three or four Years more, and to have sent for the other hundred Pound from England, and who in that time, and with that little Addition, could scarce ha' fail'd of being worth three or four thousand Pounds Sterling, and that encreasing too; for me to think of such a Voyage, was the most prepostorous Thing that ever Man in such Circumstances could be guilty of. But I that was born to be my own Destroyer, could no more resist the Offer than I could restrain my first rambling Designs, when my Father's good Counsel was lost upon me. In a word, I told them I would go with all my Heart, if they would undertake to look after my Plantation in my Absence, and would dispose of it to such as I should direct if I miscarry'd. This they all engag'd to do, and entred into Writings or Covenants to do so; and I made a formal Will, disposing of my Plantation and Effects, in Case of my Death, making the Captain of the Ship that had sav'd my Life as before, my universal Heir, but obliging him to dispose of my Effects as I had directed in my Will, one half of the Produce being to himself, and the other to be ship'd to England. In short, I took all possible Caution to preserve my Effects, and keep up my Plantation; had I used half as much Prudence to have look'd into my own Intrest, and have made a Judgment of what I ought to have done, and not to have done, I had certainly never gone away from so prosperous an Undertaking, leaving all the probable Views of a thriving Circumstance, and gone upon a Voyage to Sea, attended with all its common Hazards; to say nothing of the Reasons I had to expect particular Misfortunes to my self. But I was hurried on, and obey'd blindly the Dictates of my Fancy rather than my Reason; and accordingly the Ship being fitted out, and the Cargo furnished, and all things done as by Agreement, by my Partners in the Voyage. I went on Board in an evil Hour, the _____ th of _____ , being the same Day eight Year that I went from my Father and Mother at Hull, in order to act the Rebel to their Authority, and the Fool to my own Interest. Our Ship was about 120 Tun Burthen, carried 6 Guns, and 14 Men, besides the Master, his Boy, and my self; we had on board no large Cargo of Goods, except of such Toys as were fit for our Trade with the Negroes, such as Beads, bits of Glass, Shells, and odd Trifles, especially little Looking-Glasses, Knives, Scissars, Hatchets, and the like. The same Day I went on board we set sail, standing away to the Northward upon our own Coast, with Design to stretch over for the Affrican Coast, when they came about 10 or 12 Degrees of Northern Latitude, which it seems was the manner of their Course in those Days. We had very good Weather, only excessive hot, all the way upon our own Coast, till we came the Height of Cape St. Augustino, from whence keeping farther off at Sea we lost Sight of Land, and steer'd as if we was bound for the Isle Fernand de NoronhaAn archipelago off the coast of Brazil, northwest of Cape St. Augustine holding our Course N.E. by N. and leaving those Isles on the East; in this Course we past the Line in about 12 Days time, and were by our last Observation in 7 Degrees 22 Min.The degree, the primary unit if latitude, can be subdivided twice into smaller units: each degree consists of 60 minutes, and each minute of 60 seconds. Northern Latitude, when a violent Tournado or Hurricane took us quite out of our Knowledge; it began from the South-East, came about to the North-West, and then settled into the North-East, from whence it blew in such a terrible manner, that for twelve Days together we could do nothing but drive, and scudding away before it, let it carry us whither ever Fate and the Fury of the Winds directed; and during these twelve Days, I need not say, that I expected every Day to be swallowed up, nor indeed did any in the Ship expect to save their Lives. In this Distress, we had besides the Terror of the Storm, one of our Men dyed of the CalentureFeverish delirium prevalent in the tropics., and one Man and the Boy wash'd over board; about the 12th Day the Weather abating a little, the Master made an Observation as well as he could, and found that he was in about 11 Degrees North Latitude, but that he was 22 Degrees of Longitude difference West from Cape St. Augustino; so that he found he was gotten upon the Coast of Guinea, or the North Part of Brasil, The language here can be misleading. Crusoe is not referring to Guinea, on the west coast of Africa, but to the Guianas, a region of South America north of Brazil. beyond the River Amozones, toward that of the River Oronoque, commonly call'd the Great River,The Amazon River extends from Peru through Brazil, and the Orinoco River from Venezuela to Colombia. These details help the reader to estimate the location of the island on which Crusoe is marooned. and began to consult with me what Course he should take, for the Ship was leaky and very much disabled, and he was going directly back to the Coast of Brasil. I was positively against that, and looking over the Charts of the Sea-Coast of America with him, we concluded there was no inhabited Country for us to have recourse to, till we came within the Circle of the Carrible-Islands,Caribbean Islands and therefore resolved to stand away for Barbadoes, which by keeping off at Sea, to avoid the Indraft of the Bay or Gulph of Mexico, we might easily perform, as we hoped, in about fifteen Days Sail; whereas we could not possibly make our Voyage to the Coast of Affrica without some Assistance, both to our Ship and to our selves. With this Design we chang'd our Course and steer'd away N. W. by W. in order to reach some of our English Islands, where I hoped for Relief; but our Voyage was otherwise determined, for being in the Latitude of 12 Deg. 18 Min. a second Storm came upon us, which carry'd us away with the same Impetuosity Westward, and drove us so out of the very Way of all humane Commerce, that had all our Lives been saved, as to the Sea, we were rather in Danger of being devoured by Savages than ever returning to our own Country. In this Distress, the Wind still blowing very hard, one of our Men early in the Morning, cry'd out, Land; and we had no sooner run out of the Cabbin to look out in hopes of seeing where abouts in the World we were; but the Ship struck upon a Sand, and in a moment her Motion being so stopp'd, the Sea broke over her in such a manner, that we expected we should all have perish'd immediately, and we were immediately driven into our close Quarters to shelter us from the very Foam and Sprye of the Sea. It is not easy for any one, who has not been in the like Condition, to describe or conceive the Consternation of Men in such Circumstances; we knew nothing where we were, or upon what Land it was we were driven, whether an Island or the Main, whether inhabited or not inhabited; and as the Rage of the Wind was still great, tho' rather less than at first, we could not so much as hope to have the Ship hold many Minutes without breaking in Pieces, unless the Winds by a kind of Miracle should turn immediately about. In a word, we sat looking upon one another, and expecting Death every Moment, and every Man acting accordingly, as preparing for another World, for there was little or nothing more for us to do in this; that which was our present Comfort, and all the Comfort we had, was, that contrary to our Expectation the Ship did not break yet, and that the Master said the Wind began to abate. Now tho' we thought that the Wind did a little abate, yet the Ship having thus struck upon the Sand, and sticking too fast for us to expect her getting off, we were in a dreadful Condition indeed, and had nothing to do but to think of saving our Lives as well as we could; we had a Boat at our Stern just before the Storm, but she was first stav'dThe hull probably bashed in by dashing against the Ship's Rudder, and in the next Place she broke away, and either sunk or was driven off to Sea, so there was no hope from her; we had another Boat on board, but how to get her off into the Sea, was a doubtful thing; however there was no room to debate, for we fancy'd the Ship would break in Pieces every Minute, and some told us she was actually broken already. In this Distress the Mate of our Vessel lays hold of the Boat, and with the help of the rest of the Men, they got her slung over the Ship's-side, and getting all into her, let go, and committed our selves being Eleven in Number, to God's Mercy, and the wild Sea; for tho' the Storm was abated considerably, yet the Sea went dreadful high upon the Shore, and might well be call'd, Den wild Zee,"the wild sea" as the Dutch call the Sea in a Storm. And now our Case was very dismal indeed; for we all saw plainly, that the Sea went so high, that the Boat could not live, and that we should be inevitably drowned. As to making Sail, we had none, nor, if we had, could we ha' done any thing with it; so we work'd at the Oar towards the Land, tho' with heavy Hearts, like Men going to Execution; for we all knew, that when the Boat came nearer the Shore, she would be dash'd in a Thousand Pieces by the Breach of the Sea. However, we committed our Souls to God in the most earnest Manner, and the Wind driving us towards the Shore, we hasten'd our Destruction with our own Hands, pulling as well as we could towards Land. What the Shore was, whether Rock or Sand, whether Steep or Shoal, we knew not; the only Hope that could rationally give us the least Shadow of Expectation, was, if we might happen into some Bay or Gulph, or the Mouth of some River, where by great Chance we might have run our Boat in, or got under the Lee of the LandIn such a position that the land intercepts the wind, so that it does not buffet the boat. , and perhaps made smooth Water. But there was nothing of this appeared; but as we made nearer and nearer the Shore, the Land look'd more frightful than the Sea. After we had row'd, or rather driven about a League and a HalfApproximately three and a half miles, as we reckon'd it, a raging Wave, Mountain-like, came rowling a-sternTowards the rear of the boat of us, and plainly bad us expect the Coup de Grace.Death blow In a word, it took us with such a Fury, that it overset the Boat at once; and separating us as well from the Boat, as from one another, gave us not time hardly to say, O God! for we were all swallowed up in a Moment. Nothing can describe the Counfusion of Thought which I felt when I sunk into the Water; for tho' I swam very well, yet I could not deliver my self from the Waves so as to draw Breath, till that Wave having driven me, or rather carried me a vast Way on towards the Shore, and having spent it self, went back, and left me upon the Land almost dry, but half-dead with the Water I took in. I had so much Presence of Mind as well as Breath left, that seeing my self nearer the main Land than I expected, I got upon my Feet, and endeavoured to make on towards the Land as fast as I could, before another Wave should return, and take me up again. But I soon found it was impossible to avoid it; for I saw the Sea come after me as high as a great Hill, and as furious as an Enemy which I had no Means or Strength to contend with; my Business was to hold my Breath, and raise my self upon the Water, if I could; and so by swimming to preserve my Breathing, and Pilot my self towards the Shore, if possible; my greatest Concern now being, that the Sea, as it would carry me a great Way towards the Shore when it came on, might not carry me back again with it when it gave back towards the Sea. The Wave that came upon me again, buried me at once 20 or 30 Foot deep in its own Body; and I could feel my self carried with a mighty Force and Swiftness towards the Shore a very great Way; but I held my Breath, and assisted my self to swim still forward with all my Might. I was ready to burst with holding my Breath, when, as I felt my self rising up, so to my immediate Relief, I found my Head and Hands shoot out above the Surface of the Water; and tho' it was not two Seconds of Time that I could keep my self so, yet it reliev'd me greatly, gave me Breath and new Courage. I was covered again with Water a good while, but not so long but I held it out; and finding the Water had spent it self, and began to return, I strook forward against the Return of the Waves, and felt Ground again with my Feet. I stood still a few Moments to recover Breath, and till the Water went from me, and then took to my Heels, and run with what Strength I had farther towards the Shore. But neither would this deliver me from the Fury of the Sea, which came pouring in after me again, and twice more I was lifted up by the Waves, and carried forwards as before, the Shore being very flat. The last Time of these two had well near been fatal to me; for the Sea having hurried me along as before, landed me, or rather dash'd me against a Piece of a Rock, and that with such Force, as it left me senseless, and indeed helpless, as to my own Deliverance; for the Blow taking my Side and Breast, beat the Breath as it were quite out of my Body; and had it returned again immediately, I must have been strangled in the Water; but I recover'd a little before the return of the Waves, and seeing I should be cover'd again with the Water, I resolv'd to hold fast by a Piece of the Rock, and so to hold my Breath, if possible, till the Wave went back; now as the Waves were not so high as at first, being nearer Land, I held my Hold till the Wave abated, and then fetch'd another Run, which brought me so near the Shore, that the next Wave, tho' it went over me, yet did not so swallow me up as to carry me away, and the next run I took, I got to the main Land, where, to my great Comfort, I clamber'd up the Clifts of the Shore, and sat me down upon the Grass, free from Danger, and quite out of the Reach of the Water. I was now landed, and safe on Shore, and began to look up and thank God that my Life was sav'd in a Case wherein there was some Minutes before scarce any room to hope. I believe it is impossible to express to the Life what the Extasies and Transports of the Soul are, when it is so sav'd, as I may say, out of the very Grave; and I do not wonder now at that Custom, viz. That when a Malefactor who has the Halter about his Neck, is tyed up, and just going to be turn'd off, and has a Reprieve brought to him: I say, I do not wonder that they bring a Surgeon with it, to let him Blood that very Moment they tell him of it, that the Surprise may not drive the Animal Spirits from the Heart, and overwhelm him: Crusoe compares himself to a criminal condemned to be hanged, who receives a last-minute pardon or reduced sentence. Bleeding was thought to release adverse humors from the body, in this case those produced by the shock of the lightened sentence. For sudden Joys, like Griefs, confound at first. I walk'd about on the Shore, lifting up my Hands, and my whole Being, as I may say, wrapt up in the Contemplation of my Deliverance, making a ThouSelected Text from Robinson CrusoeThus in two Years Time I had a thick Grove and in five or six Years Time I had a Wood before my Dwelling, growing so monstrous thick and strong, that it was indeed perfectly impassable; and no Men of what kind soever, would ever imagine that there was any Thing beyond it, much less a Habitation: As for the Way which I propos'd to my self to go in and out, for I left no Avenue; it was by setting two Ladders, one to a Part of the Rock which was low, and then broke in, and left room to place another Ladder upon that; so when the two Ladders were taken down, no Man living could come down to me without mischieving himself; and if they had come down, they were still on the Out-side of my outer Wall.Selected Text from Robinson CrusoeI had now had enough of rambling to Sea for some time, and had enough to do for many Days to sit still, and reflect upon the Danger I had been in: I would have been very glad to have had my Boat again on my Side of the Island; but I knew not how it was practicable to get it about as to the East Side of the Island, which I had gone round; I knew well enough there was no venturing that Way; my very heart would shrink, and my very Blood run chill but to think of it: And as to the other Side of the Island, I did not know how it might be there; but supposing the Current ran with the same Force against the Shore at the East as it pass'd by it on the other, I might run the same Risk of being driven down the Stream, and carry'd by the Island, as I had been before, of being carry'd away from it; so with these Thoughts I contented my self to be without any Boat, though it had been the Product of so many Months Labour to make it, and of so many more to get it unto the Sea. In this Government of my Temper, I remain'd near a Year, liv'd a very sedate retir'd Life, as you may well suppose; and my Thoughts being very much composed as to my Condition, and fully comforted in resigning my self to the Dispositions of Providence, I thought I liv'd really very happily in all things, except that of Society. I improv'd my self in this time in all the mechanick Exercises which my Necessities put me upon applying my self to, and I believe cou'd, upon Occasion, make a very good Carpenter, especially considering how few Tools I had. Besides this, I arriv'd at an unexpected Perfection in my Earthen Ware, and contriv'd well enough to make them with a Wheel, which I found infinitely easyer and better; because I made things round and shapable, which before were filthy things indeed to look on. But I think I was never more vain of my own Performance, or more joyful for any thing I found out, than for my being able to make a Tobacco-Pipe. And tho' it was a very ugly clumsy thing, when it was done, and only burnt red like other Earthen Ware, yet as it was hard and firm, and would draw the Smoke, I was exceedingly comforted with it, for I had been always used to smoke, and there were Pipes in the Ship, but I forgot them at first, not knowing that there was Tobacco in the Island; and afterwards, when I search'd the Ship again, I could not come at any Pipes at all. In my Wicker Ware also I improved much, and made abundance of necessary Baskets, as well as my Invention shew'd me, tho' not very handsome, yet they were such as were very handy and convenient for my laying things up in, or fetching things home in. For Example, if I kill'd a Goat abroad, I could hang it up in a Tree, flea it, and dress it, and cut it in Pieces, and bring it home in a Basket, and the like by a Turtle, I could cut it up, take out the Eggs, and a Piece or two of the Flesh, which was enough for me, and bring them home in a Basket, and leave the rest behind me. Also large deep Baskets were my Receivers for my Corn, which I always rubb'd out as soon as it was dry, and cured, and kept it in great Baskets. I began now to perceive my Powder abated considerably, and this was a Want which it was impossible for me to supply, and I began seriously to consider what I must do when I should have no more Powder; that is to say, how I should do to kill any Goat, I had, as is observ'd in the third Year of my being here, kept a young Kid, and bred her up tame, and I was in hope of getting a He-Goat, but I could not by any Means bring it to pass, 'till my Kid grew an old Goat; and I could never find in my Heart to kill her, till she dy'd at last of meer Age. But being now in the eleventh Year of my Residence, and, as I have said, my Ammunition growing low, I set my self to study some Art to trap and snare the Goats, to see whether I could not catch some of them alive, and particularly I wanted a She-Goat great with young. To this Purpose I made Snares to hamper them, and I do believe they were more than once taken in them, but my Tackle was not good, for I had no Wire, and I always found them broken, and my Bait devoured. At length I resolv'd to try a Pit-fall, so I dug several large Pits in the Earth, in Places where I had observ'd the Goats used to feed, and over these Pits I plac'd Hurdles of my own making too, with a great Weight upon them; and several times I put Ears of Barley, and dry Rice, without setting the Trap, and I could easily perceive that the Goats had gone in and eaten up the Corn, for I could see the Mark of their Feet. At length I set three Traps in one Night, and going the next Morning I found them all standing, and yet the Bait eaten and gone: This was very discouraging. However, I alter'd my Trap, and, not to trouble you with Particulars, going one Morning to see my Trap, I found in one of them a large old He-Goat, and in one of the other, three Kids, a Male and two Females. As to the old one, I knew not what to do with him, he was so fierce I durst not go into the Pit to him; that is to say, to go about to bring him away alive, which was what I wanted. I could have kill'd him, but that was not my Business, nor would it answer my End. So I e'en let him out, and he ran away as if he had been frighted out of his Wits: But I had forgot then what I learn'd afterwards, that Hunger will tame a Lyon. If I had let him stay there three or four Days without Food, and then have carry'd him some Water to drink, and then a little Corn, he would have been as tame as one of the Kids, for they are mighty sagacious tractable Creatures where they are well used. However, for the present I let him go, knowing no better at that time; then I went to the three Kids, and taking them one by one, I tyed them with Strings together, and with some Difficulty brought them all home. It was a good while before they wou'd feed, but throwing them some sweet Corn, it tempted them and they began to be tame; and now I found that if I expected to supply my self with Goat-Flesh when I had no Powder or Shot left, breeding some up tame was my only way, when perhaps I might have them about my House like a Flock of Sheep. But then it presently occurr'd to me, that I must keep the tame from the wild, or else they would always run wild when they grew up, and the only Way for this was to have some enclosed Piece of Ground, well fenc'd either with Hedge or Pale, to keep them in so effectually, that those within might not break out, or those without break in. This was a great Undertaking for one Pair of Hands, yet as I saw there was an absolute Necessity of doing it, my first Piece of Work was to find out a proper Piece of Ground, viz. where there was likely to be Herbage for them to eat, Water for them to drink, and Cover to keep them from the Sun. Those who understand such Enclosures will think I had very little ContrivanceForesight; planning or ingenuity, when I pitch'd upon a Place very proper for all these, being a plain open Piece of Meadow-Land, or Savanna, (as our People call it in the Western Collonies,) which had two or three little DrillsSmall streams or rills of fresh Water in it, and at one end was very woody. I say they will smile at my ForecastCrusoe's comical failure to anticipate that, the larger his enclosure is, the harder it will be to catch the goats inside, when I shall tell them I began my enclosing of this Piece of Ground in such a manner, that my Hedge or Pale must have been at least two Mile about. Nor was the Madness of it so great as to the Compass, for if it was ten Mile about I was like to have time enough to do it in. But I did not consider that my Goats would be as wild in so much Compass as if they had had the whole Island, and I should have so much Room to chace them in, that I should never catch them. My Hedge was begun and carry'd on, I believe, about fifty Yards, when this Thought occurr'd to me, so I presently stopt short, and for the first beginning I resolv'd to enclose a Piece of about 150 Yards in length, and 100 Yards in breadth, which as it would maintain as many as I should have in any reasonable time, so as my Flock encreased, I could add more Ground to my Enclosure. This was acting with some Prudence, and I went to work with Courage. I was about three Months hedging in the first Piece, and till I had done it I tether'd the three Kids in the best part of it, and us'd them to feed as near me as possible to make them familiar; and very often I would go and carry them some Ears of Barley, or a handful of Rice, and feed them out of my Hand; so that after my Enclosure was finished, and I let them loose, they would follow me up and down, bleating after me for a handful of Corn. This answer'd my End, and in about a Year and half I had a Flock of about twelve Goats, Kids and all; and in two Years more I had three and forty, besides several that I took and kill'd for my Food. And after that I enclosed five several Pieces of Ground to feed them in, with little Pens to drive them into, to take them as I wanted, and Gates out of one Piece of Ground into another. But this was not all, for now I not only had Goats Flesh to feed on when I pleas'd, but Milk too, a thing which indeed in my beginning I did not so much as think of, and which, when it came into my Thoughts, was really an agreeable Surprize. For now I set up my Dairy, and had sometimes a Gallon or two of Milk in a Day, And as Nature, who gives Supplies of Food to every Creature, dictates even naturally how to make use of it; so I that had never milk'd a Cow, much less a Goat, or seen Butter or Cheese made, very readily and handily, tho' after a great many Essays and Miscarriages, made me both Butter and Cheese at last, and never wanted it afterwards. How mercifully can our great Creator treat his Creatures, even in those Conditions in which they seem'd to be overwhelm'd in Destruction. How can he sweeten the bitterest Providences, and give us Cause to praise him for Dungeons and Prisons. What a Table was here spread for me in a Wilderness"Yea, they spake against God; they said, Can God furnish a table in the wilderness?" (Psalm 78:19), where I saw nothing at first but to perish for Hunger. It would have made a Stoick smile to have seen, me and my little Family sit down to Dinner; there was my Majesty the Prince and Lord of the whole Island; I had the Lives of all my Subjects at my absolute Command. I could hang, draw, give Liberty, and take it away, and no Rebels among all my Sublects. Then to see how like a King I din'd too all alone, attended by my Servants, Poll, as if he had been my Favourite, was the only Person permitted to talk to me. My Dog who was now grown very old and crazyFeeble, and had found no Species to multiply his Kind upon, sat always at my Right Hand, and two Cats, one on one Side the Table, and one on the other, expecting now and then a Bit from my Hand, as a Mark of special Favour. But these were not the two Cats which I brought on Shore at first, for they were both of them dead, and had been interr'd near my Habitation by my own Hand; but one of them having multiply'd by I know not what Kind of Creature, these were two which I had preserv'd tame, whereas the rest run wild in the Woods, and became indeed troublesom to me at last; for they would often come into my House, and plunder me too, till at last I was obliged to shoot them, and did kill a great many; at length they left me with this Attendance, and in this plentiful Manner I lived; neither could I be said to want any thing but Society, and of that in some time after this, I was like to have too much. I was something impatient, as I have observ'd, to have the Use of my Boat; though very loath to run any more Hazards; and therefore sometimes I sat contriving Ways to get her about the Island, and at other Times I sat my self down contented enough without her. But I had a strange Uneasiness in my Mind to go down to the Point of the Island, where, as I have said, in my last Ramble, I went up the Hill to see how the Shore lay, and how the Current set, that I might see what I had to do: This Inclination encreas'd upon me every Day, and at length I resolv'd to travel thither by Land, following the Edge of the Shore, I did so: But had any one in England been to meet such a Man as I was, it must either have frighted them, or rais'd a great deal of Laughter; and as I frequently stood still to look at my self, I could not but smile at the Notion of my travelling through Yorkshire with such an Equipage, and in such a Dress: Be pleas'd to take a Scetch of my Figure as follows, I had a great high shapeless Cap, made of a Goat's Skin, with a Flap hanging down behind, as well to keep the Sun from me, as to shoot the Rain off from running into my Neck; nothing being so hurtful in these Climates, as the Rain upon the Flesh under the Cloaths. I had a short Jacket of Goat-Skin, the Skirts coming down to about the middle of my Thighs; and a Pair of open-knee'd Breeches of the same, the Breeches were made of the Skin of an old He-goat, whose Hair hung down such a Length on either Side, that like PantaloonsBreeches or trousers it reach'd to the middle of my Legs; Stockings and Shoes I had none, but had made me a Pair of some-things, I scarce know what to call them, like BuskinsCalf-high or knee-high boots to flap over my Legs, and lace on either Side like Spatter-dashesLong gaiters or leggings of leather, to keep boots and trousers from being spattered with mud; but of a most barbarous Shape, as indeed were all the rest of my Cloaths. I had on a broad Belt of Goat's-Skin dry'd, which I drew together with two ThongsCords of the same, instead of Buckles, and in a kind of a FrogA loop attached to a belt, designed to hold a sword or bayonet on either Side of this. Instead of a Sword and a Dagger, hung a little Saw and a Hatchet, one on one Side, one on the other. I had another Belt not so broad, and fasten'd in the same Manner, which hung over my Shoulder; and at the End of it, under my left Arm, hung two Pouches, both made of Goat's-Skin too; in one of which hung my Powder, in the other my Shot: At my Back I carry'd my Basket, on my Shoulder my Gun, and over my Head a great clumsy ugly Goat-Skin Umbrella, but which, after all, was the most necessary Thing I had about me, next to my Gun: As for my Face, the Colour of it was really not so Moletta,A variation of the word "mulatto," here used to refer to brown skin like as one might expect from a Man not at all careful of it, and living within nineteen Degrees of the Equinox. My Beard I had once suffer'd to grow till it was about a Quarter of a Yard long; but as I had both Scissars and Razors sufficient, I had cut it pretty short, except what grew on my upper Lip, which I had trimm'd into a large Pair of Mahometan Whiskers A long moustache, such as a Muslim man might have worn, such as I had seen worn by some Turks, who I saw at Sallee; for the Moors did not wear such, tho' the Turks did; of these MuschatoesMustachios or Whiskers, I will not say they were long enough to hang my Hat upon them; but they were of a Length and Shape monstrous enough, and such as in England would have pass'd for frightful. But all this is by the by; for as to my Figure, I had so few to observe me, that it was of no manner of Consequence; so I say no more to that Part. In this kind of Figure I went my new Journey, and was out five or six Days. I travell'd first along the Sea Shore, directly to the Place where I first brought my Boat to an Anchor, to get up upon the Rocks; and having no Boat now to take care of, I went over the Land a nearer Way to the same Height that I was upon before, when looking forward to the Point of the Rocks which lay out, and which I was oblig'd to double with my Boat, as is said above: I was surpriz'd to see the Sea all smooth and quiet, no Ripling, no Motion, no Current, any more there than in other Places. I was at a strange Loss to understand this, and resolv'd to spend some Time in the observing it, to see if nothing from the Sets of the Tide had occasion'd it; but I was presently convinc'd how it was, viz. That the Tide of Ebb setting from the West, and joyning with the Current of Waters from some great River on the Shore, must be the Occasion of this Current; and that according as the Wind blew more forcibly from the West, or from the North, this Current came nearer, or went farther from the Shore; for waiting thereabouts till Evening, I went up to the Rock again, and then the Tide of Ebb being made, I plainly saw the Current again as before, only, that it run farther of, being near half a League from the Shore; whereas in my Case, it set close upon the Shore, and hurry'd me and my Canoe along with it, which at another Time it would not have done. This Observation convinc'd me, That I had nothing to do but to observe the Ebbing and the Flowing of the Tide, and I might very easily bring my Boat about the Island again: But when I began to think of putting it in Practice, I had such a Terror upon my Spirits at the Remembrance of the Danger I had been in, that I could not think of it again with any Patience; but on the contrary, I took up another Resolution which was more safe, though more laborious; and this was, That I would build, or rather make me another Periagau or Canoe; and so have one for one Side of the Island, and one for the other. You are to understand, that now I had, as I may call it, two Plantations in the Island; one my little Fortification or Tent, with the Wall about it under the Rock, with the Cave behind me, which by this Time I had enlarg'd into several Apartments, or Caves, one within another. One of these, which was the dryest, and largest, and had a Door out beyond my Wall or Fortification; that is to say, beyond where my Wall joyn'd to the Rock, was all fill'd up with the large Earthen Pots, of which I have given an Account, and with fourteen or fifteen great Baskets, which would hold five or six Bushels each, where I laid up my Stores of Provision, especially my Corn, some in the Ear cut off short from the Straw, and the other rubb'd out with my Hand. As for my Wall made, as before, with long Stakes or Piles, those Piles grew all like Trees, and were by this Time grown so big, and spread so very much, that there was not the least Appearance to any one's View of any Habitation behind them. Near this Dwelling of mine, but a little farther within the Land, and upon lower Ground, lay my two Pieces of Corn-Ground, which I kept duly cultivated and sow'd, and which duly yielded me their Harvest in its Season; and whenever I had occasion for more Corn, I had more Land adjoyning as fit as that. Besides this, I had my Country Seat, and I had now a tollerable Plantation there also; for first, I had my little Bower, as I call'd it, which I kept in Repair; that is to say, I kept the Hedge which circled it in, constantly fitted up to its usual Height, the Ladder standing always in the Inside; I kept the Trees which at first were no more than my Stakes, but were now grown very firm and tall; I kept them always so cut, that they might spread and grow thick and wild, and make the more agreeable Shade, which they did effectually to my Mind. In the Middle of this I had my Tent always standing, being a piece of a Sail spread over Poles set up for that Purpose, and which never wanted any Repair or Renewing; and under this I had made me a SquabA cushion forming part of the inside fittings of a carriage or Couch, with the Skins of the Creatures I had kill'd, and with other soft Things, and a Blanket laid on them, such as belong'd to our Sea-Bedding, which I had saved, and a great Watch-Coat to cover me; and here, whenever I had Occasion to be absent from my chief Seat, I took up my Country Habitation. Adjoyning to this I had my Enclosures for my Cattle, that is to say, my Goats: And as I had taken an inconceivable deal of Pains to fence and enclose this Ground, so I was so uneasy to see it kept entire, lest the Goats should break thro', that I never left off till with infinite Labour I had stuck the Out-side of the Hedge so full of small Stakes, and so near to one another, that it was rather a Pale than a Hedge, and there was scarce Room to put a Hand thro' between them, which afterwards when those Stakes grew, as they all did in the next rainy Season, made the Enclosure strong like a Wall, indeed stronger than any Wall. This will testify for me that I was not idle, and that I spared no Pains to bring to pass whatever appear'd necessary for my comfortable Support; for I consider'd the keeping up a Breed of tame Creatures thus at my Hand, would be a living Magazine of Flesh, Milk, Butter and Cheese, for me as long as I liv'd in the Place, if it were to be forty Years; and that keeping them in my Reach, depended entirely upon my perfecting my Enclosures to such a Degree, that I might be sure of keeping them together; which by this Method indeed I so effectually secur'd, that when these little Stakes began to grow, I had planted them so very thick, I was forced to pull some of them up again. In this Place also I had my Grapes growing, which I principally depended on for my Winter Store of Raisins; and which I never fail'd to preserve very carefully, as the best and most agreeable Dainty of my whole Diet; and indeed they were not agreeable only, but physical, wholesome, nourishing, and refreshing to the last Degree. As this was also about half Way between my other Habitation, and the Place where I had laid up my Boat, I generally stay'd, and lay here in my Way thither; for I used frequently to visit my Boat, and I kept all Things about or belonging to her in very good Order; sometimes I went out in her to divert my self, but no more hazardous Voyages would I go, nor scarce ever above a Stone's CastA stone's throw, or a very short distance or two from the Shore, I was so apprehensive of being hurry'd out of my Knowledge again by the Currents, or Winds, or any other Accident. But now I come to a new Scene of my Life. It happen'd one Day about Noon going towards my Boat, I was exceedingly surpriz'd with the Print of a Man's naked Foot on the Shore, which was very plain to be seen in the Sand: I stood like one Thunder-struck, or as if I had seen an Apparition; I listen'd, I look'd round me, I could hear nothing, nor see any Thing, I went up to a rising Ground to look farther, I went up the Shore and down the Shore, but it was all one, I could see no other Impression but that one, I went to it again to see if there were any more, and to observe if it might not be my Fancy; but there was no Room for that, for there was exactly the very Print of a Foot, Toes, Heel, and every Part of a Foot; how it came thither, I knew not, nor could in the least imagine. But after innumerable fluttering Thoughts, like a Man perfectly confus'd and out of my self, I came Home to my Fortification, not feeling, as we say, the Ground I went on, but terrify'd to the last Degree, looking behind me at every two or three Steps, mistaking every Bush and Tree, and fancying every Stump at a Distance to be a Man; nor is it possible to describe how many various Shapes affrighted Imagination represented Things to me in, how many wild Ideas were found every Moment in my Fancy, and what strange unaccountable Whimsies came into my Thoughts by the Way. When I came to my Castle, for so I think I call'd it ever after this, I fled into it like one pursued; whether I went over by the Ladder as first contriv'd, or went in at the Hole in the Rock, which I call'd a Door, I cannot remember; no, nor could I remember the next Morning, for never frighted Hare fled to Cover, or Fox to Earth, with more Terror of Mind than I to this Retreat. I slept none that Night; the farther I was from the Occasion of my Fright, the greater my Apprehensions were, which is something contrary to the Nature of such Things, and especially to the usual Practice of all Creatures in Fear: But I was so embarrass'd with my own frightful Ideas of the Thing, that I form'd nothing but dismal Imaginations to my self, even tho' I was now a great way off of it. Sometimes I fancy'd it must be the Devil; and Reason joyn'd in with me upon this Supposition: For how should any other Thing in human Shape come into the Place? Where was the Vessel that brought them? What Marks was there of any other Footsteps? And how was it possible a Man should come there? But then to think that Satan should take human Shape upon him in such a Place where there could be no manner of Occasion for it, but to leave the Print of his Foot behind him, and that even for no Purpose too, for he could not be sure I should see it; this was an Amusement the other Way; I consider'd that the Devil might have found out abundance of other Ways to have terrify'd me than this of the single Print of a Foot. That as I liv'd quite on the other Side of the Island, he would never have been so simple to leave a Mark in a Place where 'twas Ten Thousand to one whether I should ever see it or not, and in the Sand too, which the first Surge of the Sea upon a high Wind would have defac'd entirely: All this seem'd inconsistent with the Thing it self, and with all the Notions we usually entertain of the Subtilty of the Devil. Abundance of such Things as these assisted to argue me out of all Apprehensions of its being the Devil: And I presently concluded then, that it must be some more dangerous Creature, (viz.) That it must be some of the Savages of the main Land over-against me, who had wander'd out to Sea in their Canoes; and either driven by the Currents, or by contrary Winds had madeArrived at the Island; and had been on Shore, but were gone away again to Sea, being as loth, perhaps, to have stay'd in this desolate Island, as I would have been to have had them. While these Reflections were rowling upon my Mind, I was very thankful in my Thoughts, that I was so happy as not to be thereabouts at that Time, or that they did not see my Boat, by which they would have concluded that some Inhabitants 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 had been in the Place, and perhaps have search'd farther for me: Then terrible Thoughts rack'd my Imagination about their having found my Boat, and that there were People here; and that if so, I should certainly have them come again in greater Numbers, and devour me; that if it should happen so that they should not find me, yet they would find my Enclosure, destroy all my Corn, carry away all my Flock of tame Goats, and I should perish at last for meer Want. Thus my Fear banish'd all my religious Hope; all that former Confidence in God which was founded upon such wonderful Experience as I had had of his Goodness, now vanished, as if he that had fed me by Miracle hitherto, could not preserve by his Power the Provision which he had made for me by his Goodness. I reproach'd my self with my Easiness, that would not sow any more Corn one Year than would just serve me till the next Season, as if no Accident could intervene to prevent my enjoying the Crop that was upon the Ground; and this I thought so just a Reproof, that I resolv'd for the future to have two or three Years Corn beforehand, so that whatever might come, I might not perish for want of Bread. How strange a Chequer WorkCheckerboard of Providence is the Life of Man! and by what secret differing Springs are the Affections hurry'd about as differing Circumstance present! To Day we love what to Morrow we hate; to Day we seek what to Morrow we shun; to Day we desire what to Morrow we fear; nay even tremble at the Apprehensions of; this was exemplify'd in me at this Time in the most lively Manner imaginable; for I whose only Affliction was, that I seem'd banished from human Society, that I was alone, circumscrib'd by the boundless Ocean, cut off from Mankind, and condemn'd to what I call'd silent Life; that I was as one who Heaven thought not worthy to be number'd among the Living, or to appear among the rest of his Creatures; that to have seen one of my own Species, would have seem'd to me a Raising me from Death to Life, and the greatest Blessing that Heaven it self, next to the supreme Blessing of Salvation, could bestow; I say, that I should now tremble at the very Apprehensions of seeing a Man, and was ready to sink into the Ground at but the Shadow or silent Appearance of a Man's having set his Foot in the Island. Such is the uneven State of human Life: And it afforded me a great many curious Speculations afterwards, when I had a little recover'd my first Surprize; I consider'd that this was the Station of Life the infinitely wise and good Providence of God had determin'd for me, that as I could not foresee what the Ends of Divine Wisdom might be in all this, so I was not to dispute his Sovereignty, who, as I was his Creature, had an undoubted Right by Creation to govern and dispose of me absolutely as he thought fit; and who, as I was a Creature who had offended him, had likewise a judicial Right to condemn me to what Punishment he thought fit; and that it was my Part to submit to bear his Indignation, because I had sinn'd against him. I then reflected that God, who was not only Righteous but Omnipotent, as he had thought fit thus to punish and afflict me, so he was able to deliver me; that if he did not think fit to do it, 'twas my unquestion'd Duty to resign my self absolutely and entirely to his Will; and on the other Hand, it was my Duty also to hope in him, pray to him, and quietly to attend the Dictates and Directions of his daily Providence. These Thoughts took me up many Hours, Days; nay, I may say, Weeks and Months; and one particular Effect of my Cogitations on this Occasion, I cannot omit, viz. One Morning early, lying in my Bed, and fill'd with Thought about my Danger from the Appearance of Savages, I found it discompos'd me very much, upon which those Words of the Scripture came into my Thoughts, Call upon me in the Day of Trouble, and I will deliver, and thou shalt glorify me.Psalm 50:15 Upon this, rising chearfully out of my Bed, my Heart was not only comforted, but I was guided and encourag'd to pray earnestly to God for Deliverance: When I had done praying, I took up my Bible, and opening it to read, the first Words that presented to me, were, Wait on the Lord, and be of good Cheer, and he shall strengthen thy Heart; wait, I say, on the Lord:Psalm 27:14 and Psalm 31:24 It is impossible to express the Comfort this gave me. In Answer, I thankfully laid down the Book, and was no more sad, at least, not on that Occasion. In the middle of these Cogitations, Apprehensions and Reflections, it came into my Thought one Day, that all this might be a meer ChimeraMonstrous imagining (more literally, a monster in Greek mythology, with a lion's head, a goat's body, and a serpent's tail) of my own; and that this Foot might be the Print of my own Foot, when I came on Shore from my Boat: This chear'd me up a little too, and I began to perswade my self it was all a Delusion; that it was nothing else but my own Foot, and why might not I come that way from the Boat, as well as I was going that way to the Boat; again, I consider'd also that I could by no Means tell for certain where I had trod, and where I had not; and that if at last this was only the Print of my own Foot, I had play'd the Part of those Fools, who strive to make stories of Spectres, and Apparitions; and then are frighted at them more than any body. Now I began to take Courage, and to peep abroad again; for I had not stirr'd out of my Castle for three Days and Nights; so that I began to starve for Provision; for I had little or nothing within Doors, but some Barley Cakes and Water. Then I knew that my Goats wanted to be milk'd too, which usually was my Evening Diversion; and the poor Creatures were in great Pain and Inconvenience for want of it; and indeed, it almost spoil'd some of them, and almost dry'd up their Milk. Heartning my self therefore with the Belief that this was nothing but the Print of one of my own Feet, and so I might be truly said to startStartle at my own Shadow, I began to go abroad again, and went to my Country House, to milk my Flock; but to see with what Fear I went forward, how often I look'd behind me, how I was ready every now and then to lay down my Basket, and run for my Life, it would have made any one have thought I was haunted with an evil Conscience, or that I had been lately most terribly frighted, and so indeed I had. However, as I went down thus two or three Days, and having seen nothing, I began to be a little bolder; and to think there was really nothing in it, but my own Imagination: But I cou'd not perswade my self fully of this, till I should go down to the Shore again, and see this Print of a Foot, and measure it by my own, and see if there was any Similitude or Fitness, that I might be assur'd it was my own Foot: But when I came to the Place, First, It appear'd evidently to me, that when I laid up my Boat, I could not possibly be on Shore any where there about. Secondly, When I came to measure the Mark with my own Foot, I found my Foot not so large by a great deal; both these Things fill'd my Head with new Imaginations, and gave me the VapoursPhysiologically, the four humors (sanguine, choleric, phlegmatic, melancholic) were thought to emit "vapors" that ascended to the brain and shaped one's temperament. When the humors were unbalanced, the vapors caused distemper and illness. again, to the highest Degree; so that I shook with cold, like one in an Ague: And I went Home again, fill'd with the Belief that some Man or Men had been on Shore there; or in short, that the Island was inhabited, and I might be surpriz'd before I was aware; and what course to take for my Security I knew not. O what ridiculous Resolution Men take, when possess'd with Fear! It deprives them of the Use of those Means which Reason offers for their Relief. The first Thing I propos'd to my self, was, to throw down my Enclosures, and turn all my tame Cattle wild into the Woods, that the Enemy might not find them; and then frequent the Island in Prospect of the same, or the like Booty: Then to the simple Thing of Digging up my two Corn Fields, that they might not find such a Grain there, and still be prompted to frequent the Island; then to demolish my Bower, and Tent, that they might not see any Vestiges of Habitation, and be prompted to look farther, in order to find out the Persons inhabiting. These were the Subject of the first Night's Cogitation, after I was come Home again, while the Apprehensions which had so over-run my Mind were fresh upon me, and my Head was full of Vapours, as above: Thus Fear of Danger is ten thousand Times more terrifying than Danger it self, when apparent to the Eyes; and we find the Burthen of Anxiety greater by much, than the Evil which we are anxious about; and which was worse than all this, I had not that Relief in this Trouble from the Resignation I used to practise, that I hop'd to have. I look'd, I thought, like Saul, who complain'd not only that the Philistines were upon him; but that God had forsaken him Saul, the first king of the Israelites, summons the spirit of the prophet Samuel and tells him, "I am sore distressed; for the Philistines make war against me, and God is departed from me, and answereth me no more, neither by prophets, nor by dreams" (1 Samuel 28:15).; for I did not now take due Ways to compose my Mind, by crying to God in my Distress, and resting upon his Providence, as I had done before, for my Defence and Deliverance; which if I had done, I had, at least, been more cheerfully supported under this new Surprise, and perhaps carry'd through it with more Resolution. This Confusion of my Thoughts kept me waking all Night; but in the Morning I fell asleep, and having by the Amusement of my Mind, been, as it were, tyr'd, and my Spirits exhausted; I slept very soundly, and wak'd much better compos'd than I had ever been before; and now I began to think sedately; and upon the utmost Debate with my self, I concluded, That this Island, which was so exceeding pleasant, fruitful, and no farther from the main Land than as I had seen, was not so entirely abandon'd as I might imagine: That altho' there were no stated Inhabitants who liv'd on the Spot; yet that there might sometimes come Boats off from the Shore, who either with Design, or perhaps never, but when they were driven by cross Winds, might come to this Place. That I had liv'd here fifteen Years now, and had not met with the least Shadow or Figure of any People yet; and that if at any Time they should be driven here, it was probable they went away again as soon as ever they could, seeing they had never thought fit to fix there upon any Occasion, to this Time. That the most I cou'd suggest any Danger from, was, from any such casual accidental Landing of straggling People from the Main, who, as it was likely if they were driven hither, were here against their Wills; so they made no stay here, but went off again with all possible Speed, seldom staying one Night on Shore, least they should not have the Help of the Tides, and Day-light back again; and that therefore I had nothing to do but to consider of some safe Retreat, in Case I should see any Savages land upon the Spot. Now I began sorely to repent, that I had dug my Cave so large, as to bring a Door through again, which Door, as I said, came out beyond where my Fortification joyn'd to the Rock; upon maturely considering this therefore, I resolv'd to draw me a second Fortification, in the same Manner of a Semicircle, at a Distance from my Wall, just where I had planted a double Row of Trees, about twelve Years before, of which I made mention: These Trees having been planted so thick before, they wanted but a few Piles to be driven between them, that they should be thicker, and stronger, and my Wall would be soon finish'd. So that I had now a double Wall, and my outer Wall was thickned with Pieces of Timber, old Cables, and every Thing I could think of, to make it strong; having in it seven little Holes, about as big as I might put my Arm out at: In the In-side of this, I thickned my Wall to above ten Foot thick, with continual bringing Earth out of my Cave, and laying it at the Foot of the Wall, and walking upon it; and through the seven Holes, I contriv'd to plant the Musquets, of which I took Notice, that I got seven on Shore out of the Ship; these, I say, I planted like my Cannon, and fitted them into Frames that held them like a Carriage, that so I could fire all the seven Guns in two Minutes Time: This Wall I was many a weary Month a finishing, and yet never thought my self safe till it was done. When this was done, I stuck all the Ground without my Wall, for a great way every way, as full with Stakes or Sticks of the OsierA variety of Eurasian willows like Wood, which I found so apt to grow, as they could well stand; insomuch, that I believe I might set in near twenty thousand of them, leaving a pretty large Space between them and my Wall, that I might have room to see an Enemy, and they might have no shelter from the young Trees, if they attempted to approach my outer Wall. Thus in two Years Time I had a thick Grove and in five or six Years Time I had a Wood before my Dwelling, growing so monstrous thick and strong, that it was indeed perfectly impassable; and no Men of what kind soever, would ever imagine that there was any Thing beyond it, much less a Habitation: As for the Way which I propos'd to my self to go in and out, for I left no Avenue; it was by setting two Ladders, one to a Part of the Rock which was low, and then broke in, and left room to place another Ladder upon that; so when the two Ladders were taken down, no Man living could come down to me without mischieving himself; and if they had come down, they were still on the Out-side of my outer Wall. Selected Text from Robinson CrusoeThus in two Years Time I had a thick Grove and in five or six Years Time I had a Wood before my Dwelling, growing so monstrous thick and strong, that it was indeed perfectly impassable; and no Men of what kind soever, would ever imagine that there was any Thing beyond it, much less a Habitation: As for the Way which I propos'd to my self to go in and out, for I left no Avenue; it was by setting two Ladders, one to a Part of the Rock which was low, and then broke in, and left room to place another Ladder upon that; so when the two Ladders were taken down, no Man living could come down to me without mischieving himself; and if they had come down, they were still on the Out-side of my outer Wall.Selected Text from Robinson CrusoeI had now had enough of rambling to Sea for some time, and had enough to do for many Days to sit still, and reflect upon the Danger I had been in: I would have been very glad to have had my Boat again on my Side of the Island; but I knew not how it was practicable to get it about as to the East Side of the Island, which I had gone round; I knew well enough there was no venturing that Way; my very heart would shrink, and my very Blood run chill but to think of it: And as to the other Side of the Island, I did not know how it might be there; but supposing the Current ran with the same Force against the Shore at the East as it pass'd by it on the other, I might run the same Risk of being driven down the Stream, and carry'd by the Island, as I had been before, of being carry'd away from it; so with these Thoughts I contented my self to be without any Boat, though it had been the Product of so many Months Labour to make it, and of so many more to get it unto the Sea. In this Government of my Temper, I remain'd near a Year, liv'd a very sedate retir'd Life, as you may well suppose; and my Thoughts being very much composed as to my Condition, and fully comforted in resigning my self to the Dispositions of Providence, I thought I liv'd really very happily in all things, except that of Society. I improv'd my self in this time in all the mechanick Exercises which my Necessities put me upon applying my self to, and I believe cou'd, upon Occasion, make a very good Carpenter, especially considering how few Tools I had. Besides this, I arriv'd at an unexpected Perfection in my Earthen Ware, and contriv'd well enough to make them with a Wheel, which I found infinitely easyer and better; because I made things round and shapable, which before were filthy things indeed to look on. But I think I was never more vain of my own Performance, or more joyful for any thing I found out, than for my being able to make a Tobacco-Pipe. And tho' it was a very ugly clumsy thing, when it was done, and only burnt red like other Earthen Ware, yet as it was hard and firm, and would draw the Smoke, I was exceedingly comforted with it, for I had been always used to smoke, and there were Pipes in the Ship, but I forgot them at first, not knowing that there was Tobacco in the Island; and afterwards, when I search'd the Ship again, I could not come at any Pipes at all. In my Wicker Ware also I improved much, and made abundance of necessary Baskets, as well as my Invention shew'd me, tho' not very handsome, yet they were such as were very handy and convenient for my laying things up in, or fetching things home in. For Example, if I kill'd a Goat abroad, I could hang it up in a Tree, flea it, and dress it, and cut it in Pieces, and bring it home in a Basket, and the like by a Turtle, I could cut it up, take out the Eggs, and a Piece or two of the Flesh, which was enough for me, and bring them home in a Basket, and leave the rest behind me. Also large deep Baskets were my Receivers for my Corn, which I always rubb'd out as soon as it was dry, and cured, and kept it in great Baskets. I began now to perceive my Powder abated considerably, and this was a Want which it was impossible for me to supply, and I began seriously to consider what I must do when I should have no more Powder; that is to say, how I should do to kill any Goat, I had, as is observ'd in the third Year of my being here, kept a young Kid, and bred her up tame, and I was in hope of getting a He-Goat, but I could not by any Means bring it to pass, 'till my Kid grew an old Goat; and I could never find in my Heart to kill her, till she dy'd at last of meer Age. But being now in the eleventh Year of my Residence, and, as I have said, my Ammunition growing low, I set my self to study some Art to trap and snare the Goats, to see whether I could not catch some of them alive, and particularly I wanted a She-Goat great with young. To this Purpose I made Snares to hamper them, and I do believe they were more than once taken in them, but my Tackle was not good, for I had no Wire, and I always found them broken, and my Bait devoured. At length I resolv'd to try a Pit-fall, so I dug several large Pits in the Earth, in Places where I had observ'd the Goats used to feed, and over these Pits I plac'd Hurdles of my own making too, with a great Weight upon them; and several times I put Ears of Barley, and dry Rice, without setting the Trap, and I could easily perceive that the Goats had gone in and eaten up the Corn, for I could see the Mark of their Feet. At length I set three Traps in one Night, and going the next Morning I found them all standing, and yet the Bait eaten and gone: This was very discouraging. However, I alter'd my Trap, and, not to trouble you with Particulars, going one Morning to see my Trap, I found in one of them a large old He-Goat, and in one of the other, three Kids, a Male and two Females. As to the old one, I knew not what to do with him, he was so fierce I durst not go into the Pit to him; that is to say, to go about to bring him away alive, which was what I wanted. I could have kill'd him, but that was not my Business, nor would it answer my End. So I e'en let him out, and he ran away as if he had been frighted out of his Wits: But I had forgot then what I learn'd afterwards, that Hunger will tame a Lyon. If I had let him stay there three or four Days without Food, and then have carry'd him some Water to drink, and then a little Corn, he would have been as tame as one of the Kids, for they are mighty sagacious tractable Creatures where they are well used. However, for the present I let him go, knowing no better at that time; then I went to the three Kids, and taking them one by one, I tyed them with Strings together, and with some Difficulty brought them all home. It was a good while before they wou'd feed, but throwing them some sweet Corn, it tempted them and they began to be tame; and now I found that if I expected to supply my self with Goat-Flesh when I had no Powder or Shot left, breeding some up tame was my only way, when perhaps I might have them about my House like a Flock of Sheep. But then it presently occurr'd to me, that I must keep the tame from the wild, or else they would always run wild when they grew up, and the only Way for this was to have some enclosed Piece of Ground, well fenc'd either with Hedge or Pale, to keep them in so effectually, that those within might not break out, or those without break in. This was a great Undertaking for one Pair of Hands, yet as I saw there was an absolute Necessity of doing it, my first Piece of Work was to find out a proper Piece of Ground, viz. where there was likely to be Herbage for them to eat, Water for them to drink, and Cover to keep them from the Sun. Those who understand such Enclosures will think I had very little ContrivanceForesight; planning or ingenuity, when I pitch'd upon a Place very proper for all these, being a plain open Piece of Meadow-Land, or Savanna, (as our People call it in the Western Collonies,) which had two or three little DrillsSmall streams or rills of fresh Water in it, and at one end was very woody. I say they will smile at my ForecastCrusoe's comical failure to anticipate that, the larger his enclosure is, the harder it will be to catch the goats inside, when I shall tell them I began my enclosing of this Piece of Ground in such a manner, that my Hedge or Pale must have been at least two Mile about. Nor was the Madness of it so great as to the Compass, for if it was ten Mile about I was like to have time enough to do it in. But I did not consider that my Goats would be as wild in so much Compass as if they had had the whole Island, and I should have so much Room to chace them in, that I should never catch them. My Hedge was begun and carry'd on, I believe, about fifty Yards, when this Thought occurr'd to me, so I presently stopt short, and for the first beginning I resolv'd to enclose a Piece of about 150 Yards in length, and 100 Yards in breadth, which as it would maintain as many as I should have in any reasonable time, so as my Flock encreased, I could add more Ground to my Enclosure. This was acting with some Prudence, and I went to work with Courage. I was about three Months hedging in the first Piece, and till I had done it I tether'd the three Kids in the best part of it, and us'd them to feed as near me as possible to make them familiar; and very often I would go and carry them some Ears of Barley, or a handful of Rice, and feed them out of my Hand; so that after my Enclosure was finished, and I let them loose, they would follow me up and down, bleating after me for a handful of Corn. This answer'd my End, and in about a Year and half I had a Flock of about twelve Goats, Kids and all; and in two Years more I had three and forty, besides several that I took and kill'd for my Food. And after that I enclosed five several Pieces of Ground to feed them in, with little Pens to drive them into, to take them as I wanted, and Gates out of one Piece of Ground into another. But this was not all, for now I not only had Goats Flesh to feed on when I pleas'd, but Milk too, a thing which indeed in my beginning I did not so much as think of, and which, when it came into my Thoughts, was really an agreeable Surprize. For now I set up my Dairy, and had sometimes a Gallon or two of Milk in a Day, And as Nature, who gives Supplies of Food to every Creature, dictates even naturally how to make use of it; so I that had never milk'd a Cow, much less a Goat, or seen Butter or Cheese made, very readily and handily, tho' after a great many Essays and Miscarriages, made me both Butter and Cheese at last, and never wanted it afterwards. How mercifully can our great Creator treat his Creatures, even in those Conditions in which they seem'd to be overwhelm'd in Destruction. How can he sweeten the bitterest Providences, and give us Cause to praise him for Dungeons and Prisons. What a Table was here spread for me in a Wilderness"Yea, they spake against God; they said, Can God furnish a table in the wilderness?" (Psalm 78:19), where I saw nothing at first but to perish for Hunger. It would have made a Stoick smile to have seen, me and my little Family sit down to Dinner; there was my Majesty the Prince and Lord of the whole Island; I had the Lives of all my Subjects at my absolute Command. I could hang, draw, give Liberty, and take it away, and no Rebels among all my Sublects. Then to see how like a King I din'd too all alone, attended by my Servants, Poll, as if he had been my Favourite, was the only Person permitted to talk to me. My Dog who was now grown very old and crazyFeeble, and had found no Species to multiply his Kind upon, sat always at my Right Hand, and two Cats, one on one Side the Table, and one on the other, expecting now and then a Bit from my Hand, as a Mark of special Favour. But these were not the two Cats which I brought on Shore at first, for they were both of them dead, and had been interr'd near my Habitation by my own Hand; but one of them having multiply'd by I know not what Kind of Creature, these were two which I had preserv'd tame, whereas the rest run wild in the Woods, and became indeed troublesom to me at last; for they would often come into my House, and plunder me too, till at last I was obliged to shoot them, and did kill a great many; at length they left me with this Attendance, and in this plentiful Manner I lived; neither could I be said to want any thing but Society, and of that in some time after this, I was like to have too much. I was something impatient, as I have observ'd, to have the Use of my Boat; though very loath to run any more Hazards; and therefore sometimes I sat contriving Ways to get her about the Island, and at other Times I sat my self down contented enough without her. But I had a strange Uneasiness in my Mind to go down to the Point of the Island, where, as I have said, in my last Ramble, I went up the Hill to see how the Shore lay, and how the Current set, that I might see what I had to do: This Inclination encreas'd upon me every Day, and at length I resolv'd to travel thither by Land, following the Edge of the Shore, I did so: But had any one in England been to meet such a Man as I was, it must either have frighted them, or rais'd a great deal of Laughter; and as I frequently stood still to look at my self, I could not but smile at the Notion of my travelling through Yorkshire with such an Equipage, and in such a Dress: Be pleas'd to take a Scetch of my Figure as follows, I had a great high shapeless Cap, made of a Goat's Skin, with a Flap hanging down behind, as well to keep the Sun from me, as to shoot the Rain off from running into my Neck; nothing being so hurtful in these Climates, as the Rain upon the Flesh under the Cloaths. I had a short Jacket of Goat-Skin, the Skirts coming down to about the middle of my Thighs; and a Pair of open-knee'd Breeches of the same, the Breeches were made of the Skin of an old He-goat, whose Hair hung down such a Length on either Side, that like PantaloonsBreeches or trousers it reach'd to the middle of my Legs; Stockings and Shoes I had none, but had made me a Pair of some-things, I scarce know what to call them, like BuskinsCalf-high or knee-high boots to flap over my Legs, and lace on either Side like Spatter-dashesLong gaiters or leggings of leather, to keep boots and trousers from being spattered with mud; but of a most barbarous Shape, as indeed were all the rest of my Cloaths. I had on a broad Belt of Goat's-Skin dry'd, which I drew together with two ThongsCords of the same, instead of Buckles, and in a kind of a FrogA loop attached to a belt, designed to hold a sword or bayonet on either Side of this. Instead of a Sword and a Dagger, hung a little Saw and a Hatchet, one on one Side, one on the other. I had another Belt not so broad, and fasten'd in the same Manner, which hung over my Shoulder; and at the End of it, under my left Arm, hung two Pouches, both made of Goat's-Skin too; in one of which hung my Powder, in the other my Shot: At my Back I carry'd my Basket, on my Shoulder my Gun, and over my Head a great clumsy ugly Goat-Skin Umbrella, but which, after all, was the most necessary Thing I had about me, next to my Gun: As for my Face, the Colour of it was really not so Moletta,A variation of the word "mulatto," here used to refer to brown skin like as one might expect from a Man not at all careful of it, and living within nineteen Degrees of the Equinox. My Beard I had once suffer'd to grow till it was about a Quarter of a Yard long; but as I had both Scissars and Razors sufficient, I had cut it pretty short, except what grew on my upper Lip, which I had trimm'd into a large Pair of Mahometan Whiskers A long moustache, such as a Muslim man might have worn, such as I had seen worn by some Turks, who I saw at Sallee; for the Moors did not wear such, tho' the Turks did; of these MuschatoesMustachios or Whiskers, I will not say they were long enough to hang my Hat upon them; but they were of a Length and Shape monstrous enough, and such as in England would have pass'd for frightful. But all this is by the by; for as to my Figure, I had so few to observe me, that it was of no manner of Consequence; so I say no more to that Part. In this kind of Figure I went my new Journey, and was out five or six Days. I travell'd first along the Sea Shore, directly to the Place where I first brought my Boat to an Anchor, to get up upon the Rocks; and having no Boat now to take care of, I went over the Land a nearer Way to the same Height that I was upon before, when looking forward to the Point of the Rocks which lay out, and which I was oblig'd to double with my Boat, as is said above: I was surpriz'd to see the Sea all smooth and quiet, no Ripling, no Motion, no Current, any more there than in other Places. I was at a strange Loss to understand this, and resolv'd to spend some Time in the observing it, to see if nothing from the Sets of the Tide had occasion'd it; but I was presently convinc'd how it was, viz. That the Tide of Ebb setting from the West, and joyning with the Current of Waters from some great River on the Shore, must be the Occasion of this Current; and that according as the Wind blew more forcibly from the West, or from the North, this Current came nearer, or went farther from the Shore; for waiting thereabouts till Evening, I went up to the Rock again, and then the Tide of Ebb being made, I plainly saw the Current again as before, only, that it run farther of, being near half a League from the Shore; whereas in my Case, it set close upon the Shore, and hurry'd me and my Canoe along with it, which at another Time it would not have done. This Observation convinc'd me, That I had nothing to do but to observe the Ebbing and the Flowing of the Tide, and I might very easily bring my Boat about the Island again: But when I began to think of putting it in Practice, I had such a Terror upon my Spirits at the Remembrance of the Danger I had been in, that I could not think of it again with any Patience; but on the contrary, I took up another Resolution which was more safe, though more laborious; and this was, That I would build, or rather make me another Periagau or Canoe; and so have one for one Side of the Island, and one for the other. You are to understand, that now I had, as I may call it, two Plantations in the Island; one my little Fortification or Tent, with the Wall about it under the Rock, with the Cave behind me, which by this Time I had enlarg'd into several Apartments, or Caves, one within another. One of these, which was the dryest, and largest, and had a Door out beyond my Wall or Fortification; that is to say, beyond where my Wall joyn'd to the Rock, was all fill'd up with the large Earthen Pots, of which I have given an Account, and with fourteen or fifteen great Baskets, which would hold five or six Bushels each, where I laid up my Stores of Provision, especially my Corn, some in the Ear cut off short from the Straw, and the other rubb'd out with my Hand. As for my Wall made, as before, with long Stakes or Piles, those Piles grew all like Trees, and were by this Time grown so big, and spread so very much, that there was not the least Appearance to any one's View of any Habitation behind them. Near this Dwelling of mine, but a little farther within the Land, and upon lower Ground, lay my two Pieces of Corn-Ground, which I kept duly cultivated and sow'd, and which duly yielded me their Harvest in its Season; and whenever I had occasion for more Corn, I had more Land adjoyning as fit as that. Besides this, I had my Country Seat, and I had now a tollerable Plantation there also; for first, I had my little Bower, as I call'd it, which I kept in Repair; that is to say, I kept the Hedge which circled it in, constantly fitted up to its usual Height, the Ladder standing always in the Inside; I kept the Trees which at first were no more than my Stakes, but were now grown very firm and tall; I kept them always so cut, that they might spread and grow thick and wild, and make the more agreeable Shade, which they did effectually to my Mind. In the Middle of this I had my Tent always standing, being a piece of a Sail spread over Poles set up for that Purpose, and which never wanted any Repair or Renewing; and under this I had made me a SquabA cushion forming part of the inside fittings of a carriage or Couch, with the Skins of the Creatures I had kill'd, and with other soft Things, and a Blanket laid on them, such as belong'd to our Sea-Bedding, which I had saved, and a great Watch-Coat to cover me; and here, whenever I had Occasion to be absent from my chief Seat, I took up my Country Habitation. Adjoyning to this I had my Enclosures for my Cattle, that is to say, my Goats: And as I had taken an inconceivable deal of Pains to fence and enclose this Ground, so I was so uneasy to see it kept entire, lest the Goats should break thro', that I never left off till with infinite Labour I had stuck the Out-side of the Hedge so full of small Stakes, and so near to one another, that it was rather a Pale than a Hedge, and there was scarce Room to put a Hand thro' between them, which afterwards when those Stakes grew, as they all did in the next rainy Season, made the Enclosure strong like a Wall, indeed stronger than any Wall. This will testify for me that I was not idle, and that I spared no Pains to bring to pass whatever appear'd necessary for my comfortable Support; for I consider'd the keeping up a Breed of tame Creatures thus at my Hand, would be a living Magazine of Flesh, Milk, Butter and Cheese, for me as long as I liv'd in the Place, if it were to be forty Years; and that keeping them in my Reach, depended entirely upon my perfecting my Enclosures to such a Degree, that I might be sure of keeping them together; which by this Method indeed I so effectually secur'd, that when these little Stakes began to grow, I had planted them so very thick, I was forced to pull some of them up again. In this Place also I had my Grapes growing, which I principally depended on for my Winter Store of Raisins; and which I never fail'd to preserve very carefully, as the best and most agreeable Dainty of my whole Diet; and indeed they were not agreeable only, but physical, wholesome, nourishing, and refreshing to the last Degree. As this was also about half Way between my other Habitation, and the Place where I had laid up my Boat, I generally stay'd, and lay here in my Way thither; for I used frequently to visit my Boat, and I kept all Things about or belonging to her in very good Order; sometimes I went out in her to divert my self, but no more hazardous Voyages would I go, nor scarce ever above a Stone's CastA stone's throw, or a very short distance or two from the Shore, I was so apprehensive of being hurry'd out of my Knowledge again by the Currents, or Winds, or any other Accident. But now I come to a new Scene of my Life. It happen'd one Day about Noon going towards my Boat, I was exceedingly surpriz'd with the Print of a Man's naked Foot on the Shore, which was very plain to be seen in the Sand: I stood like one Thunder-struck, or as if I had seen an Apparition; I listen'd, I look'd round me, I could hear nothing, nor see any Thing, I went up to a rising Ground to look farther, I went up the Shore and down the Shore, but it was all one, I could see no other Impression but that one, I went to it again to see if there were any more, and to observe if it might not be my Fancy; but there was no Room for that, for there was exactly the very Print of a Foot, Toes, Heel, and every Part of a Foot; how it came thither, I knew not, nor could in the least imagine. But after innumerable fluttering Thoughts, like a Man perfectly confus'd and out of my self, I came Home to my Fortification, not feeling, as we say, the Ground I went on, but terrify'd to the last Degree, looking behind me at every two or three Steps, mistaking every Bush and Tree, and fancying every Stump at a Distance to be a Man; nor is it possible to describe how many various Shapes affrighted Imagination represented Things to me in, how many wild Ideas were found every Moment in my Fancy, and what strange unaccountable Whimsies came into my Thoughts by the Way. When I came to my Castle, for so I think I call'd it ever after this, I fled into it like one pursued; whether I went over by the Ladder as first contriv'd, or went in at the Hole in the Rock, which I call'd a Door, I cannot remember; no, nor could I remember the next Morning, for never frighted Hare fled to Cover, or Fox to Earth, with more Terror of Mind than I to this Retreat. I slept none that Night; the farther I was from the Occasion of my Fright, the greater my Apprehensions were, which is something contrary to the Nature of such Things, and especially to the usual Practice of all Creatures in Fear: But I was so embarrass'd with my own frightful Ideas of the Thing, that I form'd nothing but dismal Imaginations to my self, even tho' I was now a great way off of it. Sometimes I fancy'd it must be the Devil; and Reason joyn'd in with me upon this Supposition: For how should any other Thing in human Shape come into the Place? Where was the Vessel that brought them? What Marks was there of any other Footsteps? And how was it possible a Man should come there? But then to think that Satan should take human Shape upon him in such a Place where there could be no manner of Occasion for it, but to leave the Print of his Foot behind him, and that even for no Purpose too, for he could not be sure I should see it; this was an Amusement the other Way; I consider'd that the Devil might have found out abundance of other Ways to have terrify'd me than this of the single Print of a Foot. That as I liv'd quite on the other Side of the Island, he would never have been so simple to leave a Mark in a Place where 'twas Ten Thousand to one whether I should ever see it or not, and in the Sand too, which the first Surge of the Sea upon a high Wind would have defac'd entirely: All this seem'd inconsistent with the Thing it self, and with all the Notions we usually entertain of the Subtilty of the Devil. Abundance of such Things as these assisted to argue me out of all Apprehensions of its being the Devil: And I presently concluded then, that it must be some more dangerous Creature, (viz.) That it must be some of the Savages of the main Land over-against me, who had wander'd out to Sea in their Canoes; and either driven by the Currents, or by contrary Winds had madeArrived at the Island; and had been on Shore, but were gone away again to Sea, being as loth, perhaps, to have stay'd in this desolate Island, as I would have been to have had them. While these Reflections were rowling upon my Mind, I was very thankful in my Thoughts, that I was so happy as not to be thereabouts at that Time, or that they did not see my Boat, by which they would have concluded that some Inhabitants 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 had been in the Place, and perhaps have search'd farther for me: Then terrible Thoughts rack'd my Imagination about their having found my Boat, and that there were People here; and that if so, I should certainly have them come again in greater Numbers, and devour me; that if it should happen so that they should not find me, yet they would find my Enclosure, destroy all my Corn, carry away all my Flock of tame Goats, and I should perish at last for meer Want. Thus my Fear banish'd all my religious Hope; all that former Confidence in God which was founded upon such wonderful Experience as I had had of his Goodness, now vanished, as if he that had fed me by Miracle hitherto, could not preserve by his Power the Provision which he had made for me by his Goodness. I reproach'd my self with my Easiness, that would not sow any more Corn one Year than would just serve me till the next Season, as if no Accident could intervene to prevent my enjoying the Crop that was upon the Ground; and this I thought so just a Reproof, that I resolv'd for the future to have two or three Years Corn beforehand, so that whatever might come, I might not perish for want of Bread. How strange a Chequer WorkCheckerboard of Providence is the Life of Man! and by what secret differing Springs are the Affections hurry'd about as differing Circumstance present! To Day we love what to Morrow we hate; to Day we seek what to Morrow we shun; to Day we desire what to Morrow we fear; nay even tremble at the Apprehensions of; this was exemplify'd in me at this Time in the most lively Manner imaginable; for I whose only Affliction was, that I seem'd banished from human Society, that I was alone, circumscrib'd by the boundless Ocean, cut off from Mankind, and condemn'd to what I call'd silent Life; that I was as one who Heaven thought not worthy to be number'd among the Living, or to appear among the rest of his Creatures; that to have seen one of my own Species, would have seem'd to me a Raising me from Death to Life, and the greatest Blessing that Heaven it self, next to the supreme Blessing of Salvation, could bestow; I say, that I should now tremble at the very Apprehensions of seeing a Man, and was ready to sink into the Ground at but the Shadow or silent Appearance of a Man's having set his Foot in the Island. Such is the uneven State of human Life: And it afforded me a great many curious Speculations afterwards, when I had a little recover'd my first Surprize; I consider'd that this was the Station of Life the infinitely wise and good Providence of God had determin'd for me, that as I could not foresee what the Ends of Divine Wisdom might be in all this, so I was not to dispute his Sovereignty, who, as I was his Creature, had an undoubted Right by Creation to govern and dispose of me absolutely as he thought fit; and who, as I was a Creature who had offended him, had likewise a judicial Right to condemn me to what Punishment he thought fit; and that it was my Part to submit to bear his Indignation, because I had sinn'd against him. I then reflected that God, who was not only Righteous but Omnipotent, as he had thought fit thus to punish and afflict me, so he was able to deliver me; that if he did not think fit to do it, 'twas my unquestion'd Duty to resign my self absolutely and entirely to his Will; and on the other Hand, it was my Duty also to hope in him, pray to him, and quietly to attend the Dictates and Directions of his daily Providence. These Thoughts took me up many Hours, Days; nay, I may say, Weeks and Months; and one particular Effect of my Cogitations on this Occasion, I cannot omit, viz. One Morning early, lying in my Bed, and fill'd with Thought about my Danger from the Appearance of Savages, I found it discompos'd me very much, upon which those Words of the Scripture came into my Thoughts, Call upon me in the Day of Trouble, and I will deliver, and thou shalt glorify me.Psalm 50:15 Upon this, rising chearfully out of my Bed, my Heart was not only comforted, but I was guided and encourag'd to pray earnestly to God for Deliverance: When I had done praying, I took up my Bible, and opening it to read, the first Words that presented to me, were, Wait on the Lord, and be of good Cheer, and he shall strengthen thy Heart; wait, I say, on the Lord:Psalm 27:14 and Psalm 31:24 It is impossible to express the Comfort this gave me. In Answer, I thankfully laid down the Book, and was no more sad, at least, not on that Occasion. In the middle of these Cogitations, Apprehensions and Reflections, it came into my Thought one Day, that all this might be a meer ChimeraMonstrous imagining (more literally, a monster in Greek mythology, with a lion's head, a goat's body, and a serpent's tail) of my own; and that this Foot might be the Print of my own Foot, when I came on Shore from my Boat: This chear'd me up a little too, and I began to perswade my self it was all a Delusion; that it was nothing else but my own Foot, and why might not I come that way from the Boat, as well as I was going that way to the Boat; again, I consider'd also that I could by no Means tell for certain where I had trod, and where I had not; and that if at last this was only the Print of my own Foot, I had play'd the Part of those Fools, who strive to make stories of Spectres, and Apparitions; and then are frighted at them more than any body. Now I began to take Courage, and to peep abroad again; for I had not stirr'd out of my Castle for three Days and Nights; so that I began to starve for Provision; for I had little or nothing within Doors, but some Barley Cakes and Water. Then I knew that my Goats wanted to be milk'd too, which usually was my Evening Diversion; and the poor Creatures were in great Pain and Inconvenience for want of it; and indeed, it almost spoil'd some of them, and almost dry'd up their Milk. Heartning my self therefore with the Belief that this was nothing but the Print of one of my own Feet, and so I might be truly said to startStartle at my own Shadow, I began to go abroad again, and went to my Country House, to milk my Flock; but to see with what Fear I went forward, how often I look'd behind me, how I was ready every now and then to lay down my Basket, and run for my Life, it would have made any one have thought I was haunted with an evil Conscience, or that I had been lately most terribly frighted, and so indeed I had. However, as I went down thus two or three Days, and having seen nothing, I began to be a little bolder; and to think there was really nothing in it, but my own Imagination: But I cou'd not perswade my self fully of this, till I should go down to the Shore again, and see this Print of a Foot, and measure it by my own, and see if there was any Similitude or Fitness, that I might be assur'd it was my own Foot: But when I came to the Place, First, It appear'd evidently to me, that when I laid up my Boat, I could not possibly be on Shore any where there about. Secondly, When I came to measure the Mark with my own Foot, I found my Foot not so large by a great deal; both these Things fill'd my Head with new Imaginations, and gave me the VapoursPhysiologically, the four humors (sanguine, choleric, phlegmatic, melancholic) were thought to emit "vapors" that ascended to the brain and shaped one's temperament. When the humors were unbalanced, the vapors caused distemper and illness. again, to the highest Degree; so that I shook with cold, like one in an Ague: And I went Home again, fill'd with the Belief that some Man or Men had been on Shore there; or in short, that the Island was inhabited, and I might be surpriz'd before I was aware; and what course to take for my Security I knew not. O what ridiculous Resolution Men take, when possess'd with Fear! It deprives them of the Use of those Means which Reason offers for their Relief. The first Thing I propos'd to my self, was, to throw down my Enclosures, and turn all my tame Cattle wild into the Woods, that the Enemy might not find them; and then frequent the Island in Prospect of the same, or the like Booty: Then to the simple Thing of Digging up my two Corn Fields, that they might not find such a Grain there, and still be prompted to frequent the Island; then to demolish my Bower, and Tent, that they might not see any Vestiges of Habitation, and be prompted to look farther, in order to find out the Persons inhabiting. These were the Subject of the first Night's Cogitation, after I was come Home again, while the Apprehensions which had so over-run my Mind were fresh upon me, and my Head was full of Vapours, as above: Thus Fear of Danger is ten thousand Times more terrifying than Danger it self, when apparent to the Eyes; and we find the Burthen of Anxiety greater by much, than the Evil which we are anxious about; and which was worse than all this, I had not that Relief in this Trouble from the Resignation I used to practise, that I hop'd to have. I look'd, I thought, like Saul, who complain'd not only that the Philistines were upon him; but that God had forsaken him Saul, the first king of the Israelites, summons the spirit of the prophet Samuel and tells him, "I am sore distressed; for the Philistines make war against me, and God is departed from me, and answereth me no more, neither by prophets, nor by dreams" (1 Samuel 28:15).; for I did not now take due Ways to compose my Mind, by crying to God in my Distress, and resting upon his Providence, as I had done before, for my Defence and Deliverance; which if I had done, I had, at least, been more cheerfully supported under this new Surprise, and perhaps carry'd through it with more Resolution. This Confusion of my Thoughts kept me waking all Night; but in the Morning I fell asleep, and having by the Amusement of my Mind, been, as it were, tyr'd, and my Spirits exhausted; I slept very soundly, and wak'd much better compos'd than I had ever been before; and now I began to think sedately; and upon the utmost Debate with my self, I concluded, That this Island, which was so exceeding pleasant, fruitful, and no farther from the main Land than as I had seen, was not so entirely abandon'd as I might imagine: That altho' there were no stated Inhabitants who liv'd on the Spot; yet that there might sometimes come Boats off from the Shore, who either with Design, or perhaps never, but when they were driven by cross Winds, might come to this Place. That I had liv'd here fifteen Years now, and had not met with the least Shadow or Figure of any People yet; and that if at any Time they should be driven here, it was probable they went away again as soon as ever they could, seeing they had never thought fit to fix there upon any Occasion, to this Time. That the most I cou'd suggest any Danger from, was, from any such casual accidental Landing of straggling People from the Main, who, as it was likely if they were driven hither, were here against their Wills; so they made no stay here, but went off again with all possible Speed, seldom staying one Night on Shore, least they should not have the Help of the Tides, and Day-light back again; and that therefore I had nothing to do but to consider of some safe Retreat, in Case I should see any Savages land upon the Spot. Now I began sorely to repent, that I had dug my Cave so large, as to bring a Door through again, which Door, as I said, came out beyond where my Fortification joyn'd to the Rock; upon maturely considering this therefore, I resolv'd to draw me a second Fortification, in the same Manner of a Semicircle, at a Distance from my Wall, just where I had planted a double Row of Trees, about twelve Years before, of which I made mention: These Trees having been planted so thick before, they wanted but a few Piles to be driven between them, that they should be thicker, and stronger, and my Wall would be soon finish'd. So that I had now a double Wall, and my outer Wall was thickned with Pieces of Timber, old Cables, and every Thing I could think of, to make it strong; having in it seven little Holes, about as big as I might put my Arm out at: In the In-side of this, I thickned my Wall to above ten Foot thick, with continual bringing Earth out of my Cave, and laying it at the Foot of the Wall, and walking upon it; and through the seven Holes, I contriv'd to plant the Musquets, of which I took Notice, that I got seven on Shore out of the Ship; these, I say, I planted like my Cannon, and fitted them into Frames that held them like a Carriage, that so I could fire all the seven Guns in two Minutes Time: This Wall I was many a weary Month a finishing, and yet never thought my self safe till it was done. When this was done, I stuck all the Ground without my Wall, for a great way every way, as full with Stakes or Sticks of the OsierA variety of Eurasian willows like Wood, which I found so apt to grow, as they could well stand; insomuch, that I believe I might set in near twenty thousand of them, leaving a pretty large Space between them and my Wall, that I might have room to see an Enemy, and they might have no shelter from the young Trees, if they attempted to approach my outer Wall. Thus in two Years Time I had a thick Grove and in five or six Years Time I had a Wood before my Dwelling, growing so monstrous thick and strong, that it was indeed perfectly impassable; and no Men of what kind soever, would ever imagine that there was any Thing beyond it, much less a Habitation: As for the Way which I propos'd to my self to go in and out, for I left no Avenue; it was by setting two Ladders, one to a Part of the Rock which was low, and then broke in, and left room to place another Ladder upon that; so when the two Ladders were taken down, no Man living could come down to me without mischieving himself; and if they had come down, they were still on the Out-side of my outer Wall. Selected Text from Robinson CrusoeUpon this however, I made this Conclusion, that my only Way to go about an Attempt for an Escape, was, if possible, to get a Savage into my Possession; and if possible, it should be one of their Prisoners, who they had condemn'd to be eaten, and should bring thither to kill; but these Thoughts still were attended with this Difficulty, that it was impossible to effect this, without attacking a whole Caravan of them, and killing them all; and this was not only a very desperate Attempt, and might miscarry; but on the other Hand, I had greaty scrupled the Lawfulness of it to me; and my Heart trembled at the thoughts of shedding so much Blood, tho' it was for my Deliverance. I need not repeat the Arguments which occurr'd to me against this, they being the same mention'd before; but tho' I had other Reasons to offer now (viz.) that those Men were Enemies to my Life, and would devour me, if they could; that it was Self-preservation in the highest Degree, to deliver my self from this Death of a Life, and was acting in my own Defence, as much as if they were actually assaulting me, and the like. I say, tho' these Things argued for it, yet the Thoughts of shedding Humane Blood for my Deliverance, were very Terrible to me, and such as I could by no Means reconcile my self to, a great while. However at last, after many secret Disputes with my self, and after great Perplexities about it, for all these Arguments one Way and another struggl'd in my Head a long Time, the eager prevailing Desire of Deliverance at length master'd all the rest; and I resolv'd, if possible, to get one of those Savages into my Hands, cost what it would. My next Thing then was to contrive how to do it, and this indeed was very difficult to resolve on: But as I could pitch upon no probable Means for it, so I resolv'd to put my self upon the Watch, to see them when they came on Shore, and leave the rest to the Event, taking such Measures as the Opportunity should present, let be what would be. With these Resolutions in my Thoughts, I set my self upon the Scout, as often as possible, and indeed so often till I was heartily tir'd of it, for it was above a Year and Half that I waited, and for great part of that Time went out to the West End, and to the South West Corner of the Island, almost every Day, to see for Canoes, but none appear'd. This was very discouraging, and began to trouble me much, tho' I cannot say that it did in this Case, as it had done some time before that, (viz.) wear off the Edge of my Desire to the Thing. But the longer it seem'd to be delay'd, the more eager I was for it; in a Word, I was not at first so careful to shun the sight of these Savages, and avoid being seen by them, as I was now eager to be upon them. Besides, I fancied my self able to manage One, nay, Two or Three Savages, if I had them so as to make them entirely Slaves to me, to do whatever I should direct them, and to prevent their being able at any time to do me any Hurt. It was a great while, that I pleas'd my self with this Affair, but nothing still presented; all my Fancies and Schemes came to nothing, for no Savages came near me for a great while. About a Year and half after I had entertain'd these Notions, and by long musing, had as it were resolved them all into nothing, for want of an Occasion to put them in Execution, I was surpriz'd one Morning early, with seeing no less than five Canoes all on Shore together on my side the Island; and the People who belong'd to them all landed, and out of my sight: The Number of them broke all my Measures, for seeing so many, and knowing that they always came four or six, or sometimes more in a Boat, I could not tell what to think of it, or how to take my Measures, to attack Twenty or Thirty Men single handed; so I lay still in my Castle, perplex'd and discomforted: However I put my self into all the same Postures for an Attack that I had formerly provided, and was just ready for Action, if any Thing had presented; having waited a good while, listening to hear if they made any Noise; at length being very impatient, I set my Guns at the Foot of my Ladder, and clamber'd up to the Top of the Hill, by my two Stages as usual; standing so however that my Head did not appear above the Hill, so that they could not perceive me by any Means; here I observ'd by the help of my Perspective Glass, that they were no less than Thirty in Number, that they had a Fire kindled, that they had had Meat dress'd. How they had cook'd it, that I knew not, or what it was; but they were all Dancing in I know not how many barbarous Gestures and Figures, their own Way, round the Fire. While I was thus looking on them, I perceived by my Perspective, two miserable Wretches dragg'd from the Boats, where it seems they were laid by, and were now brought out for the Slaughter. I perceived one of them immediately fell, being knock'd down, I suppose with a Club or Wooden Sword, for that was their way, and two or three others were at work immediately cutting him open for their Cookery, while the other Victim was left standing by himself, till they should be ready for him. In that very Moment this poor Wretch seeing himself a little at Liberty, Nature inspir'd him with Hopes of Life, and he started away from them, and ran with incredible Swiftness along the Sands directly towards me, I mean towards that part of the Coast, where my Habitation was. I was dreadfully frighted, (that I must acknowledge) when I perceived him to run my Way; and especially, when as I thought I saw him pursued by the whole Body, and now I expected that part of my Dream was coming to pass, and that he would certainly take shelter in my Grove; but I could not depend by any means upon my Dream for the rest of it, (viz.) that the other Savages would not pursue him thither, and find him there. However I kept my Station, and my Spirits began to recover, when I found that there was not above three Men that follow'd him, and still more was I encourag'd, when I found that he outstrip'd them exceedingly in running, and gain'd Ground of them, so that if he could but hold it for half an Hour, I saw easily he would fairly get away from them all. There was between them and my Castle, the Creek which I mention'd often at the first part of my Story, when I landed my Cargoes out of the Ship; and this I saw plainly, he must necessarily swim over, or the poor Wretch would be taken there: But when the Savage escaping came thither, he made nothing of it, tho' the Tide was then up, but plunging in, swam thro' in about Thirty Strokes or thereabouts, landed and ran on with exceeding Strength and Swiftness; when the Three Persons came to the Creek, I found that Two of them could Swim, but the Third cou'd not, and that standing on the other Side, he look'd at the other, but went no further; and soon after went softly back again, which as it happen'd, was very well for him in the main. I observ'd, that the two who swam, were yet more than twice as long swimming over the Creek, as the Fellow was, that fled from them: It came now very warmly upon my Thoughts, and indeed irresistibly, that now was my Time to get me a Servant, and perhaps a Companion, or Assistant; and that I was call'd plainly by Providence to save this poor Creature's Life; I immediately run down the Ladders with all possible Expedition, fetches my two Guns, for they were both but at the Foot of the Ladders, as I observ'd above; and getting up again, with the same haste, to the Top of the Hill, I cross'd toward the Sea; and having a very short Cut, and all down Hill, clapp'dPlaced my self in the way, between the Pursuers, and the Pursu'd; hallowing aloud to him that fled, who looking back, was at first perhaps as much frighted at me, as at them; but I beckon'd with my Hand to him, to come back; and in the mean time, I slowly advanc'd towards the two that follow'd; then rushing at once upon the foremost, I knock'd him down with the StockThe butt of a gun of my Piece; I was loath to fire, because I would not have the rest hear; though at that distance, it would not have been easily heard, and being out of Sight of the Smoke too, they wou'd not have easily known what to make of it: Having knock'd this Fellow down, the other who pursu'd with him stopp'd, as if he had been frighted; and I advanc'd a-pace towards him; but as I came nearer, I perceiv'd presently, he had a Bow and Arrow, and was fitting it to shoot at me; so I was then necessitated to shoot at him first, which I did, and kill'd him at the first Shoot; the poor Savage who fled, but had stopp'd; though he saw both his Enemies fallen, and kill'd, as he thought; yet was so frighted with the Fire, and Noise of my Piece; that he stood Stock still, and neither came forward or went backward, tho' he seem'd rather enclin'd to fly still, than to come on; I hollow'd again to him, and made Signs to come forward, which he easily understood, and came a little way, then stopp'd again, and then a little further, and stopp'd again, and I cou'd then perceive that he stood trembling, as if he had been taken Prisoner, and had just been to be kill'd, as his two Enemies were; I beckon'd him again to come to me, and gave him all the Signs of Encouragement that I could think of, and he came nearer and nearer, kneeling down every Ten or Twelve steps in token of acknowledgement for my saving his Life: I smil'd at him, and look'd pleasantly, and beckon'd to him to come still nearer; at length he came close to me, and then he kneel'd down again, kiss'd the Ground, and laid his Head upon the Ground, and taking me by the Foot, set my Foot upon his Head; this it seems was in token of swearing to be my Slave for ever; I took him up, and made much of him, and encourag'd him all I could. But there was more work to do yet, for I perceived the Savage who I knock'd down, was not kill'd, but stunn'd with the blow, and began to come to himself; so I pointed to him, and showing him the Savage, that he was not dead; upon this he spoke some Words to me, and though I could not understand them, yet I thought they were pleasant to hear, for they were the first sound of a Man's Voice, that I had heard, my own excepted, for above Twenty Five Years. But there was no time for such Reflections now, the Savage who was knock'd down recover'd himself so far, as to sit up upon the Ground, and I perceived that my Savage began to be afraid; but when I saw that, I presented my other Piece at the Man, as if I would shoot him, upon this my Savage, for so I call him now, made a Motion to me to lend him my Sword, which hung naked in a Belt by my side; so I did, he no sooner had it, but he runs to his Enemy, and at one blow cut off his Head as cleaverly, no Executioner in Germany, could have done it sooner or better; which I thought very strange, for one who I had Reason to believe never saw a Sword in his Life before, except their own Wooden Swords; however it seems, as I learn'd afterwards, they make their Wooden Swords so sharp, so heavy, and the Wood is so hard, that they will cut off Heads even with them, ay and Arms, and that at one blow too; when he had done this, he comes laughing to me in Sign of Triumph, and brought me the Sword again, and with abundance of Gestures which I did not understand, laid it down with the Head of the Savage, that he had kill'd just before me. But that which astonish'd him most, was to know how I had kill'd the other Indian so far off, so pointing to him, he made Signs to me to let him go to him, so I bad him go, as well as I could, when he came to him, he stood like one amaz'd, looking at him, turn'd him first on one side, then on t'other, look'd at the Wound the Bullet had made, which it seems was just in his Breast, where it had made a Hole, and no great Quantity of Blood had follow'd, but he had bled inwardly, for he was quite dead; He took up his Bow, and Arrows, and came back, so I turn'd to go away, and beckon'd to him to follow me, making Signs to him, that more might come after them. Upon this he sign'd to me, that he should bury them with Sand, that they might not be seen by the rest if they follow'd; and so I made Signs again to him to do so; he fell to Work, and in an instant he had scrap'd a Hole in the Sand, with his Hands, big enough to bury the first in, and then dragg'd him into it, and cover'd him, and did so also by the other; I believe he had bury'd them both in a Quarter of an Hour; then calling him away, I carry'd him not to my Castle, but quite away to my Cave, on the farther Part of the Island; so I did not let my Dream come to pass in that Part, viz. That he came into my Grove for shelter. Here I gave him Bread, and a Bunch of Raisins to eat, and a Draught of Water, which I found he was indeed in great Distress for, by his Running; and having refresh'd him, I made Signs for him to go lie down and sleep; pointing to a Place where I had laid a great Parcel of Rice Straw, and a Blanket upon it, which I used to sleep upon my self sometimes; so the poor Creature laid down, and went to sleep. He was a comely handsome Fellow, perfectly well made; with straight strong Limbs, not too large; tall and well shap'd, and as I reckon, about twenty six Years of Age. He had a very good Countenance, not a fierce and surly Aspect; but seem'd to have something very manly in his Face, and yet he had all the Sweetness and Softness of an European in his Countenance too, especially when he smil'd. His Hair was long and black, not curl'd like Wool; his Forehead very high, and large, and a great Vivacity and sparkling Sharpness in his Eyes. The Colour of his Skin was not quite black, but very tawny; and yet not of an ugly yellow nauseous tawny, as the Brasilians, and Virginians, and other Natives of America are; but of a bright kind of a dun olive Colour, that had in it something very agreeable; tho' not very easy to describe. His Face was round, and plump; his Nose small, not flat like the Negroes, a very good Mouth, thin Lips, and his fine Teeth well set, and white as Ivory. After he had slumber'd, rather than slept, about half an Hour, he wak'd again, and comes out of the Cave to me; for I had been milking my Goats, which I had in the Enclosure just by: When he espy'd me, he came running to me, laying himself down again upon the Ground, with all the possible Signs of an humble thankful Disposition, making a many antick Gestures to show it: At last he lays his Head flat upon the Ground, close to my Foot, and sets my other Foot upon his Head, as he had done before; and after this, made all the Signs to me of Subjection, Servitude, and Submission imaginable, to let me know, how he would serve me as long as he liv'd; I understood him in many Things, and let him know, I was very well pleas'd with him; in a little Time I began to speak to him, and teach him to speak to me; and first, I made him know his Name should be Friday, which was the Day I sav'd his Life; I call'd him so for the Memory of the Time; I likewise taught him to say Master, and then let him know, that was to be my Name; I likewise taught him to say, YES, and NO, and to know the Meaning of them; I gave him some Milk, in an earthen Pot, and let him see me Drink it before him, and sop my Bread in it; and I gave him a Cake of Bread, to do the like, which he quickly comply'd with, and made Signs that it was very good for him. I kept there with him all that Night; but as soon as it was Day, I beckon'd to him to come with me, and let him know, I would give him some Cloaths, at which he seem'd very glad, for he was stark naked: As we went by the Place where he had bury'd the two Men, he pointed exactly to the Place, and shew'd me the Marks that he had made to find them again, making Signs to me, that we should dig them up again, and eat them; at this I appear'd very angry, express'd my Abhorrence of it, made as if I would vomit at the Thoughts of it, and beckon'd with my Hand to him to come away, which he did immediately, with great Submission. I then led him up to the Top of the Hill, to see if his Enemies were gone; and pulling out my Glass, I look'd, and saw plainly the Place where they had been, but no appearance of them, or of their Canoes; so that it was plain they were gone, and had left their two Comrades behind them, without any search after them. But I was not content with this Discovery; but having now more Courage, and consequently more Curiosity, I takes my Man FridayThe idiom "Man Friday" or "Girl Friday" still refers to an especially faithful servant or personal assistant. It came into use with the release of the film "His Girl Friday" (1940), whose title alludes to Defoe's novel. with me, giving him the Sword in his Hand, with the Bow and Arrows at his Back, which I found he could use very dextrously, making him carry one Gun for me, and I two for my self, and away we march'd to the Place, where these Creatures had been; for I had a Mind now to get some fuller Intelligence of them: When I came to the Place, my very Blood ran chill in my Veins, and my Heart sunk within me, at the Horror of the Spectacle: Indeed it was a dreadful Sight, at least it was so to me; though Friday made nothing of it: The Place was cover'd with humane Bones, the Ground dy'd with their Blood, great Pieces of Flesh left here and there, half eaten, mangl'd and scorch'd; and in short, all the Tokens of the triumphant Feast they had been making there, after a Victory over their Enemies: I saw three Skulls, five Hands, and the Bones of three or four Legs and Feet, and abundance of other Parts of the Bodies; and Friday, by his Signs, made me understand, that they brought over four Prisoners to feast upon; that three of them were eaten up, and that he, pointing to himself, was the fourth: That there had been a great Battle between them, and their next King, whose Subjects it seems he had been one of; and that they had taken a great Number of Prisoners, all which were carry'd to several Places by those that had taken them in the Fight, in order to feast upon them, as was done here by these Wretches upon those they brought hither. I caus'd Friday to gather all the Skulls, Bones, Flesh, and whatever remain'd, and lay them togethere on a Heap, and make a great Fire upon it, and burn them all to Ashes: I found Friday had still a hankering Stomach after some of the Flesh, and was still a Cannibal in his Nature; but I discover'dDemonstrated so much Abhorrence at the very Thoughts of it, and at the least Appearance of it, that he durst not discoverReveal it; for I had by some Means let him know, that I would kill him if he offer'd it. When we had done this, we came back to our Castle, and there I fell to work for my Man Friday; and first of all, I gave him a pair of Linnen Drawers, which I had out of the poor Gunner's Chest I mention'd, and which I found in the Wreck; and which with a little Alteration fitted him very well; then I made him a Jerkin of Goat's-skin, as well as my Skill would allow; and I was now grown a tollerable good Taylor; and I gave him a Cap, which I had made of a Hare-skin, very convenient, and fashionable enough; and thus he was cloath'd for the present, tollerably well; and was mighty well pleas'd to see himself almost as well cloath'd as his Master: It is true, he went awkardly in these Things at first; wearing the Drawers was very awkard to him, and the Sleeves of the Wast-coat gall'd his Shoulders, and the inside of his Arms; but a little easing them where he complain'd they hurt him, and using himself to them, at length he took to them very well. The next Day after I came home to my Hutch with him, I began to consider where I should lodge him, and that I might do well for him, and yet be perfectly easy my self; I made a little Tent for him in the vacant Place between my two Fortifications, in the inside of the last, and in the outside of the first; and as there was a Door, or Entrance there into my Cave, I made a formal fram'd Door Case, and a Door to it of Boards, and set it up in the Passage, a little within the Entrance; and causing the Door to open on the inside, I barr'd it up in the Night, taking in my Ladders too; so that Friday could no way come at me in the inside of my innermost Wall, without making so much Noise in getting over, that it must needs waken me; for my first Wall had now a compleat Roof over it of long Poles, covering all my Tent, and leaning up to the side of the Hill, which was again laid cross with smaller Sticks instead of LathsThin, narrow strips of wood used to form a groundwork upon which to fasten the slates of a roof, and then thatch'd over a great Thickness, with the Rice Straw, which was strong like Reeds; and at the Hole or Place which was left to go in or out by the Ladder, I had plac'd a kind of Trap-door, which if it had been attempted on the outside, would not have open'd at all, but would have fallen down, and made a great Noise; and as to Weapons, I took them all in to my Side every Night. But I needed none of all this Precaution; for never Man had a more faithful, loving, sincere Servant, than Friday was to me; without Passions, Sullenness or Designs, perfectly oblig'd and engag'd; his very Affections were ty'd to me, like those of a Child to a Father; and I dare say, he would have sacrific'd his Life for the saving mine, upon any occasion whatsoever; the many Testimonies he gave me of this, put it out of doubt, and soon convinc'd me, that I needed to use no Precautions, as to my Safety on his Account. This frequently gave me occasion to observe, and that with wonder, that however it had pleas'd God, in his Providence, and in the Government of the Works of his Hands, to take from so great a Part of the World of his Creatures, the best uses to which their Faculties, and the Powers of their Souls are adapted; yet that he has bestow'd upon them the same Powers, the same Reason, the same Affections, the same Sentiments of Kindness and Obligation, the same Passions and Resentments of Wrongs; the same Sense of Gratitude, Sincerity, Fidelity, and all the Capacities of doing Good, and receiving Good, that he has given to us; and that when he pleases to offer to them Occasions of exerting these, they are as ready, nay, more ready to apply them to the right Uses for which they were bestow'd, than we are; and this made me very melancholly sometimes, in reflecting as the several Occasions presented, how mean a Use we make of all these, even though we have these Powers enlighten'd by the great Lamp of Instruction, the Spirit of God, and by the Knowledge of his Word, added to our Understanding; and why it has pleas'd God to hide the like saving Knowledge from so many Millions of Souls, who if I might judge by this poor Savage, would make a much better use of it than we did. From hence, I sometimes was led too far to invade the Soveraignty of Providence, and as it were arraign the Justice of so arbitrary a Disposition of Things, that should hide that Light from some, and reveal it to others, and yet expect a like Duty from both: But I shut it up, and check'd my Thoughts with this Conclusion, (1st.) That we did not know by what Light and Law these should be Condemn'd; but that as God was necessarily, and by the Nature of his Being, infinitely Holy and Just, so it could not be; but that if these Creatures were all sentenc'd to Absence from himself, it was on account of sinning against that Light which, as the Scripture says, was a Law to themselves, and by such Rules as their Consciences would acknowledge to be just, tho' the Foundation was not discover'd to us: And (2d.) that still as we are all the Clay in the Hand of the Potter, no Vessel could say to him, Why hast thou form'd me thus? But to return to my New Companion; I was greatly delighted with him, and made it my Business to teach him every Thing, that was proper to make him useful, handy, and helpful; but especially to make him speak, and understand me when I spake, and he was the aptest Schollar that ever was, and particularly was so merry, so constantly diligent, and so pleased, when he cou'd but understand me, or make me understand him, that it was very pleasant to me to talk to him; and now my Life began to be so easy, that I began to say to my self, that could I but have been safe from more Savages, I cared not, if I was never to remove from the place while I lived. After I had been two or three Days return'd to my Castle, I thought that, in order to bring Friday off from his horrid way of feeding, and from the Relish of a Cannibal's Stomach, I ought to let him taste other Flesh; so I took him out with me one Morning to the Woods: I went indeed intending to kill a Kid out of my own Flock, and bring him home and dress it. But as I was going, I saw a She Goat lying down in the Shade, and two young Kids sitting by her, I catch'd hold of Friday, hold says I, stand still; and made Signs to him not to stir, immediately I presented my Piece, shot and kill'd one of the Kids. The poor Creature who had at a Distance indeed seen me kill the Savage his Enemy, but did not know, or could imagine how it was done, was sensibly surpriz'd, trembled, and shook, and look'd so amaz'd, that I thought he would have sunk down. He did not see the Kid I shot at, or perceive I had kill'd it, but ripp'd up his Wastcoat to feel if he was not wounded, and as I found, presently thought I was resolv'd to kill him; for he came and kneel'd down to me, and embraceing my Knees, said a great many Things I did not understand; but I could easily see that the meaning was to pray me not to kill him. I soon found a way to convince him that I would do him no harm, and taking him up by the Hand laugh'd at him, and pointed to the Kid which I had kill'd, beckoned to him to run and fetch it, which he did; and while he was wondering and looking to see how the Creature was kill'd, I loaded my Gun again, and by and by I saw a great Fowl like a Hawk sit upon a Tree within Shot; so to let Friday understand a little what I would do, I call'd him to me again, pointed at the Fowl which was indeed a Parrot, tho' I thought it had been a Hawk, I say pointing to the Parrot, and to my Gun, and to the Ground under the Parrot, to let him see I would make it fall, I made him understand that I would shoot and kill that Bird; according I fir'd and bad him look, and immediately he saw the Parrot fall, he stood like one frighted again, notwithstanding all I had said to him; and I found he was the more amaz'd, because he did not see me put any Thing into the Gun; but thought that there must be some wonderful Fund of Death and Destruction in that Thing, able to kill Man, Beast, Bird, or any Thing near, or far off; and the Astonishment this created in him was such, as could not wear off for a long Time; and I believe, if I would have let him, he would have worshipp'd me and my Gun: As for the Gun it self, he would not so much as touch it for several Days after; but would speak to it, and talk to it, as if it had answer'd him, when he was by himself; which, as I afterwards learn'd of him, was to desire it not to kill him. Well, after his Astonishment was a little over at this, I pointed to him to run and fetch the Bird I had shot, which he did, but stay'd some Time; for the Parrot not being quite dead, was flutter'd away a good way off from the Place where she fell; however, he found her, took her up, and brought her to me; and as I had perceiv'd his Ignorance about the Gun before, I took this Advantage to charge the Gun again, and not let him see me do it, that I might be ready for any other Mark that might present; but nothing more offer'd at that Time; so I brought home the Kid, and the same Evening I took the Skin off, and cut it out as well as I could; and having a Pot for that purpose, I boil'd, or stew'd some of the Flesh, and made some very good Broth; and after I had begun to eat some, I gave some to my Man, who seem'd very glad of it, and lik'd it very well; but that which was strangest to him, was, to see me eat Salt with it; he made a Sign to me, that the Salt was not good to eat, and putting a little into his own Mouth, he seem'd to nauseate it, and would spit and sputter at it, washing his Mouth with fresh Water after it; on the other hand, I took some Meat in my Mouth without Salt, and I pretended to spit and sputter for want of Salt, as fast as he had done at the Salt; but it would not do, he would never care for Salt with his Meat, or in his Broth; at least not a great while, and then but a very little. Having thus fed him with boil'd Meat and Broth, I was resolv'd to feast him the next Day with roasting a Piece of the Kid; this I did by hanging it before the Fire, in a String, as I had seen many People do in England, setting two Poles up, one on each side the Fire, and one cross on the Top, and tying the String to the Cross-stick, letting the Meat turn continually: This Friday admir'd very much; but when he came to taste the Flesh, he took so many ways to tell me how well he lik'd it, that I could not but understand him; and at last he told me he would never eat Man's Flesh any more, which I was very glad to hear. The next Day I set him to work to beating some Corn out, and sifting it in the manner I us'd to do, as I observ'd before, and he soon understood how to do it as well as I, especially after he had seen what the Meaning of it was, and that it was to make Bread of; for after that I let him see me make my Bread, and bake it too, and in a little Time Friday was able to do all the Work for me, as well as I could do it my self. I begun now to consider, that having two Mouths to feed, instead of one, I must provide more Ground for my Harvest, and plant a larger Quantity of Corn, than I us'd to do; so I mark'd out a larger Piece of Land, and began the Fence in the same Manner as before, in which Friday not only work'd very willingly, and very hard; but did it very chearfully, and I told him what it was for; that it was for Corn to make more Bread, because he was now with me, and that I might have enough for him, and my self too: He appear'd very sensible of that Part, and let me know, that he thought I had much more Labour upon me on his Account, than I had for my self; and that he would work the harder for me, if I would tell him what to do. This was the pleasantest Year of all the Life I led in this Place; Friday began to talk pretty well, and understand the Names of almost every Thing I had occasion to call for, and of every Place I had to send him to, and talk'd a great deal to me; so that in short I began now to have some Use for my Tongue again, which indeed I had very little occasion for before; that is to say, about Speech; besides the Pleasure of talking to him, I had a singular Satisfaction in the Fellow himself; his simple unfeign'd Honesty, appear'd to me more and more every Day, and I began really to love the Creature; and on his Side, I believe he lov'd me more than it was possible for him ever to love any Thing before. I had a Mind once to try if he had any hankering Inclination to his own Country again, and having learn'd him English so well that he could answer me almost any Questions, I ask'd him whether the Nation that he belong'd to never conquer'd in Battle, at which he smil'd; and said; yes, yes, we always fight the better; that is, he meant always get the better in Fight; and so we began the following Discourse: You always fight the better said I, How came you to be taken Prisoner then, Friday? Friday, My Nation beat much, for all that. Master, How beat; if your Nation beat them, how come you to be taken? Friday, They more many than my Nation in the Place where me was; they take one, two, three, and me; my Nation over beat them in the yonder Place, where me no was; there my Nation take one, two, great Thousand. Master, But why did not your Side recover you from the Hands of your Enemies then? Friday, They run one, two, three, and me, and make go in the Canoe; my Nation have no Canoe that time. Master, Well, Friday, and What does your Nation do with the Men they take, do they carry them away, and eat them, as these did? Friday, Yes, my Nation eat Man's too, eat all up. Master, Where do they carry them? Friday, Go to other Place where they think. Master, Do they come hither? Friday, Yes, yes, they come hither; come other else Place. Master, Have you been here with them? Friday, Yes, I been here; [points to the N. W. Side of the Island] which it seems was their Side. By this I understood, that my Man Friday had formerly been among the Savages, who us'd to come on Shore on the farther Part of the Island, on the same Man eating Occasions that he was now brought for; and sometime after, when I took the Courage to carry him to that Side, being the same I formerly mention'd, he presently knew the Place, and told me, he was there once when they eat up twenty Men, two Women, and one Child; he could not tell Twenty in English; but he numbred them by laying so many Stones on a Row, and pointing to me to tell them over. I have told this Passage, because it introduces what follows; that after I had had this Discourse with him, I ask'd him how far it was from our Island to the Shore, and whether the Canoes were not often lost; he told me, there was no Danger, no Canoes ever lost; but that after a little way out to the Sea, there was a Current, and Wind, always one way in the Morning, the other in the Afternoon. This I understood to be no more than the Sets of the Tide, as going out, or coming in; but I afterwards understood, it was occasion'd by the great Draft and Reflux of the mighty River Oroonooko; in the Mouth, or the Gulph of which River, as I found afterwards, our Island lay; and this Land which I perceiv'd to the W. and N. W. was the great Island Trinidad, on the North Point of the Mouth of the River: I ask'd Friday a thousand Questions about the Country, the Inhabitants, the Sea, the Coast, and what Nation were near; he told me all he knew with the greatest Openness imaginable; I ask'd him the Names of the several Nations of his Sort of People; but could get no other Name than Caribs; from whence I easily understood, that these were the Caribbees, which our Maps place on the Part of America, which reaches from the Mouth of the River Oroonooko to Guiana, and onwards to St. Martha: He told me that up a great way beyond the Moon, that was, beyond the Setting of the Moon, which must be W. from their Country, there dwelt white bearded Men, like me; and pointed to my great Whiskers, which I mention'd before; and that they had kill'd much Mans, that was his Word; by all which I understood, he meant the Spaniards, whose Cruelties in America had been spread over the whole Countries, and was remember'd by all the Nations from Father to Son. I enquir'd if he could tell me how I might come from this Island, and get among those white Men; he told me, yes, yes, I might go in two Canoe; I could not understand what he meant, or make him describe to me what he meant by two Canoe, till at last with great Difficulty, I found he meant it must be in a large great Boat, as big as two Canoes. This Part of Friday's Discourse began to relish with me very well, and from this Time I entertain'd some Hopes, that one Time or other, I might find an Opportunity to make my Escape from this Place; and that this poor Savage might be a Means to help me to do it. During the long Time that Friday has now been with me, and that he began to speak to me, and understand me, I was not wanting to lay a Foundation of religious Knowledge in his Mind; particularly I ask'd him one Time who made him? The poor Creature did not understand me at all, but thought I had ask'd who was his Father; but I took it by another handle, and ask'd him who made the Sea, the Ground we walk'd on, and the Hills, and Woods; he told me it was one old Benamuckee, that liv'd beyond all: He could describe nothing of this great Person, but that he was very old; much older he said than the Sea, or the Land; than the Moon, or the Stars: I ask'd him then, if this old Person had made all Things, why did not all Things worship him; he look'd very grave, and with a perfect Look of Innocence, said, All Things do say O to him: I ask'd him if the People who die in his Country went away any where; he said, yes, they all went to BenamuckeeThere is no historic mythological source for this deity.; then I ask'd him whether these they eat up went thither too, he said yes. From these Things, I began to instruct him in the Knowledge of the true God: I told him that the great Maker of all Things liv'd up there, pointing up towards Heaven: That he governs the World by the same Power and Providence by which he had made it: That he was omnipotent, could do every Thing for us, give every Thing to us, take every Thing from us; and thus by Degrees I open'd his Eyes. He listned with great Attention, and receiv'd with Pleasure the Notion of Jesus Christ being sent to redeem us, and of the Manner of making our Prayers to God, and his being able to hear us, even into Heaven; he told me one Day, that if our God could hear us up beyond the Sun, he must needs be a greater God than their Benamuckee, who liv'd but a little way off, and yet could not hear, till they went up to the great Mountains where he dwelt, to speak to him; I ask'd him if ever he went thither, to speak to him; he said no, they never went that were young Men; none went thither but the old Men, who he call'd their Oowocakee,There is no historical source for this. that is, as I made him explain it to me, their Religious, or Clergy, and that they went to say O, (so he called saying Prayers) and then came back, and told them what Benamuckee said: By this I observ'd, That there is Priestcraft, even amongst the most blinded ignorant Pagans in the World; and the Policy of making a secret Religion, in order to preserve the Veneration of the People to the Clergy, is not only to be found in the Roman, but perhaps among all Religions in the World, even among the most brutish and barbarous Savages. I endeavour'd to clear up this Fraud, to my Man Friday, and told him, that the Pretence of their old Men going up the Mountains, to say O to their God Benamuckee, was a Cheat, and their bringing Word from thence what he said, was much more so; that if they met with any Answer, or spake with any one there, it must be with an evil Spirit: And then I entred into a long Discourse with him about the Devil, the Original of him, his Rebellion against God, his Enmity to Man, the Reason of it, his setting himself up in the dark Parts of the World to be Worship'd instead of God, and as God; and the many Stratagems he made use of to delude Mankind to his Ruine; how he had a secret access to our Passions, and to our Affections, to adapt his Snares so to our Inclinations, as to cause us even to be our own Tempters, and to run upon our Destruction by our own Choice. I found it was not so easie to imprint right Notions in his Mind about the Devil, as it was about the Being of a God. Nature assisted all my Arguments to Evidence to him, even the Necessity of a great first Cause and over-ruling governing Power; a secret directing Providence, and of the Equity, and Justice, of paying Homage to him that made us, and the like. But there appeared nothing of all this in the Notion of an evil Spirit; of his Original, his Being, his Nature, and above all of his Inclination to do Evil, and to draw us in to do so too; and the poor Creature puzzl'd me once in such a manner, by a Question meerly natural and innocent, that I scarce knew what to say to him. I had been talking a great deal to him of the Power of God, his Omnipotence, his dreadful Nature to Sin, his being a consuming Fire to the Workers of Iniquity, how, as he had made us all, he could destroy us and all the World in a Moment; and he listen'd with great Seriousness to me all the while. After this, I had been telling him how the Devil was God's Enemy in the Hearts of Men, and used all his Malice and Skill to defeat the good Designs of Providence, and to ruine the Kingdom of Christ in the World; and the like. Well, says Friday, but you say, God is so strong, so great, is he not much strong, much might as the Devil? Yes, yes, says I, Friday, God is stronger than the Devil, God is above the Devil, and therefore we pray to God to tread him down under our Feet, and enable us to resist his Temptations and quench his fiery Darts. But, says he again, if God much strong, much might as the Devil, why God no kill the Devil, so make him no more do wicked? I was strangely surpriz'd at his Question, and after all, tho' I was now an old Man, yet I was but a young Doctor, and ill enough quallified for a Casuist, or a Solver of Difficulties: And at first I could not tell what to say, so I pretended not to hear him, and ask'd him what he said? But he was too earnest for an Answer to forget his Question; so that he repeated it in the very same broken Words, as above. By this time I had recovered my self a little, and I said, God will at last punish him severely; he is reserv'd for the Judgment, and is to be cast into the Bottomless-Pit, to dwell with everlasting Fire. This did not satisfie Friday, but he returns upon me, repeating my Words, RESERVE, AT LAST, me no underderstand; but, Why not kill the Devil now, not kill great ago? You may as well ask me, said I, Why God does not kill you and I, when we do wicked Things here that offend him? We are preserv'd to repent and be pardon'd: He muses a while at this; well, well, says he, mighty affectionately, that well; so you, I, Devil, all wicked, all preserve, repent, God pardon all. Here I was run down again by him to the last Degree, and it was a Testimony to me, how the meer Notions of Nature, though they will guide reasonable Creatures to the Knowledge of a God, and of a Worship or Homage due to the supreme Being, of God as the Consequence of our Nature; yet nothing but divine Revelation can from the Knowledge of Jesus Christ, and of a Redemption purchas'd for us, of a Mediator of the new Covenant, and of an Intercessor, at the Foot-stool of God's Throne; I say, nothing but a Revelation from Heaven, can form these in the Soul, and that therefore the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; I mean, the Word of God, and the Spirit of God promis'd for the Guide and Sanctifier of his People, are the absolutely necessary Instructors of the Souls of Men, in the saving Knowledge of God, and the Means of Salvation. I therefore diverted the present Discourse between me and my Man, rising up hastily, as upon some sudden Occasion of going out; then sending him for something a good way off, I seriously pray'd to God that he would enable me to instruct savingly this poor Savage, assisting by his Spirit the Heart of the poor ignorant Creature, to receive the Light of the Knowledge of God in Christ, reconciling him to himself, and would guide me to speak so to him from the Word of God, as his Conscience might be convinc'd, his Eyes open'd, and his Soul sav'd. When he came again to me, I entred into a long Discourse with him upon the Subject of the Redemption of Man by the Saviour of the World, and of the Doctrine of the Gospel preach'd from Heaven, viz. of Repentance towards God, and Faith in our Blessed Lord Jesus. I then explain'd to him, as well as I could, why our Blessed Redeemer took not on him the Nature of Angels, but the Seed of Abraham, and how for that Reason the fallen Angels had no Share in the Redemption; that he came only to the lost Sheep of the House of Israel, and the like. I had, God knows, more Sincerity than Knowledge, in all the Methods I took for this poor Creature's Instruction, and must acknowledge what I believe all that act upon the same Principle will find, That in laying Things open to him, I really inform'd and instructed my self in many Things, that either I did not know, or had not fully consider'd before; but which occurr'd naturally to my Mind, upon my searching into them, for the Information of this poor Savage; and I had more Affection in my Enquiry after Things upon this Occasion, than ever I felt before; so that whether this poor wild Wretch was the better for me, or no, I had great Reason to be thankful that ever he came to me: My Grief set lighter upon me, my Habitation grew comfortable to me beyond Measure; and when I reflected that in this solitary Life which I had been confin'd to, I had not only been moved my self to look up to Heaven, and to seek to the Hand that had brought me there; but was now to be made an Instrument under Providence to save the Life, and for ought I knew, the Soul of a poor Savage, and bring him to the true Knowledge of Religion, and of the Christian Doctrine, that he might know Christ Jesus, to know whom is Life eternal. I say, when I reflected upon all these Things, a secret Joy run through every Part of my Soul, and I frequently rejoyc'd that ever I was brought to this Place, which I had so often thought the most dreadful of all Afflictions that could possibly have befallen me. In this thankful Frame I continu'd all the Remainder of my Time, and the Conversation which employ'd the Hours between Friday and I, was such, as made the three Years which we liv'd there together perfectly and compleatly happy, if any such Thing as compleat Happiness can be form'd in a sublunary State. The Savage was now a good Christian, a much better than I; though I have reason to hope, and bless God for it, that we were equally penitent, and comforted restor'd Penitents; we had here the Word of God to read, and no farther off from his Spirit to instruct, than if we had been in England. I always apply'd my self in Reading the Scripture, to let him know, as well as I could, the Meaning of what I read; and he again, by his serious Enquiries, and Questionings, made me, as I said before, a much better Scholar in the Scripture Knowledge, than I should ever have been by my own private meer Reading. Another thing I cannot refrain from observing here also from Experience, in this retir'd Part of my Life, viz. How infinite and inexpressible a Blessing it is, that the Knowledge of God, and of the Doctrine of Salvation by Christ Jesus, is so plainly laid down in the Word of God; so easy to be receiv'd and understood: That as the bare reading the Scripture made me capable of understanding enough of my Duty, to carry me directly on to the great Work of sincere Repentance for my Sins, and laying hold of a Saviour for Life and Salvation, to a stated Reformation in Practice, and Obedience to all God's Commands, and this without any Teacher or Instructer; I mean, humane; so the same plain Instruction sufficiently serv'd to the enlightning this Savage Creature, and bringing him to be such a Christian, as I have known few equal to him in my Life. As to all the Disputes, Wranglings, Strife and Contention, which has happen'd in the World about Religion, whether Niceties in Doctrines, or Schemes of Church Government, they were all perfectly useless to us; as for ought I can yet see, they have been to all the rest of the World: We had the sure Guide to Heaven, viz. The Word of God; and we had, blessed be God, comfortable Views of the Spirit of God teaching and instructing us by his Word, leading us into all Truth, and making us both willing and obedient to the Instruction of his Word; and I cannot see the least Use that the greatest Knowledge of the disputed Points in Religion which have made such Confusions in the World would have been to us, if we could have obtain'd it; but I must go on with the Historical Part of Things, and take every Part in its order. After Friday and I became more intimately acquainted, and that he could understand almost all I said to him, and speak fluently, though in broken English to me; I acquainted him with my own Story, or at least so much of it as related to my coming into the Place, how I had liv'd there, and how long. I let him into the Mystery, for such it was to him, of Gunpowder, and Bullet, and taught him how to shoot: I gave him a Knife, which he was wonderfully delighted with, and I made him a Belt, with a Frog hanging to it, such as in England we wear HangersSwords in; and in the Frog, instead of a Hanger, I gave him a Hatchet, which was not only as good a Weapon in some Cases, but much more useful upon other Occasions. Shakespeare, William and William Shakespeare. "The Tempest". ; Mr. William Shakespeares comedies, histories, & tragedies: published according to the true originall copies., Printed by Isaac Iaggard, and Ed. Blount, 1623 , pp 1-19 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [TP] MR. WILLIAMSHAKESPEARESCOMEDIES, HISTORIES, & TRAGEDIES. Published according to the True Originall Copies. London Printed by Isaac Jaggard, and Ed. Blount. 1623. The Scene, [A ship at sea and] an uninhabited IslandDuring the early modern period, knowledge of the world was expanding greatly. It is likely, given the plot of the tale, that the fictional Island Prospero is stranded on is somewhere in the Mediterranean sea. Throughout the play, you will note references to many places across the globe, including Tunisia, Algeria, the Island of Bermuda, and "Arabia." By 1611, when The Tempest was first performed, England had established colonies in the Americas; the Spanish and Portuguese were the most powerful imperial force in Western Europe, until the 1588 defeat of the Spanish Armada, which marked the rise of the early British Empire. The 16th and 17th centuries are often thought of as an age of exploration; explorers traveled the world, bringing back strange objects and stories to spur scientific discovery and commerce, including the traffic in human beings. People during Shakespeare’s time lived during an era that also saw the wide dissemination of maps helped by the invention of the printing press. Through cartography, people could visually comprehend the geographical layout of lands familiar and new. To learn more about exploration and map-making in the early modern period, see the Folger Shakespeare Library's exhibition site, "Mapping Early Modern Worlds. . Names of the actors Alonso, King of Naples Sebastian his brother Prospero, the right Duke of Milan Antonio, his brother the usurping Duke of Milan Ferdinand, son to the King of Naples Gonzalo, an honest old Counsellor Adrian and Francisco, Lords Caliban, a savage and deformed Slave Trinculo, a Jester Stephano, a drunken Butler Master of a Ship Boatswain Mariners Miranda, daughter to Prospero Ariel, an airy Spirit Iris, Ceres, Juno, Nymphs, Reapers, [presenting] Spirits 1 The Tempest Act I, Scene I. A tempestuous noise of thunder and lightning In 1611, when Shakespeare's The Tempest was first performed, theatres used a mechanism known as a thunder machine, which was essentially a long wooden box balanced like a seesaw, containing a large cannon ball that when rolled around produced a loud noise resembling thunder. To create the effect of lightening, stage hands would prepare powdered resin which would be thrown onto a flame. Lighting a firecracker attached to a wire extending from the roof of the stage to the floor would create the illusion of a lightening bolt ("Special Effects").. Enter a Ship-master and a Boatswain Master 1 Boatswain!Pronounced "bosun," a boatswain is the person who manages the crew of a ship and the ship's equipment (OED n.1). Boatswain 2 Here, master: what cheer? Master 3 Good, speak to the mariners: fall to't, yarelyNow archaic, yarely derives from the Old English and means quick or nimble action (OED adv)., 4 or we run ourselves aground: bestir, bestir. Exit Enter Mariners Boatswain 5 Heigh, my hearts! cheerly, cheerly, my hearts! 6 yare, yare! Take in the topsail. Tend to the 7 master's whistle. Blow, till thou burst thy windHere, the boatswain is directly addressing the tempest, challenging it to rage until it is out of wind, possibly in an attempt to encourage the men on deck to remain strong., 8 if room enough! Enter Alonso, Sebastian, Antonio, Ferdinand, Gonzalo, and others Alonso 9 Good boatswain, have care. Where's the master? 10 Play the menAccording to the OED (I.1), "play" in this sense was used as an intransitive verb in the 1400s, meaning to engage something or someone in activity. Here, Alonso commands the boatswain to put his crew to work.. Boatswain 11 I pray now, keep below. Antonio 12 Where is the master, boatswain? Boatswain 13 Do you not hear him? You mar our labour: keep your 14 cabins: you do assist the storm. Gonzalo 15 Nay, good, be patient. Boatswain 16 When the sea is. Hence! What cares these roarers 17 for the name of king? To cabin: silence! trouble us not. Gonzalo 18 Good, yet remember whom thou hast aboard. Boatswain 19 None that I more love than myself. You are a 20 counsellor; if you can command these elements to 21 silence, and work the peace of the present, we will 22 not hand a rope more; use your authority: if you 23 cannot, give thanks you have lived so long, and make 24 yourself ready in your cabin for the mischance of 25 the hour, if it so hap. Cheerly, good hearts! Out 26 of our way, I say. Exit Gonzalo 27 I have great comfort from this fellow: methinks he 28 hath no drowning markGonzalo takes comfort from his belief that the boatswain's destiny in death is fated for the gallows (death by hanging), which disqualifies him for a death caused by drowning. upon him; his complexion is 29 perfect gallows. Stand fast, good Fate, to his 30 hanging: make the rope of his destiny our cable, 31 for our own doth little advantage. If he be not 32 born to be hanged, our case is miserable. Exeunt Re-enter Boatswain Boatswain 33 Down with the topmast! yare! lower, lower! Bring 34 her to try with main-course. A cry within 35 A plague upon this howling! they are louder than 36 the weather or our office. Re-enter Sebastian, Antonio, and Gonzalo 37 Yet again! what do you here? Shall we give o'er 38 and drown? Have you a mind to sink? Sebastian 39 A pox o' your throat, you bawling, blasphemous, 40 incharitable dog! Boatswain 41 Work you then. Antonio 42 Hang, cur! hang, you whoreson, insolent noisemaker! 43 We are less afraid to be drowned than thou art. Gonzalo 44 I'll warrant him for drowning; though the ship were 45 no stronger than a nutshell and as leaky as an 46 unstanched wenchGonzalo is comparing the ship to "an / unstanched wench." According to Shakespeare Navigator, which draws on the OED definition of "staunch," calling the boat an "unstanched wench" may be comparing the boat to a woman (a "wench") on her menstrual cycle. However, the verb "stanch" also suggests satisfying a desire (OED v3a), and it derives from the Old French that also means to make a ship watertight.. Boatswain 47 Lay her a-hold, a-hold! set her two coursesThe Boatswain calls for the ship to be directed "two courses off to / sea." According to the OED, "two courses" has a specific nautical meaning, referring to the points on the compass where the ship is directed (course, n. 12a-b). off to 48 sea again; lay her off. Enter Mariners wet Mariners 49 All lost! to prayers, to prayers! all lost! Boatswain 50 What, must our mouths be coldAccording to the Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest, the boatswain is wondering if, even if after all his efforts, the sailors must drown, or have their mouths become cold from drowning.? Gonzalo 51 The king and prince at prayers! let's assist them, 52 For our case is as theirs. Sebastian 53 I'm out of patience. Antonio 54 We are merely cheated of our lives by drunkards: 55 This wide-chapp'd rascal--would thou mightst lie drowning 56 The washing of ten tidesThe washing of a tide is the act of sea water flowing up the shore during a high tide (OED, wash, III.12b). The Arden edition of The Tempest notes that pirates would be condemned to hang at the shore for the length of three tides. Antonio here is extending that length of time for the boatswain, whom he imagines would "lie drowning / [for the] washing of ten tides."! Gonzalo 57 He'll be hang'd yet, 58 Though every drop of water swear against it 59 And gape at widest to glut him. A confused noise within: 'Mercy on us!'-- 'We split The ship is splitting in half., we split!'--'Farewell, my wife and children!'-- 'Farewell, brother!'--'We split, we split, we split!' Antonio 60 Let's all sink with the king. Sebastian 61 Let's take leave of him. Exeunt Antonio and Sebastian Gonzalo 62 Now would I give a thousand furlongs of sea for an 63 acre of barren ground, long heath, brown furze, any 64 thing. The wills above be done! but I would fain 65 die a dry death. Exeunt Scene II. [The island. Before Prospero's cell.] Enter Prospero and Miranda Miranda 1 If by your art, my dearest fatherIt is often thought that Prospero was modeled by Shakespeare on John Dee, a well-known polymath, magus, and advisor to Queen Elizabeth I. According to the British Library, a magus someone who "understands the cosmos and man's place in it [sic]" through knowledge and experimentation in fields such as chemistry (then alchemy), mathematics, astrology, and hermetic studies of religion and culture. A "controversial figure" and force of both good and evil, the magus sought to attain ultimate wisdom about the working of the universe. The image included here, from the British Library, shows (right to left) Dee’s spirit mirror showstone, a crystal ball, mystically engraved wax discs, a wooden case, and an engraved gold disc illustrating a vision of Dee’s colleague, Edward Kelley. Dee's "showstone' was a reflective piece of volcanic ash he would use to conjure and converse with angels, recording his conversations into his ‘angelic diaries’. As an advisor to Queen Elizabeth I, Dee advocated for imperial expansion into the New World. To learn more about Dee's advocacy of the British Empire in the Atlantic, see Glyn Parry's scholarly article, "John Dee and the Elizabethan British Empire in Its European Context.", you have 2 Put the wild waters in this roar, allay them. 3 The sky, it seems, would pour down stinking pitchMiranda here imagines the stormy sky raining "stinking pitch" instead of water. Pitch is a resin commonly used for waterproofing boats., 4 But that the sea, mounting to the welkin's cheekThe welkin is a poetic and now archaic term referring to the sky. Miranda uses figurative language to describe the the height of the waves, which "[mount or rise] to the welkin's cheek.", 5 Dashes the fireThe lightening. out. O, I have suffered 6 With those that I saw suffer: a brave vessel, 2 7 Who had, no doubt, some noble creature in her, 8 Dash'd all to pieces. O, the cry did knock 9 Against my very heart. Poor souls, they perish'd. 10 Had I been any god of power, I would 11 Have sunk the sea within the earth or ere 12 It should the good ship so have swallow'd and 13 The fraughting souls within her. Prospero Be collected: 14 No more amazement: tell your piteous heart 15 There's no harm done. Miranda O, woe the day! Prospero No harm. 16 I have done nothing but in care of thee, 17 Of thee, my dear one, thee, my daughter, who 18 Art ignorant of what thou art, nought knowing 19 Of whence I am, nor that I am more better 20 Than Prospero, master of a full poor cellA very small or humble dwelling., 21 And thy no greater father. Miranda More to know 22 Did never meddle with my thoughts. Prospero 'Tis time 23 I should inform thee farther. Lend thy hand, 24 And pluck my magic garment from me. So: Lays down his mantle 25 Lie there, my art.Prospero is speaking to his robe, calling it his "art," and suggesting to us that the robe is lain down on some surface by Miranda.. Wipe thou thine eyes; have comfort. 26 The direful spectacle of the wreck, which touch'd 27 The very virtue of compassion in thee, 28 I have with such provision in mine art 29 So safely ordered that there is no soul-- 30 No, not so much perdition as an hair 31 BetidBefell or happened to (OED). to any creature in the vessel 32 Which thou heard'st cry, which thou saw'st sink. Sit down; 33 For thou must now know farther. Miranda You have often 34 Begun to tell me what I am, but stopp'd 35 And left me to a bootless inquisitionIneffective questioning (OED)., 36 Concluding 'stay: not yet.' Prospero The hour's now come; 37 The very minute bids thee ope thine ear; 38 Obey and be attentive. Canst thou remember 39 A time before we came unto this cell? 40 I do not think thou canst, for then thou wast not 41 Out three years old. Miranda Certainly, sir, I can. Prospero By what? by any other house or person? 42 Of any thing the image tell me that 43 Hath kept with thy remembrance. Miranda 'Tis far off 44 And rather like a dream than an assurance 45 That my remembrance warrants. Had I not 46 Four or five women once that tended me? Prospero 47 Thou hadst, and more, Miranda. But how is it 48 That this lives in thy mind? What seest thou else 49 In the dark backward and abysmAn immense depth, a chasm which seems to have no end (OED). of time? 50 If thou remember'st aught ereAught is an archaic adverb which means "to any extent, in any respect, at all" (OED C.1), and "ere" means before or formerly (OED 4.a). thou camest here, 51 How thou camest here thou mayst. Miranda But that I do not. Prospero 52 Twelve year since, Miranda, twelve year since, 53 Thy father was the Duke of Milan and 54 A prince of power. Miranda Sir, are not you my father? Prospero 55 Thy mother was a piece of virtue, and 56 She said thou wast my daughter; and thy father 57 Was Duke of Milan; and thou his only heir 58 And princess no worse issued. Miranda O the heavens! 59 What foul play had we, that we came from thence? 60 Or blessed was't we did? Prospero Both, both, my girl: 61 By foul play, as thou say'st, were we heaved thence, 62 But blessedly holpThis is the past participle of the word "help," spelled this way from the 14th to the 17th century (OED). hither. Miranda O, my heart bleeds 63 To think o' the teenNow rarely used, teen is a noun that refers to suffering or pain (OED n. 2a). that I have turn'd you to, 64 Which is from my remembrance! Please you, farther. Prospero 65 My brother and thy uncle, call'd Antonio-- 66 I pray thee, mark me--that a brother should 67 Be so perfidious!--he whom next thyself 68 Of all the world I loved and to him put 69 The manage of my state; as at that time 70 Through all the signories A historical term referring to governing bodies or assemblies specifically of an Italian state (OED n, 5). it was the first 71 And Prospero the prime duke, being so reputed 72 In dignity, and for the liberal arts 73 Without a parallel; those being all my study, 74 The government I cast upon my brother 75 And to my state grew stranger, being transported 76 And rapt in secret studies. Thy false uncle-- 77 Dost thou attend me? Miranda Sir, most heedfully. Prospero 78 Being once perfected how to grant suits, 79 How to deny them, who to advance and who 80 To trash for over-topping, new created 81 The creatures that were mine, I say, or changed 'em, 82 Or else new form'd 'em; having both the key 83 Of officer and office, set all hearts i' the state 84 To what tune pleased his ear; that now he was 85 The ivy which had hid my princely trunk, 86 And suck'd my verdure According to the OED, this refers to the freshness of a flourishing green plant. out on't. Thou attend'st not. Miranda 87 O, good sir, I do. Prospero I pray thee, mark me. 88 I, thus neglecting worldly ends, all dedicated 89 To closeness and the bettering of my mind 90 With that which, but by being so retired, 91 O'er-prized all popular rate, in my false brother 92 Awaked an evil nature; and my trust, 93 Like a good parent, did beget of him 94 A falsehood in its contrary as great 95 As my trust was; which had indeed no limit, 96 A confidence sans bound. He being thus lorded, 97 Not only with what my revenue yielded, 98 But what my power might else exact, like one 99 Who having into truth, by telling of it, 100 Made such a sinner of his memory, 101 To credit his own lie, he did believe 102 He was indeed the duke; out o' the substitution 103 And executing the outward face of royalty, 104 With all prerogative: hence his ambition growing-- 105 Dost thou hear? Miranda Your tale, sir, would cure deafness. Prospero 106 To have no screen between this part he play'd 107 And him he play'd it for, he needs will be 108 Absolute Milan. Me, poor man, my library 109 Was dukedom large enough: of temporal royalties 110 He thinks me now incapable; confederates-- 111 So dry he was for sway--wi' the King of Naples 112 To give him annual tribute, do him homage, 113 Subject his coronet to his crown and bend 114 The dukedom yet unbow'd--alas, poor Milan!-- 115 To most ignobleAccording to the OED, ignoble is defined as being dishonorable in terms of character or intent. stooping. Miranda O the heavens! Prospero 116 Mark his condition and the event; then tell me 117 If this might be a brother. Miranda I should sin 118 To think but nobly of my grandmother: 3 119 Good wombs have borne bad sons. Prospero Now the condition. 120 The King of Naples, being an enemy 121 To me inveterate Entrenched, long-standing, persistent, with the suggestion of disease (OED)., hearkens my brother's suit; 122 Which was, that he, in lieu o' the premises 123 Of homage and I know not how much tribute, 124 Should presently extirpate me and mine 125 Out of the dukedom and confer fair Milan 126 With all the honours on my brother: whereon, 127 A treacherous army levied, one midnight 128 Fated to the purpose did Antonio open 129 The gates of Milan, and, i' the dead of darkness, 130 The ministers for the purpose hurried thence 131 Me and thy crying self. Miranda Alack, for pity! 132 I, not remembering how I cried out then, 133 Will cry it o'er again: it is a hint 134 That wrings mine eyes to't. Prospero Hear a little further 135 And then I'll bring thee to the present business 136 Which now's upon's; without the which this story 137 Were most impertinent. Miranda Wherefore did they not 138 That hour destroy us? Prospero Well demanded, wench: 139 My tale provokes that question. Dear, they durst An archaic past tense of the verb "to dare" (OED). not, 140 So dear the love my people bore me, nor set 141 A mark so bloody on the business, but 142 With colours fairer painted their foul ends. 143 In few, they hurried us aboard a barkA bark is a small boat., 144 Bore us some leagues to sea; where they prepared 145 A rotten carcass of a boat, not rigg'd, 146 Nor tackle, sail, nor mast; the very rats 147 Instinctively had quit it: there they hoist us, 148 To cry to the sea that roar'd to us, to sigh 149 To the winds whose pity, sighing back again, 150 Did us but loving wrong. Miranda Alack, what trouble 151 Was I then to you! Prospero O, a cherubim A cherub is a biblical angel, with a related sense common in the early 17th century that also means a beloved woman (OED n. 5b). 152 Thou wast that did preserve me. Thou didst smile. 152 Infused with a fortitude from heaven, 154 When I have deck'd the sea with drops full salt, 155 Under my burthenAn alternative spelling of burden. groan'd; which raised in me 156 An undergoing stomach, to bear up 157 Against what should ensue. Miranda How came we ashore? Prospero 158 By Providence divine. 159 Some food we had and some fresh water that 160 A noble Neapolitan, Gonzalo, 161 Out of his charity, being then appointed 162 Master of this design, did give us, with 163 Rich garments, linens, stuffs and necessaries, 164 Which since have steaded much; so, of his gentleness, 165 Knowing I loved my books, he furnish'd me 166 From mine own library with volumes that 167 I prize above my dukedom. Miranda Would I might 168 But ever see that man! Prospero 168 Now I arise: Resumes his mantle 169 Sit still, and hear the last of our sea-sorrow. 170 Here in this island we arrived; and here 171 Have I, thy schoolmaster, made thee more profit 172 Than other princesses can that have more time 173 For vainer hours and tutors not so careful. Miranda 174 Heavens thank you for't! And now, I pray you, sir, 175 For still 'tis beating in my mind, your reason 176 For raising this sea-storm? Prospero Know thus far forth. 177 By accident most strange, bountiful Fortune, 178 Now my dear lady, hath mine enemies 179 Brought to this shore; and by my presciencePrescience is both a quality attributed to God and the characteristic of foresight that a human might possess (OED). 180 I find my zenithA term from astronomy, the zenith is the highest point the sun or moon reaches in the sky (OED). doth depend upon 181 A most auspicious star, whose influence 182 If now I court not but omit, my fortunes 183 Will ever after droop. Here cease more questions: 184 Thou art inclined to sleep; 'tis a good dulness, 185 And give it wayThe Arden edition of The Tempest glosses this as "succumb to it." Prospero is commanding Miranda to fall asleep.: I know thou canst not choose. Miranda sleeps 186 Come away, servant, come. I am ready now. 187 Approach, my Ariel, come. Enter Ariel After Miranda falls asleep, Prospero is typically understood to put his magical robe back on as Ariel comes onto the stage. The image here, an engraving after Henry Fusili, shows a late 18th century rendition of Miranda, Prospero, Caliban, and the airy spirit Ariel (Metropolitan Museum of Art). Ariel 188 All hail, great master! grave sir, hail! I come 189 To answer thy best pleasure; be't to fly, 190 To swim, to dive into the fire, to ride 191 On the curl'd clouds, to thy strong bidding task 192 Ariel and all his quality. Prospero Hast thou, spirit, 193 Perform'd to point the tempest that I bade thee? Ariel To every article. 194 I boarded the king's ship; now on the beak, 195 Now in the waist, the deck, in every cabin, 196 I flamed amazement: sometime I'ld divide, 197 And burn in many places; on the topmast, 198 The yards and bowsprit, would I flame distinctly, 199 Then meet and join. Jove's lightningsJove, more famously known as Jupiter, is the most powerful Roman God and is known to overthrow his enemies using his bolt of lightening. His Greek equivalent is Zeus. , the precursors 200 O' the dreadful thunder-claps, more momentary 201 And sight-outrunning were not; the fire and cracks 202 Of sulphurous roaring the most mighty Neptune 203 Seem to besiege and make his bold waves tremble, 204 Yea, his dread trident shake. Prospero My brave spirit! 205 Who was so firm, so constant, that this coil 206 Would not infect his reason? Ariel Not a soul 207 But felt a fever of the mad and play'd 208 Some tricks of desperation. All but mariners 209 Plunged in the foaming brine and quit the vessel, 210 Then all afire with me: the king's son, Ferdinand, 211 With hair up-staring,--then like reeds, not hair,-- 212 Was the first man that leap'd; cried, 'Hell is empty 213 And all the devils are here.' Prospero Why that's my spirit! 214 But was not this nighAn old fashioned way of saying nearby or almost (OED). shore? Ariel Close by, my master. Prospero 215 But are they, Ariel, safe? Ariel Not a hair perish'd; 216 On their sustaining garments not a blemish, 217 But fresher than before: and, as thou badest me, 218 In troops I have dispersed them 'bout the isle. 219 The king's son have I landed by himself; 220 Whom I left cooling of the air with sighs 221 In an odd angle of the isle and sitting, 222 His arms in this sad knotSleeping crossed armed (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest). Prospero Of the king's ship 223 The mariners say how thou hast disposed 224 And all the rest o' the fleet. 4 Ariel Safely in harbour 225 Is the king's ship; in the deep nook, where once 226 Thou call'dst me up at midnight to fetch dew 227 From the still-vex'd BermoothesThe Island of Bermuda was devoid of any habitation by indigenous groups before it was discovered by accident by the Spanish sailor Juan Bermúdez in 1503. A flotilla from England, includng the Sea Venture, was shipwrecked here on their way to restock the Jamestown Colony in Virginia (Virginia was named after Elizabeth I, the "Virgin Queen," and Jamestown, after King James I). The wreck of the Sea Venture in 1609, is thought to be a contemporary inspiration for The Tempest. After almost a year, the crew was largely able to leave the Island with ships they built during that time. The Island wasn’t colonized until the seventeenth century, after the crew of the Sea Venture returned to England with their tale. Enslaved people were first brought to the Island in 1617. The image included here shows a 17th century map of the Island of Bermuda by Willem Janszoon Blaeu, from the Norman B. Leventhal Map Center. Content of annotation sourced from Barry Lawrence Ruderman., there she's hid: 228 The mariners all under hatches stow'd; 229 Who, with a charm join'd to their suffer'd labour, 230 I have left asleep; and for the rest o' the fleet 231 Which I dispersed, they all have met again 232 And are upon the Mediterranean flote, 234 Supposing that they saw the king's ship wreck'd 235 And his great person perish. Prospero Ariel, thy charge 236 Exactly is perform'd: but there's more work. 237 What is the time o' the day? Ariel Past the mid season. Prospero 238 At least two glassesTwo hourglasses past midday would be 2 p.m. (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest).. The time 'twixt six and nowWhatever Prospero is planning must happen between 2 and 6 p.m. (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest). It is important to keep in mind that in Elizabethan England, plays would have typically been performed in the afternoon. The action of the play roughly corresponds to the duratioon of the play being acted. 239 Must by us both be spent most preciously. Ariel 240 Is there more toil? Since thou dost give me pains, 241 Let me remember thee what thou hast promised, 242 Which is not yet perform'd me. Prospero How now? moody? 243 What is't thou canst demand? Ariel My liberty. Prospero 244 Before the time be out? no more! Ariel I prithee, 245 Remember I have done thee worthy service; 246 Told thee no lies, made thee no mistakings, served 247 Without or grudge or grumblings: thou didst promise 248 To bate me a full year. Prospero Dost thou forget 249 From what a torment I did free thee? Ariel No. Prospero 250 Thou dost, and think'st it much to tread the ooze 251 Of the salt deep, 252 To run upon the sharp wind of the north, 253 To do me business in the veins o' the earth 254 When it is baked with frost. Ariel I do not, sir. Prospero 255 Thou liest, malignant thing! Hast thou forgot 256 The foul witch Sycorax, who with age and envy 257 Was grown into a hoopA hoop is a circular band; here, the witch Sycorax has acquired a hunchback with age (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest).? hast thou forgot her? Ariel 258 No, sir. Prospero Thou hast. Where was she born? speak; tell me. Ariel 259 Sir, in ArgierSycorax seems to have been born in Argier or Algiers, the capital and chief sea port of Algeria in North Africa, on the Mediterranean coast. Invaded throughout its history, Algiers rose to prominence under the Berber dynasties in the 10th century. Algiers became became home to many Muslim and Jewish refugees escaping Spain in the begining of the 16th century. At the time The Tempest was written, Algiers was under Ottoman rule, and it became associated with piracy (Britannica). The image included here, from the Library of Congress’ first volume of Civitates Orbis Terrarum (1588), shows the white buildings of the fort--and which gave it its French name, “Alger la Blanche” (El-Bahdja in Arabic).. Prospero O, was she so? I must 260 Once in a month recount what thou hast been, 261 Which thou forget'st. This damn'd witch Sycorax, 262 For mischiefs manifold and sorceries terrible 263 To enter human hearing, from Argier, 264 Thou know'st, was banish'd: for one thing she did 265 They would not take her life. Is not this true? Ariel 266 Ay, sir. Prospero 267 This blue-eyed hag was hither brought with child 268 And here was left by the sailors. Thou, my slave, 269 As thou report'st thyself, wast then her servant; 270 And, for thou wast a spirit too delicate 271 To act her earthy and abhorr'd commands, 272 Refusing her grand hests, she did confine thee, 273 By help of her more potent ministers 274 And in her most unmitigable rage, 275 Into a cloven pine; within which rift 276 Imprison'd thou didst painfully remain 277 A dozen years; within which space she died 278 And left thee there; where thou didst vent thy groans 279 As fast as mill-wheels strikeDenoting how frequently a millwheel blade would strike the water (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest).. Then was this island-- 280 Save for the son that she did litter here, 281 A freckled whelp hag-born--not honour'd with 282 A human shape. Ariel Yes, Caliban her son. Prospero 283 Dull thing, I say so; he, that Caliban 284 Whom now I keep in service. Thou best know'st 285 What torment I did find thee in; thy groans 286 Did make wolves howl and penetrate the breasts 287 Of ever angry bears: it was a torment 288 To lay upon the damn'd, which Sycorax 289 Could not again undo: it was mine art, 290 When I arrived and heard thee, that made gape 291 The pine and let thee out. Ariel I thank thee, master. Prospero 292 If thou more murmur'st, I will rend an oak 293 And peg thee in his knotty entrails till 294 Thou hast howl'd away twelve winters. Ariel Pardon, master; 295 I will be correspondent to command 296 And do my spiriting gently. Prospero Do so, and after two days 297 I will discharge thee. Ariel That's my noble master! 298 What shall I do? say what; what shall I do? Prospero 299 Go make thyself like a nymph o' the sea: be subject 300 To no sight but thine and mine, invisibleHere, Prospero hands Ariel a robe that represents a sea-nymph. Whenever the audience later sees Ariel in this robe, they are to assume that he is invisible to every other character on stage save Prospero (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest). 301 To every eyeball else. Go take this shape 302 And hither come in't: go, hence with diligence! Exit Ariel 303 AwakeAriel exits the stage. He now speaks to Miranda., dear heart, awake! thou hast slept well; 304 Awake! Miranda The strangeness of your story put 305 HeavinessMiranda is unaware that her father put her to sleep. in me. Prospero Shake it off. Come on; 306 We'll visit Caliban Caliban is a complex character. He is described as a misshapen creature, described as a "monster" "not honored with a human shape." He is treated as an inferior by the humans in the play. The image here, sourced from Wikimedia Commons, is an 18th century etching of Caliban by John Hamilton Mortimer (MET, 62.602.163). my slave, who never 307 Yields us kind answer. Miranda 'Tis a villain, sir, 308 I do not love to look on. Prospero But, as 'tis, 309 We cannot miss him: he does make our fire, 310 Fetch in our wood and serves in offices 311 That profit us. What, ho! slave! Caliban! 312 Thou earth, thou! speak. Caliban Within There's wood enough within. Prospero 313 Come forth, I say! there's other business for thee: 314 Come, thou tortoise! when? Re-enter Ariel like a water-nymph 315 Fine apparition! My quaint Ariel, 316 Hark in thine ear. Ariel My lord it shall be done. Exit Prospero 317 Thou poisonous slave, got by the devil himself 318 Upon thy wicked dam, come forth! Enter Caliban Caliban 319 As wicked dew as e'er my mother brush'd 320 With raven's feather from unwholesome fen 321 Drop on you both! A blowWarm damp air carrying airborne diseases, according to the Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest. on ye 322 And blister you all o'er! Prospero 323 For this, be sure, to-night thou shalt have cramps, 324 Side-stitches that shall pen thy breath upStop your breath (OED v).; urchins 325 Shall, for that vast of night that they may work, 326 All exercise on thee; thou shalt be pinch'd 327 As thick as honeycomb, each pinch more stinging 328 Than bees that made 'em. Caliban I must eat my dinner. 329 This island's mine, by Sycorax my mother, 330 Which thou takest from me. When thou camest first, 331 Thou strokedst me and madest much of me, wouldst give me 332 Water with berries in't, and teach me how 333 To name the bigger light, and how the less, 334 That burn by day and night: and then I loved thee 335 And show'd thee all the qualities o' the isle, 336 The fresh springs, brine-pits, barren place and fertile: 337 Cursed be I that did so! All the charms 338 Of Sycorax, toads, beetles, bats, light on you! 339 For I am all the subjects that you have, 340 Which first was mine own king: and here you styTo confine. me 341 In this hard rock, whiles you do keep from me 342 The rest o' the island. 5 Prospero Thou most lying slave, 343 Whom stripes may move, not kindness! I have used thee, 344 Filth as thou art, with human care, and lodged thee 345 In mine own cell, till thou didst seek to violate 346 The honourWhen used to describe men, "honour" or "honor" refers to the virtues of nobility of spirit, distinction. However, when applied to women--like Miranda--the word most typically refers to sexual chastity or virginity (OED 7.a) of my child. Caliban O ho, O ho! would't had been done! 347 Thou didst prevent me; I had peopled else 348 This isle with Calibans. Prospero Abhorred slave, 349 Which any print of goodness wilt not takeProspero is here using the word "print" as in "impression," but with connotations deriving from the new invention of printing., 350 Being capable of all ill! I pitied thee, 351 Took pains to make thee speak, taught thee each hour 352 One thing or other: when thou didst not, savage, 353 Know thine own meaning, but wouldst gabble like 354 A thing most brutish, I endow'd thy purposes 355 With words that made them known. But thy vile race, 356 Though thou didst learn, had that in't which good natures 357 Could not abide to be with; therefore wast thou 358 Deservedly confined into this rock, 359 Who hadst deserved more than a prison. Caliban 360 You taught me language; and my profit on't 361 Is, I know how to curse. The red plague rid you 362 For learning me your language! Prospero Hag-seed, hence! 363 Fetch us in fuel; and be quick, thou'rt best"You are advised to" (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest)., 364 To answer other business. Shrug'st thou, malice? 365 If thou neglect'st or dost unwillingly 366 What I command, I'll rack thee with old cramps, 367 Fill all thy bones with aches, make thee roar 368 That beasts shall tremble at thy din. Caliban No, pray thee. Aside 369 I must obey: his art is of such power, 370 It would control my dam's god, Setebos, 371 and make a vassal of him. Prospero So, slave; hence! Exit Caliban Re-enter Ariel, invisible, playing and singing; Ferdinand following Ariel's song. [Ariel] 372 Come unto these yellow sands, 373 And then take hands: 374 Courtsied when you have and kiss'd 375 The wild waves whist, 376 Foot it featly here and there; 377 And, sweet sprites, the burthen bear. 378 Hark, hark! BurthenHere, "burthen" doesn't mean burden; it is used instead in a musical sense, a bass accoompaniment (from the Middle English word "bourdon"), or perhaps the refrain of a song (OED IV.9-10) (dispersedly, within) 379 Bow-wow 380 The watch-dogs bark! Burthen 381 Bow-wow 382 Hark, hark! I hear 383 The strain of strutting chanticleerA dominating rooster in a courtyard. 384 Cry, Cock-a-diddle-dow. Ferdinand 385 Where should this music be? i' the air or the earth? 386 It sounds no more: and sure, it waits upon 387 Some god o' the island. Sitting on a bank, 388 Weeping again the king my father's wreck, 389 This music crept by me upon the waters, 390 Allaying both their fury and my passion 391 With its sweet air: thence I have follow'd it, 392 Or it hath drawn me rather. But 'tis gone. 393 No, it begins again. Ariel sings [Ariel] 394 Full fathom five thy father lies; 395 Of his bones are coral made; 396 Those are pearls that were his eyes: 397 Nothing of him that doth fade 398 But doth suffer a sea-change 399 Into something rich and strange. 400 Sea-nymphs hourly ring his knell Burthen: Ding-dong 401 Hark! now I hear them,--Ding-dong, bell. Ferdinand 402 The ditty does remember my drown'd father. 403 This is no mortal business, nor no sound 404 That the earth owes. I hear it now above me. Prospero 405 The fringed curtains of thine eye advance 406 And say what thou seest yond. Miranda What is't? a spirit? 407 Lord, how it looks about! Believe me, sir, 408 It carries a brave form. But 'tis a spirit. Prospero 409 No, wench; it eats and sleeps and hath such senses 410 As we have, such. This gallant which thou seest 411 Was in the wreck; and, but he's something stain'd 412 With grief that's beauty's cankerA disease that consumes vegetation (OED). , thou mightst call him 413 A goodly person: he hath lost his fellows 414 And strays about to find 'em. Miranda I might call him 415 A thing divine, for nothing natural 416 I ever saw so noble. Prospero Aside It goes on, I see, 417 As my soul prompts it. Spirit, fine spirit! I'll free thee 418 Within two days for this. Ferdinand Most sure, the goddess 419 On whom these airs attend! VouchsafeTo grant or bestow. my prayer 420 May know if you remain upon this island; 421 And that you will some good instruction give 422 How I may bear me here: my prime request, 423 Which I do last pronounce, is, O you wonder! 424 If you be maid or no? Miranda No wonder, sir; 425 But certainly a maid. Ferdinand My language! heavens! 426 I am the best of them that speak this speech, 427 Were I but where 'tis spoken. Prospero How? the best? 428 What wert thou, if the King of Naples heard thee? Ferdinand 429 A single thing, as I am now, that wonders 430 To hear thee speak of Naples. He does hear me; 431 And that he does I weep: myself am Naples, 432 Who with mine eyes, never since at ebbAt low tide., beheld 433 The king my father wreck'd. Miranda Alack, for mercy! Ferdinand 434 Yes, faith, and all his lords; the Duke of Milan 435 And his brave son being twain. Prospero Aside 435 The Duke of Milan 436 And his more braver daughter could control thee, 437 If now 'twere fit to do't. At the first sight 438 They have changed eyes. Delicate Ariel, 439 I'll set thee free for this. To Ferdinand A word, good sir; 440 I fear you have done yourself some wrong: a word. Miranda 441 Why speaks my father so ungently? This 442 Is the third man that e'er I saw, the first 443 That e'er I sigh'd for: pity move my father 444 To be inclined my way! Ferdinand O, if a virgin, 445 And your affection not gone forth, I'll make you 446 The queen of Naples. Prospero SoftTo kindly ask for silence (OED adv.)., sir! one word more. Aside 447 They are both in either's powers; but this swift business 448 I must uneasy make, lest too light winning 449 Make the prize light. [To Ferdinand] 449 One word more; I charge thee 450 That thou attend me: thou dost here usurp 451 The name thou owest notProspero accuses Ferdinand of "usurping" his father's position as king by claiming that he will make Miranda "queen of Naples".; and hast put thyself 452 Upon this island as a spy, to win it 453 From me, the lord on't. Ferdinand 453 No, as I am a man. Miranda 454 There's nothing ill can dwell in such a temple: 455 If the ill spirit have so fair a house, 456 Good things will strive to dwell with't. Prospero Follow me. 6 457 Speak not you for him; he's a traitor. Come; 458 I'll manacle thy neck and feet together: 459 Sea-water shalt thou drink; thy food shall be 460 The fresh-brook muscles, wither'd roots and husks 461 Wherein the acorn cradled. Follow. Ferdinand No; 462 I will resist such entertainment till 463 Mine enemy has more power. Draws, and is charmed from moving Ferdinand draws his sword. Prospero casts a spell to transfix Ferdinand while neither he nor Miranda are aware of this. Miranda O dear father, 464 Make not too rash a trial of him, for 465 He's gentle and not fearful. Prospero What? I say, 466 My foot my tutor? Put thy sword up, traitor; 467 Who makest a show but darest not strike, thy conscience 468 Is so possess'd with guilt: come from thy ward, 469 For I can here disarm thee with this stick 470 And make thy weapon drop. Miranda Beseech you, father. Prospero 471 Hence! hang not on my garments. Miranda Sir, have pity; 472 I'll be his suretyAccording to the OED, a surety in this sense is "a person who is liable for the default or misconduct of another, or for ensuring the performance of some act on another's part, such as payment of a debt or appearance in court" (surety n. 2a).. Prospero Silence! one word more 473 Shall make me chide thee, if not hate thee. What! 474 An advocate for an imposter! hush! 475 Thou think'st there is no more such shapes as he, 476 Having seen but him and Caliban: foolish wench! 477 To the most of men this is a Caliban 478 And they to him are angels. Miranda My affections 479 Are then most humble; I have no ambition 480 To see a goodlier man. Prospero Come on; obey: 481 Thy nerves are in their infancy again 482 And have no vigour in them. Ferdinand So they are; 483 My spirits, as in a dream, are all bound up. 484 My father's loss, the weakness which I feel, 485 The wreck of all my friends, nor this man's threats, 486 To whom I am subdued, are but light to me, 487 Might I but through my prison once a day 488 Behold this maid: all corners else o' the earth 489 Let liberty make use of; space enough 490 Have I in such a prison. Prospero Aside It works. To Ferdinand Come on. 491 Thou hast done well, fine Ariel! [To Ferdinand] Follow me. To Ariel 492 HarkCalling to attention, to listen, to harken to (OED). what thou else shalt do me. Miranda Be of comfort; 493 My father's of a better nature, sir, 494 Than he appears by speech: this is unwontedUnusual 495 Which now came from him. Prospero Thou shalt be free 496 As mountain winds: but then exactly do 497 All points of my command. Ariel To the syllable. Prospero [To Ferdinand.] 498 Come, follow. [To Miranda.] Speak not for him. Exeunt Act II Scene I. Another part of the island. Enter Alonso, Sebastian, Antonio, Gonzalo, Adrian, Francisco, and others Gonzalo 1 BeseechTo plead or beg with great earnest (OED v. 2a). you, sir, be merry; you have cause, 2 So have we all, of joy; for our escape 3 Is much beyond our loss. Our hint of woe 4 Is common; every day some sailor's wife, 5 The masters of some merchant and the merchant 6 Have just our theme of woe; but for the miracle, 7 I mean our preservation, few in millions 8 Can speak like us: then wisely, good sir, weigh 9 Our sorrow with our comfort. Alonso PritheeA synonym for the word "beseech." An archaic form of "I pray thee" (OED)., peace. Sebastian 10 He receives comfort like cold porridge. Antonio 11 The visitor will not give him o'er so. Sebastian 12 Look he's winding up the watch of his wit; 13 by and by it will strike. Gonzalo 13 Sir,-- Sebastian 14 One: tell. Gonzalo 15 When every grief is entertain'd 16 that's offer'd, Comes to the entertainer-- Sebastian 16 A dollar According to the OED, a dollar is the English word for the thaler, a German coin of varying value used from the 16th century. The image here, sourced from Wikimedia Commons, shows several thalers.. Gonzalo 17 DolourSorrow or grief (OED). Gonzalo is playing along with Sebastian's jesting. comes to him, indeed: you have spoken truer than you purposed. Sebastian 18 You have taken it wiselier than I meant you should. Gonzalo 19 Therefore, my lord,-- Antonio 20 FieA Middle English expression of disgust, used to refer to children to "excite shame for some unbecoming action" (OED)., what a spendthriftSomeone who irresponsibly squanders his income (OED 2). is he of his tongue! Alonso 21 I prithee, spare. Gonzalo 22 Well, I have done: but yet,-- Sebastian 23 He will be talking. Antonio 24 Which, of he or Adrian, for a good wager, first begins to crow? Sebastian 25 The old cock. Antonio 26 The cockerel. Sebastian 27 Done. The wager? Antonio 28 A laughter. Sebastian 29 A match! Adrian 30 Though this island seem to be desert,-- Sebastian 31 Ha, ha, ha! So, you're paid. Adrian 32 Uninhabitable and almost inaccessible,-- Sebastian 33 Yet,-- Adrian 34 Yet,-- Antonio 35 He could not miss't. Adrian 36 It must needs be of subtle, tender and delicate temperance. Antonio 37 Temperance was a delicate wench. Sebastian 38 Ay, and a subtle; as he most learnedly delivered. Adrian 39 The air breathes upon us here most sweetly. Sebastian 40 As if it had lungs and rotten ones. Antonio 41 Or as 'twere perfumed by a fenSmelly marsh lands.. Gonzalo 42 Here is everything advantageous to life. Antonio 43 True; save means to live. Sebastian 44 Of that there's none, or little. Gonzalo 45 How lush and lusty the grass looks! how green! Antonio 46 The ground indeed is tawny. Sebastian 47 With an eye of green in't. Antonio 48 He misses not much. Sebastian 49 No; he doth but mistake the truth totally. Gonzalo 50 But the rarity of it is,--which is indeed almost beyond credit,-- Sebastian 51 As many vouched rarities are. Gonzalo 52 That our garments, being, as they were, drenched in the sea, hold notwithstanding their freshness and glosses, being rather new-dyed than stained with salt water. Antonio 53 If but one of his pockets could speak, would it not say he lies? Sebastian 54 Ay, or very falsely pocket up his report 7 Gonzalo 55 Methinks our garments are now as fresh as 56 when we put them on first in AfricAn old form of Africa (OED)., at the marriage 56 of the king's fair daughter Claribel to the King of TunisTunis is the capital city in Tunisia, a country in North Africa. The northern coast of the country, where Tunis is, is on the Mediterranean Sea.. Sebastian 56 'Twas a sweet marriage, and we prosper well in 56 our return. Adrian 57 Tunis was never graced before with such a 58 Paragon to their Queen. Gonzalo 58 Not since widow DidoIn Greek mythology, Dido, a widow, falls in love with Aeneas and kills herself after he leaves her to go and build the city of Rome (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest).'s time. Antonio 59 Widow! a pox o' that! How came that widow 60 in? widow Dido! Sebastian 60 What if he had said 'widower AEneas' too? Good Lord, how you take it! Adrian 61 'Widow Dido' said you? you make me study of that: 63 she was of CarthageCarthage and Tunis weren't the same city, but later on, Carthage was usurped, and Tunis took it's place as the main powerful state of the region (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest)., not of Tunis. Gonzalo 62 This Tunis, sir, was Carthage. Adrian 63 Carthage? Gonzalo 64 I assure you, Carthage. Sebastian 65 His word is more than the miraculous harp Sebastian is referring to the harp that Amphion, son of Zeus is known to have used when constructing the walls of Thebes, a city in Boeotia, Greece (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest).; he hath raised the wall and houses too. Antonio 66 What impossible matter will he make easy next? Sebastian 67 I think he will carry this island home in his pocket and give it his son for an apple. Antonio 68 And, sowing the kernels of it in the sea, bring forth more islands. Gonzalo 69 Ay. Antonio 70 Why, in good time. Gonzalo 71 Sir, we were talking that our garments seem now as fresh as when we were at Tunis at the marriage of your daughter, who is now queen. Antonio 72 And the rarest that e'er came there. Sebastian 73 Bate, I beseech you, widow Dido. Antonio 74 O, widow Dido! ay, widow Dido. Gonzalo 75 Is not, sir, my doublet as fresh as the first day I wore it? I mean, in a sort. Antonio 76 That sort was well fished for. Gonzalo 77 When I wore it at your daughter's marriage? Alonso 78 You cram these words into mine ears against 79 The stomach of my sense. Would I had never 80 Married my daughter there! for, coming thence, 81 My son is lost and, in my rate, she too, 82 Who is so far from Italy removed 83 I ne'er again shall see her. O thou mine heir 84 Of Naples and of Milan, what strange fishThis phrase may be a reference to the sea creatures that were often depicted in the oceans of early modern maps. While in earlier periods, when little was known about the shapes of land masses, these sea creatures were signs of danger and the unknown; however, by the late 16th and 17th centuries, sea travel and exploration was on the rise, and this led to more and more complete maps. As the unknown declined, so too did representationos of sea monsters. They transitioned into less threatening and more whimsical fish or whales, and in the modern world, they all but disappeared cartographically. To learn more about the "strange fish" of early modern cartography, see "Mapping the Oceans: How Cartographers Saw the World in the Age of Discovery" at Lapham's Quarterly. 85 Hath made his meal on thee? Francisco Sir, he may live: 86 I saw him beat the surges under him, 87 And ride upon their backs; he trod the water, 88 Whose enmity he flung aside, and breasted 89 The surge most swolnAccording to the OED (IV. 5a), breasted in this sense means "To move forwards directly into, to confront head-on; to climb." Francisco means to say that he witnessed Ferdinand survive contact with a large wave. that met him; his bold head 90 'Bove the contentious waves he kept, and oar'd 91 Himself with his good arms in lusty stroke 92 To the shore, that o'er his wave-worn basis bow'd, 93 As stooping to relieve him: I not doubt 94 He came alive to land. Alonso No, no, he's gone. Sebastian 95 Sir, you may thank yourself for this great loss, 96 That would not bless our Europe with your daughter, 97 But rather lose her to an African; 98 Where she at least is banish'd from your eye, 99 Who hath cause to wet the grief on't. Alonso Prithee, peace. Sebastian 100 You were kneel'd to and importuned otherwise 101 By all of us, and the fair soul herself 102 Weigh'd between loathness and obedience, at 103 Which end o' the beam should bow. We have lost your son, 104 I fear, for ever: Milan and Naples have 105 More widows in them of this business' making 106 Than we bring men to comfort them: 107 The fault's your own. Alonso So is the dear'st o' the loss. Gonzalo 108 My lord Sebastian, 109 The truth you speak doth lack some gentleness 110 And time to speak it in: you rub the sore, 111 When you should bring the plaster. Sebastian Very well. Antonio 112 And most chirurgeonly"Chirurgeon" is an older spelling of "surgeon" (OED).. Gonzalo 113 It is foul weather in us all, good sir, 114 When you are cloudy. Sebastian Foul weather? Antonio Very foul. Gonzalo 115 Had I plantationThe word "plantation" is significant in the early modern period, as it refers to colonization; Gonzalo imagines his dominion over the island. It also has another sense, meaning a site of planting, which Antonio plays on in the next line. of this isle, my lord,-- Antonio 116 He'ld sow't with nettle-seed. Sebastian Or docks, or mallows. Gonzalo 117 And were the king on't, what would I do? Sebastian 118 'scape being drunk for want of wine. Gonzalo 119 I' the commonwealth I would by contraries 120 Execute all things; for no kind of traffic 121 Would I admit; no name of magistrate; 122 Letters should not be known; riches, poverty, 123 And use of service, none; contract, succession, 124 Bourn, bound of land, tilth, vineyard, none; 125 No use of metal, corn, or wine, or oil; 126 No occupation; all men idle, all; 127 And women too, but innocent and pure; 128 No sovereignty;-- Sebastian Yet he would be king on't. Antonio 129 The latter end of his commonwealth forgets the beginning. Gonzalo 130 All things in common nature should produceGonzalo seems to be suggesting that the trappings of modern civilization lead to corruptiono and want. He imagines a pure, idyllic place without violence, commerce, or vice. 131 Without sweat or endeavour: treason, felony, 132 Sword, pike, knife, gun, or need of any engine, 133 Would I not have; but nature should bring forth, 134 Of its own kind, all foison, all abundance, 135 To feed my innocent people. Sebastian 136 No marrying 'mong his subjects? Antonio 137 None, man; all idle: whores and knavesDishonorable men.. Gonzalo 138 I would with such perfection govern, sir, 139 To excel the golden age. Sebastian God save his majesty! Antonio 140 Long live Gonzalo! Gonzalo And,--do you mark me, sir? Alonso 141 Prithee, no more: thou dost talk nothing to me. Gonzalo 142 I do well believe your highness; and did it to minister occasion to these gentlemen, who are of such sensible and nimble lungs that they always use to laugh at nothing. Antonio 143 'Twas you we laughed at. Gonzalo 144 Who in this kind of merry fooling am nothing to you: so you may continue and laugh at nothing still. Antonio 145 What a blow was there given! Sebastian 146 An it had not fallen flat-long. Gonzalo 147 You are gentlemen of brave metal; you would lift the moon out of her sphere, if she would continue in it five weeks without changing. Enter Ariel, invisible, playing solemn music Sebastian 148 We would so, and then go a bat-fowlingA way of catching birds at night by flashing them with a bright light, so as to disorient them (OED).. Antonio 149 Nay, good my lord, be not angry. Gonzalo 150 No, I warrant you; I will not adventure my discretion so weakly. Will you laugh me asleep, for I am very heavyAriel is working magic to put them to sleep.? Antonio 151 Go sleep, and hear us. All sleep except Alonso, Sebastian, and Antonio Alonso 152 What, all so soon asleep! I wish mine eyes Would, with themselves, shut up my thoughts: I find They are inclined to do so. Sebastian Please you, sir, 153 Do not omit the heavy offer of it: 154 It seldom visits sorrow; when it doth, 155 It is a comforter. 8 Antonio We two, my lord, 156 Will guard your person while you take your rest, 157 And watch your safety. Alonso Thank you. Wondrous heavy. Alonso sleeps. Exit Ariel Sebastian 158 What a strange drowsiness possesses them! Antonio 159 It is the quality o' the climate. Sebastian Why 160 Doth it not then our eyelids sink? I find not 161 Myself disposed to sleep. Antonio Nor I; my spirits are nimble. 162 They fell together all, as by consent; 163 They dropp'd, as by a thunder-stroke. What might, 164 Worthy Sebastian? O, what might?--No more:-- 165 And yet me thinks I see it in thy face, 166 What thou shouldst be: the occasion speaks thee, and 167 My strong imagination sees a crown 168 Dropping upon thy head. Sebastian What, art thou waking? Antonio 169 Do you not hear me speak? Sebastian I do; and surely 170 It is a sleepy language and thou speak'st 171 Out of thy sleep. What is it thou didst say? 172 This is a strange repose, to be asleep 173 With eyes wide open; standing, speaking, moving, 174 And yet so fast asleep. Antonio Noble Sebastian, 175 Thou let'st thy fortune sleep--die, rather; wink'st 176 Whiles thou art waking. Sebastian Thou dost snore distinctly; 177 There's meaning in thy snores. Antonio 178 I am more serious than my custom: you 179 Must be so too, if heed me; which to do 180 Trebles thee o'er. Sebastian Well, I am standing water. Antonio 181 I'll teach you how to flow. Sebastian Do so: to ebb 182 Hereditary slothSebastian says that he is naturally slothful or slow; he is naturally driven to ebb, and not to flow. instructs me. Antonio O, 183 If you but knew how you the purpose cherish 184 Whiles thus you mock it! how, in stripping it, 185 You more invest it! Ebbing men, indeed, 186 Most often do so near the bottom run 187 By their own fear or sloth. Sebastian Prithee, say on: 188 The setting of thine eye and cheek proclaim 189 A matter from thee, and a birth indeed 190 Which throes thee much to yield. Antonio Thus, sir: 191 Although this lord of weak remembrance, this, 192 Who shall be of as little memory 193 When he is earth'd, hath here almost persuade,-- 194 For he's a spirit of persuasion, only 195 Professes to persuade,--the king his son's alive, 196 'Tis as impossible that he's undrown'd 197 And he that sleeps here swims. Sebastian I have no hope 198 That he's undrown'd. Antonio O, out of that 'no hope' 199 What great hope have you! no hope that way is 200 Another way so high a hope that even 201 Ambition cannot pierce a wink beyond, 202 But doubt discovery there. Will you grant with me 203 That Ferdinand is drown'd? Sebastian He's gone. Antonio Then, tell me, 204 Who's the next heir of Naples? Sebastian Claribel. Antonio 205 She that is queen of Tunis; she that dwells 206 Ten leagues beyond man's life; she that from Naples 207 Can have no note, unless the sun were post-- 208 The man i' the moon's too slow--till new-born chins 209 Be rough and razorable; she that--from whom? 210 We all were sea-swallow'd, though some cast again, 211 And by that destiny to perform an act 212 Whereof what's past is prologue, what to come 213 In yours and my discharge. Sebastian What stuff is this! how say you? 214 'Tis true, my brother's daughter's queen of Tunis; 215 So is she heir of Naples; 'twixt which regions 216 There is some space. Antonio A space whose every cubit 217 Seems to cry out, 'How shall that Claribel 218 Measure us back to Naples? Keep in Tunis, 219 And let Sebastian wake.' Say, this were death 220 That now hath seized them; why, they were no worse 221 Than now they are. There be that can rule Naples 222 As well as he that sleeps; lords that can prateTo chatter irrelevantly. 223 As amply and unnecessarily 224 As this Gonzalo; I myself could make 225 A choughA chatterer. of as deep chat. O, that you bore 226 The mind that I do! what a sleep were this 227 For your advancement! Do you understand me? Sebastian 228 Methinks I do. Antonio And how does your content 229 Tender your own good fortune? Sebastian I remember 230 You did supplant your brother Prospero. Antonio True: 231 And look how well my garments sit upon me; 232 Much featerA better fit. than before: my brother's servants 233 Were then my fellows; now they are my men. Sebastian But, for your conscience? Antonio 234 Ay, sir; where lies that? if 'twere a kibeAccording to the OED 1a., a kibe is a Middle English word meaning "A chapped or ulcerated chilblain, esp. one on the heel." A chilblain is a red, rough, patchy area of skin., 235 'Twould put me to my slipper: but I feel not 236 This deity in my bosom: twenty consciences, 237 That stand 'twixt me and Milan, candied be they 238 And melt ere they molest! Here lies your brother, 239 No better than the earth he lies upon, 240 If he were that which now he's like, that's dead; 241 Whom I, with this obedient steel, three inches of it, 242 Can lay to bed for ever; whiles you, doing thus, 243 To the perpetual wink for aye might put 244 This ancient morsel, this Sir Prudence, who 245 Should not upbraid our course. For all the rest, 246 They'll take suggestion as a cat laps milk; 247 They'll tell the clock to any business that 248 We say befits the hour. Sebastian Thy case, dear friend, 249 Shall be my precedent; as thou got'st Milan, 250 I'll come by Naples. Draw thy sword: one stroke 251 Shall free thee from the tribute which thou payest; 252 And I the king shall love thee. Antonio Draw together; 253 And when I rear my hand, do you the like, 254 To fall it on Gonzalo. Sebastian O, but one word. They talk apart Re-enter Ariel, invisible Ariel 255 My master through his art foresees the danger 256 That you, his friend, are in; and sends me forth-- 257 For else his project dies--to keep them living. Sings in Gonzalo's ear 258 While you here do snoring lie, 259 Open-eyed conspiracy 260 His time doth take. 9 261 If of life you keep a care, 262 Shake off slumber, and beware: 263 Awake, awake! Antonio 264 Then let us both be sudden. Gonzalo Now, good angels Preserve the king. They wake Alonso 265 Why, how now? ho, awake! Why are you drawn? 266 Wherefore this ghastly looking? Gonzalo What's the matter? Sebastian 267 Whiles we stood here securing your repose, 268 Even now, we heard a hollow burst of bellowing 269 Like bulls, or rather lions: did't not wake you? 270 It struck mine ear most terribly. Alonso I heard nothing. Antonio 271 O, 'twas a din to fright a monster's ear, 272 To make an earthquake! sure, it was the roar 273 Of a whole herd of lions. Alonso Heard you this, Gonzalo? Gonzalo 274 Upon mine honour, sir, I heard a humming, 275 (And that a strange one too) which did awake me: 276 I shaked you, sir, and cried: as mine eyes open'd, 277 I saw their weapons drawn: there was a noise, 278 That's verily. 'Tis best we stand upon our guard, 279 Or that we quit this place; let's draw our weapons. Alonso 280 Lead off this ground; and let's make further search 281 For my poor son. Gonzalo 282 Heavens keep him from these beasts! 283 For he is, sure, i' the island. Alonso Lead away. Ariel 284 Prospero my lord shall know what I have done: 285 So, king, go safely on to seek thy son. Exeunt Scene II. Another part of the island. Enter Caliban with a burden of wood. A noise of thunder heard Caliban 1 All the infections that the sun sucks up 2 From bogs, fens, flats, on Prosper fall and make him 3 By inch-mealAs cited from the OED, "Little by little, by every inch." a disease! His spirits hear me 4 And yet I needs must curse. But they'll nor pinch, 5 Fright me with urchin-showsApparitions of goblins or elves which sometimes resembled the form of a hedgehog (OED n.1c)., pitch me i' the mire, 6 Nor lead me, like a firebrand, in the dark 7 Out of my way, unless he bid 'em; but 8 For every trifle are they set upon me; 9 Sometime like apes that mow and chatter at me 10 And after bite me, then like hedgehogs which 11 Lie tumbling in my barefoot way and mount 12 Their pricks at my footfall; sometime am I 13 All wound with addersAny of the various types of venomous snakes or serpents (OED). who with cloven tongues 14 Do hiss me into madness. Enter Trinculo 14 Lo, now, lo! 15 Here comes a spirit of his, and to torment me 16 For bringing wood in slowly. I'll fall flat; 17 Perchance he will not mind me. Trinculo 18 Here's neither bush nor shrub, to bear off any 19 weather at all, and another storm brewing; I hear it 20 sing i' the wind: yond same black cloud, yond 21 huge one, looks like a foul bombard that would shed 22 his liquor. If it should thunder as it did before, I know 23 not where to hide my head: yond same cloud cannot 24 choose but fall by pailfuls. What have we here? 25 a man or a fish? dead or alive? A fish: he smells 26 like a fish; a very ancient and fish-like smell; a kind of 27 not of the newest Poor-JohnPoor-John is a "fish salted and dried for food" (OED). . A strange fish! Were I 28 in England now, as once I was, and had but this fish painted, 29 not a holiday fool there but would give a piece 30 of silver: there would this monster makeAccording to the The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest, the archaic phrase "to make a man" meant to make a man's fortune. a man; 31 any strange beast there makes a man: when they will 32 not give a doit"The half of an English farthing, as the type of a very small sum" (OED 1.a). to relieve a lame beggar, they will lazy 33 out ten to see a dead Indian. Legged like a man and 34 his fins like arms! Warm o' my troth! I do now let 35 loose my opinion; hold it no longer: this is no fish, 36 but an islander, that hath lately suffered by a 37 thunderbolt. Thunder 37 Alas, the storm is come again! my 38 best way is to creep under his gaberdineA loose upper garment for men, which worked as a coat or gown woven from coarse fabric (OED A.1.a); there is no 39 other shelter hereabouts: misery acquaints a man with 40 strange bed-fellows. I will here shroud till the dregs of 41 the storm be past. Enter Stephano, singing: [a bottle in his hand] Stephano 42 I shall no more to sea, to sea, 43 Here shall I die ashore-- 44 This is a very scurvy tune to sing at a man's funeral: 45 well, here's my comfort. Drinks Sings 46 The master, the swabber, the boatswain and I, 47 The gunner and his mate 48 Loved Mall, Meg and Marian and Margery, 49 But none of us cared for Kate; 50 For she had a tongue with a tangAccording to the OED, a pungent or stinging effect (II.5.c); could also mean the strong ringing sound produced when a large bell or an object with sonorous quality is struck (n.2)., 51 Would cry to a sailor, Go hang! 52 She loved not the savour of tar nor of pitch, 53 Yet a tailor might scratch her where'er she did itch: 54 Then to sea, boys, and let her go hang! 55 This is a scurvy tune too: but here's my comfort. Drinks Caliban 56 Do not torment me: Oh! Stephano 57 What's the matter? Have we devils here? Do 58 you put tricks upon's with savages and men of IndAs cited from the Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest, Stephano refers to Caliban as a "savage" and compares him to the "men of Ind," whether they are referring to the West Indies (in the Caribbean Sea) or East India is contested. The East India Company was chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600. To read more about Shakespeare and India, see this somewhat dated essay by John Draper., 59 ha? I have not scaped drowning to be afeard now of 60 your four legs; for it hath been said, As proper a 61 man as ever went on four legsAccording to notes in most annotated versions of the play, Stephano here uses a proverbial expression: "As proper a man as ever went on two legs." However, he substitutes "four legs" for "two," given the monstrous creature he sees. cannot make him give 62 ground; and it shall be said so again while Stephano 63 breathes at's nostrils. Caliban 64 The spirit torments me; Oh! Stephano 65 This is some monster of the isle with four legs, 66 who hath got, as I take it, an agueA state of distress, fear, causing the body to shake or shiver (OED 2).. Where the devil 67 should he learn our language? I will give him some 68 relief, if it be but for that. If I can recover him, and 69 keep him tame and get to Naples with him, he's a 70 present for any emperor that ever trod on neat's-leather. Caliban 71 Do not torment me, prithee; I'll bring my 72 wood home faster. Stephano 73 He's in his fit now and does not talk after the 74 wisest. He shall taste of my bottle: if he have never 75 drunk wine afore will go near to remove his fit. 76 If I can recover him and keep him tame, I will not take 77 too much for him; he shall pay for him that hath him, 78 and that soundly. Caliban 79 Thou dost me yet but little hurt; thou wilt 80 anon, I know it by thy trembling: now Prosper works 81 upon thee. Stephano 82 Come on your ways; open your mouth; here 83 is that which will give language to you, cat: open your 84 mouth; this will shake your shaking, I can tell you, 85 and that soundly: you cannot tell who's your friend: 86 open your chaps again. [Caliban drinks.] Trinculo 87 I should know that voice: it should be--but 10 88 he is drowned; and these are devils: O defend me! Stephano 89 Four legs and two voices: a most delicate 90 monster! His forward voice now is to speak well 91 of his friend; his backward voice is to utter foul 92 speeches and to detract. If all the wine in my bottle 93 will recover him, I will help his ague. Come. [Caliban drinks.] 94 Amen! I will pour some in thy other 95 mouth. Trinculo 96 Stephano! Stephano 97 Doth thy other mouth call me? Mercy, mercy! 98 This is a devil, and no monster: I will leave him; I have 99 no long spoon. Trinculo 100 Stephano! If thou beest Stephano, touch me and 101 speak to me: for I am Trinculo--be not afeard--thy 102 good friend Trinculo. Stephano 103 If thou beest Trinculo, come forth: I'll pull 104 thee by the lesser legs: if any be Trinculo's legs, these 105 are they. Thou art very Trinculo indeed! How 106 camest thou to be the siege of this moon-calf? can he 107 vent Trinculos? Trinculo 108 I took him to be killed with a thunder-stroke. 109 But art thou not drowned, Stephano? I hope now thou 110 art not drowned. Is the storm overblown? I hid 111 me under the dead moon-calf's gaberdine for fear of the 112 storm. And art thou living, Stephano? O Stephano, 113 two NeapolitansA citizen of the former kingdom of Naples in Southern Italy (OED). 'scaped! Stephano 114 Prithee, do not turn me about; my stomach is 115 not constant. Caliban Aside 116 These be fine things, an if they be not sprites 117 That's a brave god and bears celestial liquor. 118 I will kneel to him. Stephano 119 How didst thou 'scape? How camest thou 120 hither? swear by this bottle how thou camest 121 hither. I escaped upon a butt of sack which the sailors 122 heaved o'erboard, by this bottle; which I made of the 123 bark of a tree with mine own hands since I was cast 124 ashore. Caliban 125 I'll swear upon that bottle to be thy true subject; 126 for the liquor is not earthly. Stephano 127 Here; swear then how thou escapedst. Trinculo 128 Swum ashore. man, like a duck: I can swim 129 like a duck, I'll be sworn. Stephano 130 Here, kiss the book. [Passing the bottle.] 131 Though thou canst swim like a duck, thou art made like 132 a goose. Trinculo 133 O Stephano. hast any more of this? Stephano 134 The whole butt, man: my cellar is in a rock by the 135 sea-side where my wine is hid. How now, moon-calf! 136 how does thine ague? Caliban 137 Hast thou not dropp'd from heaven? Stephano 138 Out o' the moon, I do assure thee: I was the man i' 139 the moon when time was. Caliban 140 I have seen thee in her and I do adore thee: 141 My mistress show'd me thee and thy dog and thy bush. Stephano 142 Come, swear to that; kiss the book: I will furnish 143 it anon with new contents swear. [Caliban drinks.] Trinculo 144 By this good light, this is a very shallow 145 monster! I afeard of him! A very weak monster! 146 The manTrinculo is referring to the folktale about a man who was banished to the moon because he was caught working on the sabbath day (Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest).i' the moon! A most poor credulous 17 monster! Well drawn, monster, in good sooth! Caliban 148 I'll show thee every fertile inch o' th' island; 149 And I will kiss thy foot: I prithee, be my god. Trinculo 150 By this light, a most perfidious and drunken 151 monster! when 's god's asleep, he'll rob his bottle. Caliban 152 I'll kiss thy foot; I'll swear myself thy subject. Stephano 153 Come on then; down, and swear. Trinculo 154 I shall laugh myself to death at this puppy-headed 155 monster. A most scurvy monster! I could find in my 16 heart to beat him,-- Stephano 157 Come, kiss. Trinculo 158 But that the poor monster's in drink: 159 an abominable monster! Caliban 160 I'll show thee the best springs; I'll pluck thee berries; 161 I'll fish for thee and get thee wood enough. 162 A plague upon the tyrant that I serve! 163 I'll bear him no more sticks, but follow thee, 164 Thou wondrous man. Trinculo 165 A most ridiculous monster, to make a wonder of a 166 Poor drunkard! Caliban 167 I prithee, let me bring thee where crabs grow; 168 And I with my long nails will dig thee pignutsFrom the OED, 'The sweetish edible tuber of Conopodium majus, a fine-leaved plant of the family Apiaceae (Umbelliferae) of acid pastures and woods in western Europe; the plant itself. Also called earthnut.'; 169 Show thee a jay's nest and instruct thee how 170 To snare the nimble marmosetA small monkey to be captured as a pet or for eating; I'll bring thee 171 To clustering filberts"The fruit or nut of the cultivated hazel" (OED) and sometimes I'll get thee 172 Young scamelsAs noted in the Arden Shakespeare, the meaning of this word is heavily contested, possibly because of printing errors. Scholars assume that it could mean "seamews," a bird that feeds on fish, or a custacean, bird or a fish that frequent rocks. The OED defines the meaning as uncertain. from the rock. Wilt thou go with me? Stephano 173 I prithee now, lead the way without any more 174 talking. Trinculo, the king and all our company 175 else being drowned, we will inherit here: here; 176 bear my bottle: fellow Trinculo, we'll fill him by 177 and by again. Caliban 178 (Sings drunkenly.) Farewell master; farewell, farewell! Trinculo 179 A howling monster: a drunken monster! Caliban 180 No more dams I'll make for fish 181 Nor fetch in firing 182 At requiring; 183 Nor scrape trencher, nor wash dish 184 'Ban, 'Ban, CaCaliban 185 Has a new master: get a new man. 186 Freedom, hey-day! hey-day, freedom! freedom, 187 hey-day, freedom! Stephano 188 O brave monster! Lead the way. Exeunt Act III Scene I. Before Prospero's Cell. Enter Ferdinand, bearing a log Ferdinand 1 There be some sports are painful, and their labour 2 Delight in them sets off: some kinds of baseness 3 Are nobly undergone and most poor matters 4 Point to rich ends. This my mean task 5 Would be as heavy to me as odious, but 6 The mistress which I serve quickens what's dead 7 And makes my labours pleasures: O, she is 8 Ten times more gentle than her father's crabbed A verb that originated in the 1400's, which means to be Irritated or enraged. (OED v. 1a), 9 And he's composed of harshness. I must remove 10 Some thousands of these logs and pile them up, 11 Upon a sore injunction: my sweet mistress 12 Weeps when she sees me work, and says, such baseness 13 Had never like executor. I forget: 14 But these sweet thoughts do even refresh my labours, 15 Most busy lest, when I do it. Enter Miranda; and Prospero at a distance, unseen Miranda 15 Alas, now, pray you, 16 Work not so hard: I would the lightning had 17 Burnt up those logs that you are enjoin'd to pile! 18 Pray, set it down and rest you: when this burns, 19 'Twill weep for having wearied you. My father 20 Is hard at study; pray now, rest yourself; 11 21 He's safe for these three hours. Ferdinand 21 O most dear mistress, 22 The sun will set before I shall discharge 23 What I must strive to do. Miranda 23 If you'll sit down, 24 I'll bear your logs the while: pray, give me that; 25 I'll carry it to the pile. Ferdinand 25 No, precious creature; 26 I had rather crack my sinews Fibrous chords that connect the muscles to the bone (OED)., break my back, 27 Than you should such dishonour undergo, 28 While I sit lazy by. Miranda 28 It would become me 29 As well as it does you: and I should do it 30 With much more ease; for my good will is to it, 31 And yours it is against. Prospero[Aside.] 31 Poor worm Prospero is using the noun worm as a term of endearment when speaking about his daughter, also working as a metaphor her delicate and simple nature., thou art infected! 32 This visitation shows it. Miranda 32 You look wearily. Ferdinand 33 No, noble mistress;'tis fresh morning with me 34 When you are by at night. I do beseech you-- 35 Chiefly that I might set it in my prayers-- 36 What is your name? Miranda 36 Miranda.--O my father, 37 I have broke your hest An archaic word that means command or behest (OED). to say so! Ferdinand 37 Admired Miranda The name Miranda means "to be wondered at" or to be admired. Ferdinand is seen to be using word-play.! 38 Indeed the top of admiration! worth 39 What's dearest to the world! Full many a lady 40 I have eyed with best regard and many a time 41 The harmony of their tongues hath into bondage 42 Brought my too diligent ear: for several virtues 43 Have I liked several women; never any 44 With so fun soul, but some defect in her 45 Did quarrel with the noblest grace she owed 46 And put it to the foil Here, foil either refers to a fencing sword or to a verb that means to thwart.: but you, O you, 47 So perfect and so peerless, are created 48 Of every creature's best! Miranda 48 I do not know 49 One of my sex; no woman's face remember, 50 Save, from my glass, mine own; nor have I seen 51 More that I may call men than you, good friend, 52 And my dear father: how features are abroad, 53 I am skilless of; but, by my modesty, 54 The jewel in my dower Miranda presents her modesty, which also may refer to her virginity, as her greatly priced jewel that she is able to offer Ferdinand as dowry for marriage which represents what society greatly valued in a young woman when it came to marriage., I would not wish 55 Any companion in the world but you, 56 Nor can imagination form a shape, 57 Besides yourself, to like of. But I prattle 58 Something too wildly and my father's precepts 59 I therein do forget. Ferdinand 59 I am in my condition 60 A prince, Miranda; I do think, a king; 61 I would, not so!--and would no more endure 62 This wooden slavery than to suffer 63 flesh-flyFlies that generally lay their eggs in carcasses. blow my mouth. Hear my soul speak: 64 The very instant that I saw you, did 65 My heart fly to your service; there resides, 66 To make me slave to it; and for your sake 67 Am I this patient log--man. Miranda 67 Do you love me? Ferdinand 68 O heaven, O earth, bear witness to this sound 69 And crown what I profess with kind event 70 If I speak true! if hollowly, invert 71 What best is boded me to mischief! I 72 Beyond all limit of what else i' the world 73 Do love, prize, honour you. Miranda 73 I am a fool 74 To weep at what I am glad of. Prospero[Aside.] 74 Fair encounter 75 Of two most rare affections! Heavens rain grace 76 On that which breeds between 'em! Ferdinand 76 Wherefore weep you? Miranda 77 At mine unworthiness that dare not offer 78 What I desire to give, and much less take 79 What I shall die to want. But this is trifling; 80 And all the more it seeks to hide itself, 81 The bigger bulk it shows. Hence, bashful cunning! 82 And prompt me, plain and holy innocence! 83 I am your wife, if you will marry me; 84 If not, I'll die your maid: to be your fellow 85 You may deny me; but I'll be your servant, 86 Whether you will or no. Ferdinand 86 My mistress, dearest; 87 And I thus humble ever. Miranda 87 My husband, then? Ferdinand 88 Ay, with a heart as willing 89 As bondage e'er of freedom: here's my hand. Miranda 90 And mine, with my heart in't; and now farewell 91 Till half an hour hence Another indication of the procession of time in this play.. Ferdinand 91 A thousand thousand! Exeunt [Ferdinand and Miranda severally] They exit at different points from the stage. Prospero 92 So glad of this as they I cannot be, 93 Who are surprised withal; but my rejoicing 94 At nothing can be more. I'll to my book, 95 For yet ere supper-time must I perform 96 Much business appertaining. Exit Scene II. Another part of the island. Enter Caliban, Stephano, and Trinculo Stephano 1 Tell not me; when the butt is out, we will drink 2 water; not a drop before: therefore bear up, and 3 board 'em. Servant-monster, drink to me. Trinculo 4 Servant-monster! the folly of this island! They 5 say there's but five upon this isle: we are three 6 of them; if th' other two be brained like us, the 7 state tottersAn unsteady or shaky movement (OED).. Stephano 8 Drink, servant-monster, when I bid thee: thy eyes 9 are almost set in thy head. Trinculo 10 Where should they be set else? he were a brave 11 monster indeed, if they were set in his tail. Stephano 12 My man-monster hath drown'd his tongue in sack: 13 for my part, the sea cannot drown me; I swam, ere I 14 could recover the shore, five and thirty leagues off 15 and on. By this light, thou shalt be my lieutenant, 16 monster, or my standardAccording to the OED, A standard is an obsolete term, referring to "a person who carries a standard, often as a permanent duty'.. Trinculo 17 Your lieutenant, if you list; he's no standard. Stephano 18 We'll not run, Monsieur Monster. Trinculo 19 Nor go neither; but you'll lie like dogs and yet say 20 nothing neither. Stephano 21 Moon-calf, speak once in thy life, if thou beest a 22 good moon-calf. Caliban 23 How does thy honour? Let me lick thy shoe. 24 I'll not serve him; he's not valiant. Trinculo 25 Thou liest, most ignorant monster: I am in case to 26 justle a constableTrinculo claims that he is ready to fight a constable, who is the chief officer of the court (OED).. Why, thou deboshedA variant of the term debauched--over-indulging in sensual pleasures, including drinking (OED). fish thou, 27 was there ever man a coward that hath drunk so much 28 sack as I to-day? Wilt thou tell a monstrous lie, 29 being but half a fish and half a monster? Caliban 30 Lo, how he mocks me! wilt thou let him, my lord? 12 Trinculo 31 'Lord' quoth he! That a monster should be such a natural! Caliban 32 Lo, lo, again! bite him to death, I prithee. Stephano 33 Trinculo, keep a good tongue in your head: if you 34 prove a mutineer,--the next tree! The poor monster's 35 my subject and he shall not suffer indignity. Caliban 36 I thank my noble lord. Wilt thou be pleased to 37 hearken once again to the suit I made to thee? Stephano 38 Marry, will I kneel and repeat it; I will stand, 39 and so shall Trinculo. Enter Ariel, invisible Ariel is accompanied by his fellow spirits as he sings his song. Caliban 40 As I told thee before, I am subject to a tyrant, a 41 sorcerer, that by his cunning hath cheated me of the island. Ariel 42 Thou liest. Caliban 43 Thou liest, thou jesting monkey, thou: I would my 44 valiant master would destroy thee! I do not lie. Stephano 45 Trinculo, if you trouble him any more in's tale, by 46 this hand, I will supplant some of your teeth. Trinculo 47 Why, I said nothing. Stephano 48 Mum, then, and no more. Proceed. Caliban 49 I say, by sorcery he got this isle; 50 From me he got it. if thy greatness will 51 Revenge it on him,--for I know thou darest, 52 But this thing dare not,-- Stephano 53 That's most certain. Caliban 54 Thou shalt be lord of it and I'll serve thee. Stephano 55 How now shall this be compassed? 56 Canst thou bring me to the party? Caliban 57 Yea, yea, my lord: I'll yield him thee asleep, 58 Where thou mayst knock a nail into his bead. Ariel 59 Thou liest; thou canst not. Caliban 60 What a pied ninny"Pied" refers to the many-colored or mixed-up costume a jester would wear. A "ninny" is a simpleton.'s this! Thou scurvy patch! 61 I do beseech thy greatness, give him blows 62 And take his bottle from him: when that's gone 63 He shall drink nought but brineSalty sea water.; for I'll not show him 64 Where the quick freshes are. Stephano 65 Trinculo, run into no further danger: 66 interrupt the monster one word further, and, 67 by this hand, I'll turn my mercy out o' doors 68 and make a stock-fish of thee. Trinculo 69 Why, what did I? I did nothing. I'll go farther 70 off. Stephano 71 Didst thou not say he lied? Ariel 72 Thou liest. Stephano 73 Do I so? take thou that. Beats Trinculo 74 As you like this, give me the lie another time. Trinculo 75 I did not give the lie. Out o' your 76 wits and bearing too? A poxAn exclamation of frustration or anger; Trinculo wishes the pox--syphillis--upon Stephano's drinking. (OED). o' your bottle! 77 this can sack and drinking do. A murraina deadly infectious disease (OED). on 78 your monster, and the devil take your fingers! Caliban 79 Ha, ha, ha! Stephano 80 Now, forward with your tale. Prithee, stand farther 81 off. Caliban 82 Beat him enough: after a little time 83 I'll beat him too. Stephano 84 Stand farther. Come, proceed. Caliban 85 Why, as I told thee, 'tis a custom with him, 86 I' th' afternoon to sleep: there thou mayst brain him, 87 Having first seized his books, or with a log 88 Batter his skull, or paunchTo stab or wound in the stomach (OED). him with a stake, 89 Or cut his wezandThe throat or windpipe. with thy knife. Remember 90 First to possess his books; for without them 91 He's but a sot, as I am, nor hath not 92 One spirit to command: they all do hate him 93 As rootedly as I. Burn but his books. 94 He has brave utensils,--for so he calls them-- 95 Which when he has a house, he'll deck withal 96 And that most deeply to consider is 97 The beauty of his daughter; he himself 98 Calls her a nonpareilincomparable: I never saw a woman, 99 But only Sycorax my dam and she; 100 But she as far surpasseth Sycorax 101 As great'st does least. Stephano 102 Is it so brave a lass? Caliban 103 Ay, lord; she will become thy bed, I warrant. 104 And bring thee forth brave brood. Stephano 105 Monster, I will kill this man: his daughter and I 106 will be king and queen--save our graces!--and 107 Trinculo and thyself shall be viceroys. Dost thou 108 like the plot, Trinculo? Trinculo 109 Excellent. Stephano 110 Give me thy hand: I am sorry I beat thee; but, 111 while thou livest, keep a good tongue in thy head. Caliban 112 Within this half hour will he be asleep: 113 Wilt thou destroy him then? Stephano 114 Ay, on mine honour. Ariel 115 This will I tell my master. Caliban 116 Thou makest me merry; I am full of pleasure: 117 Let us be jocund: will you troll the catch 118 You taught me but while-ere? Stephano 119 At thy request, monster, I will do reason, any 120 reason. Come on, Trinculo, let us sing. Sings 121 Flout 'em and scout 'em 122 And scout 'em and flout 'em 123 Thought is free. Caliban 124 That's not the tune. Ariel plays the tune on a tabour and pipe Stephano 125 What is this same? Trinculo 126 This is the tune of our catch, played by the picture 127 of Nobody. Stephano 128 If thou beest a man, show thyself in thy likeness: 129 if thou beest a devil, take't as thou list. Trinculo 130 O, forgive me my sins! Stephano 131 He that dies pays all debts: I defy thee. Mercy upon us! Caliban 132 Art thou afeard? Stephano 133 No, monster, not I. Caliban 134 Be not afeardThe following speech by Caliban is one of the most famous and studied passages of the play. Caliban who had lived his entire life on the island feels a deeper connection to its beauty and richness.; the isle is full of noises, 135 Sounds and sweet airs, that give delight and hurt not. 136 Sometimes a thousand twangling instruments 137 Will hum about mine ears, and sometime voices 138 That, if I then had waked after long sleep, 139 Will make me sleep again: and then, in dreaming, 140 The clouds methought would open and show riches 141 Ready to drop upon me that, when I waked, 142 I cried to dream again. Stephano 143 This will prove a brave kingdom to me, where I shall 144 have my music for nothing. Caliban 145 When Prospero is destroyed. Stephano 146 That shall be by and by: I remember the story. Trinculo 147 The sound is going away; let's follow it, and 148 after do our work. Stephano 149 Lead, monster; we'll follow. I would I could see 150 this tabourer; he lays it on. Trinculo 151 Wilt come? I'll follow, Stephano. 13 Exeunt Scene III. Another part of the island. Enter Alonso, Sebastian, Antonio, Gonzalo, Adrian, Francisco, and others Gonzalo 1 By'r lakinAn obsolete form of the phrase 'by our Lady', denoting the Virgin Mary (OED n.2)., I can go no further, sir; 2 My old bones ache: here's a maze trod indeed 3 Through forth-rights and meanders! By your patience, 4 I needs must rest me. Alonso 5 Old lord, I cannot blame thee, 6 Who am myself attach'd with weariness, 7 To the dulling of my spirits: sit down, and rest. 8 Even here I will put off my hope and keep it 9 No longer for my flatterer: he is drown'd 10 Whom thus we stray to find, and the sea mocks 11 Our frustrate search on land. Well, let him go. Antonio 12 Aside to Sebastian I am right glad that he's so out of hope. 14 Do not, for one repulse, forego the purpose 15 That you resolved to effect. Sebastian 16 Aside to Antonio The next advantage 17 Will we take throughly. Antonio 18 Aside to Sebastian Let it be to-night; 19 For, now they are oppress'd with travel, they 20 Will not, nor cannot, use such vigilance 21 As when they are fresh. Sebastian 22 Aside to Antonio I say, to-night: no more. Solemn and strange music Alonso 23 What harmony is this? My good friends, hark! Gonzalo 24 Marvellous sweet music! Enter Prospero above In this scene, the upper stage allows Prospero's character secretly observe the plot transpiring below on the main stage., invisible. Enter several strange Shapes, bringing in a banquet; they dance about it with gentle actions of salutation; and, inviting the King, &c. to eat, they depart Alonso 25 Give us kind keepers, heavens! What were these? Sebastian 26 A living drolleryA comical entertainment in the form of a puppet-show (OED 2.a). Now I will believe 27 That there are unicorns, that in Arabia 28 There is one tree, the phoenix' throne, one phoenix 29 At this hour reigning there. Antonio 30 I'll believe both; 31 And what does else want creditlacking in credibility, come to me, 32 And I'll be sworn 'tis true: travellers ne'er did lie, 33 Though fools at home condemn 'em. Gonzalo 34 If in Naples 35 I should report this now, would they believe me? 36 If I should say, I saw such islanders-- 37 For, certesAn archaic form of the term meaning certainly, assuredly (OED)., these are people of the island-- 38 Who, though they are of monstrous shape, yet, note, 39 Their manners are more gentle-kind than of 40 Our human generation you shall find 41 Many, nay, almost any. Prospero 42 Aside Honest lord, 43 Thou hast said well; for some of you there present 44 Are worse than devils. Alonso 45 I cannot too much muse 46 Such shapes, such gesture and such sound, expressing, 47 Although they want the use of tongue, a kind 48 Of excellent dumb discourse. Prospero 49 Aside Praise in departing. Francisco 50 They vanish'd strangely. Sebastian 51 No matter, since 52 They have left their viands behind; for we have stomachs. 53 Will't please you taste of what is here? Alonso 54 Not I. Gonzalo 55 Faith, sir, you need not fear. When we were boys, 56 Who would believe that there were mountaineers 57 Dew-lapp'd like bullsGonzalo describes the physical attributes of the indigenous people living on the island, commenting that their necks have a similar folding of excessive loose skin that hangs from the throats of cattle (OED)., whose throats had hanging at 'em 58 Wallets of flesh? or that there were such men 59 Whose heads stood in their breasts? which now we find 60 Each putter-out of five for one will bring us 61 Good warrant of. Alonso 62 I will stand to and feed, 63 Although my last: no matter, since I feel 64 The best is past. Brother, my lord the duke, 65 Stand to and do as we. Thunder and lightning. Enter Ariel, like a harpy Ariel appears in the form of a harpy, a greedy and fearsome mythological creature that metes out divine justice and vengeance. Harpies have the head and body of a woman and the wings and claws of a bird. Ariel is imagined as wreaking the 'divine' vengeance of Prospero. This annotation and image are sourced from World History Encyclopedia. The image here, also from the World History Encyclopedia, is an illustration of the harpy from Ulisse Aldrovandi's Monstrorum Historia, Bologna, 1642.; claps his wings upon the table; and, with a quaint device, the banquet vanishes Ariel 66 You are three men of sin, whom Destiny, 67 That hath to instrument this lower world 68 And what is in't, the never-surfeitedThe insatiable nature of the sea. sea 69 Hath caused to belch up you; and on this island 70 Where man doth not inhabit; you 'mongst men 71 Being most unfit to live. I have made you mad; 72 And even with such-like valour men hang and drown 73 Their proper selves. Alonso, Sebastian &c. draw their swords 74 You fools! I and my fellows 75 Are ministers of Fate: the elements, 76 Of whom your swords are temper'd, may as well 77 Wound the loud winds, or with bemock'd-at stabs 78 Kill the still-closing waters, as diminish 79 One dowleThe OED define dowl as "One of the filaments of fibres of a feather' that's in my plume: my fellow-ministers 80 Are like invulnerable. If you could hurt, 81 Your swords are now too massy for your strengths 82 And will not be uplifted. But remember-- 83 For that's my business to you--that you three 84 From Milan did supplant good Prospero; 85 Exposed unto the sea, which hath requitTo repay, compensation (OED) it, 86 Him and his innocent child: for which foul deed 87 The powers, delaying, not forgetting, have 88 Incensed the seas and shores, yea, all the creatures, 89 Against your peace. Thee of thy son, Alonso, 90 They have bereft; and do pronounce by me: 91 Lingering perdition, worse than any death 92 Can be at once, shall step by step attend 93 You and your ways; whose wraths to guard you from-- 94 Which here, in this most desolate isle, else falls 95 Upon your heads--is nothing but heart-sorrow 96 And a clear life ensuing. He vanishes in thunder; then, to soft music enter the Shapes again, and dance, with mocks grimacing facial expressions, and carrying out the table Prospero 97 Bravely the figure of this harpy hast thou 98 Perform'd, my Ariel; a grace it had, devouring: 99 Of my instruction hast thou nothing bated 100 In what thou hadst to say: so, with good life 101 And observation strange, my meaner ministers 102 Their several kinds have done. My high charms work 103 And these mine enemies are all knitEntangled by their temporary madness up 104 In their distractions; they now are in my power; 105 And in these fits I leave them, while I visit 106 Young Ferdinand, whom they suppose is drown'd, 107 And his and mine loved darling. Exit above Gonzalo 108 I' the name of something holy, sir, why stand you 109 In this strange stare? Alonso 110 O, it is monstrous, monstrous: 111 Methought the billows spoke and told me of it; 112 The winds did sing it to me, and the thunder, 113 That deep and dreadful organ-pipe, pronounced 114 The name of Prosper: it did bass my trespass. 115 Therefore my son i' the ooze is bedded, and 116 I'll seek him deeper than e'er plummetAs cited from the OED, 'A piece of lead or other heavy material attached to a line, used for measuring the depth of water; a sounding lead' or a plumb. sounded 117 And with him there lie mudded. Exit Sebastian 118 But one fiend at a time, 119 I'll fight their legions o'er. 14 Antonio 120 I'll be thy second. Exeunt Sebastian, and Antonio Gonzalo 121 All three of them are desperate: their great guilt, 122 Like poison given to work a great time after, 123 Now 'gins to bite the spirits. I do beseech you 124 That are of suppler joints, follow them swiftly 125 And hinder them from what this ecstasy 126 May now provoke them to. Adrian 127 Follow, I pray you. Exeunt Act IV Scene I. Before Prospero's cell. Enter Prospero, Ferdinand, and Miranda Prospero 1 If I have too austerely punish'd you, 2 Your compensation makes amends, for I 3 Have given you here a third of mine own lifeAs noted in the Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest, there could be several explanations for this line; some scholars believe that it is an indication of Prospero's age being 45 years as Miranda is known to 15 years of age in the play, others also believe that he his speaking metaphorically claiming that his daughter is one of the three most valuable treasures of this life, apart from his dukedom and his art., 4 Or that for which I live; who once again 5 I tender to thy hand: all thy vexations 6 Were but my trials of thy love and thou 7 Hast strangely stood the test here, afore Heaven, 8 I ratify this my rich gift. O Ferdinand, 9 Do not smile at me that I boast her off, 10 For thou shalt find she will outstrip all praise 11 And make it halt behind her. Ferdinand 12 I do believe it 13 Against an oracle.An oracle, in ancient Greece and Rome, was a person who was believed to be a medium through which the Gods would use to communicate with the masses. These people were often priests and priestesses (OED).. Prospero 14 Then, as my gift and thine own acquisition 15 Worthily purchased take my daughter: but 16 If thou dost break her virgin-knotProspero warns Ferdinand against taking his daughter’s virginity before their official union. before 17 All sanctimonious ceremonies may 18 With full and holy rite be minister'd, 19 No sweet aspersion shall the heavens let fall 20 To make this contract grow: but barren hate, 21 Sour-eyed disdain and discord shall bestrew 21 The union of your bed with weeds so loathly 21 That you shall hate it both: therefore take heed, 21 As Hymen's lampsHymen is the God of marriage of Greek and Roman mythology, who with his torches/lamps would signify if the union between a couple would prosper or perish, depending on whether the flame burned clear, or smoked. (Shakespeare Navigators) shall light you. Ferdinand 21 As I hope 21 For quiet days, fair issue and long life, 21 With such love as 'tis now, the murkiest den, 21 The most opportune place, the strong'st suggestion. 21 Our worser genius can, shall never melt 30 Mine honour into lust, to take away 31 The edge of that day's celebration 32 When I shall think: or Phoebus' steedsPhoebus Apollo, the God of light or of the sun, was often characterized by riding his chariot of the sun drawn by his steeds. Here, Ferdinand vows to uphold Miranda's honor by not engaging in the consummation of their union until they are wed, lest the sun never set not the night ever arrive for their wedding night. (The Arden edition of Shakespeare The Tempest) are founder'd, 33 Or Night kept chain'd below. Prospero Fairly spoke. 34 Sit then and talk with her; she is thine own. 35 What, Ariel! my industrious servant, Ariel! Enter Ariel Ariel 36 What would my potent master? here I am. Prospero 37 Thou and thy meaner fellows your last service 38 Did worthily perform; and I must use you 39 In such another trick. Go bring the rabbleA loud and disorderly crowd (OED). Prospero gives Ariel the power to summon the spirits Iris, Ceres and Juno. The word rabble here is used in a derogatory sense., 40 O'er whom I give thee power, here to this place: 41 Incite them to quick motion; for I must 42 Bestow upon the eyes of this young couple 43 Some vanity of mine artProspero plans to use his magic to create the fantastic entertainment of a masque for the young couple. According to material hosted by the Royal Historic Palaces, masques were elaborate court entertainments staged for and often by nobility. They involved a variety of performance types--ballet, opera, music, and theater--combined in a highly visual and stylized manner. By the early 17th century, when Shakespeare wrote and performed The Tempest, they had become highly elaborate. The Royal Banqueting House, designed by Inigo Jones and completed in 1622, was purpose-built for the staging of masques. The most popular early court masques were developed by Jones in partnership with Ben Jonson. Thematically, masques represented and reinforced the divinity of the monarchy and symbolized a world of order in opposition to the baseness and disorder that reigned before the emergence of the Stuart Court. In The Tempest, Prospero conjures the masque as a gift for the young couple, Miranda and Ferdinand, who will marry upon their return to Naples and return order to the throne. This masque, like all masques, then, is a statement of political power. The image included here, from the illustrated catalog of masque designs owned by the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire, shows a page dressed as a fiery spirit--this character, like the nymphs and reapers in Prospero’s masque, would likely have been a dancing role rather than a more important speaking role. An exceptional illustrated source is “Designs by Inigo Jones for Masques & Plays at Court,” a descriptive catalog of a key collection of masque designs, now hosted in JSTOR. The image included here, from that illustrated catalog of masque designs, shows a page dressed as a fiery spirit. : it is my promise, 44 And they expect it from me. Ariel Presently? Prospero 45 Ay, with a twink"A winking of the eye" or the time taken to perform this action (OED n.1). The modern equivalent of the phrase 'with/in a twink' is 'in the blink of an eye'.. Ariel 46 Before you can say 'come' and 'go,' 47 And breathe twice and cry 'so, so,' 48 Each one, tripping on his toe, 49 Will be here with mop and mow. 50 Do you love me, master? no? Prospero 51 Dearly my delicate Ariel. Do not approach 52 Till thou dost hear me call. Ariel Well, I conceiveunderstand. Exit Prospero 53 Look thou be true; do not give dalliance 54 Too much the rein: the strongest oaths are straw 55 To the fire i' the blood: be more abstemious, 56 Or else, good night your vow! Ferdinand I warrant you sir; 57 The white cold virgin snow upon my heart 58 Abates the ardour of my liverAccording to the OED (II.4.a), the liver was understood in the early modern period to be the location of the passions, especially love, bitterness, and anger.. Prospero Well. 59 Now come, my Ariel! bring a An obsolete term for something additional (OED 4). Prospero wants Ariel to summon an extra sprit just so they have enough., 60 Rather than want a spirit: appear and pertly! 61 No tongue! all eyes! be silent. Soft music Enter Iris Ariel conjures up spirits disguised as goddesses to entertain and celebrate the betrothal of the young couple. The first to appear is the spirit imitating Iris, the goddess of the rainbow and the messenger to the gods. She plays the 'presenter' of the masque. This annotation is referenced from the "Hudson Shakespeare Company". Iris 62 Ceres, most bounteous lady, thy rich leaspastures or meadows 63 Of wheat, rye, barley, vetchesVarious kinds of leguminous plants of the genus Vicia, used mainly as fodder (OED), oats and pease; 64 Thy turfy mountains, where live nibbling sheep, 65 And flat meads thatch'd with stoverA meadow covered with hay or straw for fodder., them to keep; 66 Thy banks with pionedBanks that are formed through the excavation or trenching of the ground caused by the currents of springs. (The Arden Shakespeare edition of The Tempest") and twilled brimsThe weaving of ridges in 'brims' or bodies of water (OED)., 67 Which spongyThe rainy season of AprilApril at thy hest betrims, 68 To make cold nymphs chaste crowns; and thy broom -grovesA groove covered with beautiful yellow papilionaceous flowers (OED)., 69 Whose shadow the dismissed bachelor loves, 70 Being lass-lornAs the word "love-lorn" means having lost a lover, "lass-lorn" means having lost a "lass"--a girl or woman.: thy pole-clipt vineyard; 71 And thy sea-margeMargin of the sea or the sea-coast., sterile and rocky-hard, 72 Where thou thyself dost air;--the queen o' the sky, 73 Whose watery archA rainbow, which is also the sign of Iris. and messenger am I, 74 Bids thee leave these, and with her sovereign grace, 75 Here on this grass-plot, in this very place, 76 To come and sport: her peacocks fly amain: 77 Approach, rich Ceres, her to entertain. Enter Ceres The second spirit presented is Ceres, the fertility goddess of the harvest, motherhood and earth. She only participates in the masque after making sure that Venus and Cupid, the goddess and god of love responsible for the kidnapping of her daughter, do not make an appearance. This further establishes Prospero's demand that Miranda remain chaste until their union. This annotation is referenced from the "Hudson Shakespeare Company". Ceres 78 Hail, many-colour'd messenger, that ne'er 79 Dost disobey the wife of JupiterJuno, the Greek goddess of marriage and the wife of Jupiter, the king of the gods.; 80 Who with thy saffron wings upon my flowers 81 Diffusest honey-drops, refreshing showers, 82 And with each end of thy blue bow dost crown 83 My boskyAs cited from the OED, bosky is defined as "Consisting of or covered with bushes or underwood; full of thickets, bushy". acres and my unshrubb'd down, 84 Rich scarf to my proud earth; why hath thy queen 85 Summon'd me hither, to this short-grass'd green? Iris 86 A contract of true love to celebrate; 87 And some donation freely to estate 88 On the blest lovers. Ceres 89 Tell me, heavenly bowIris is frequently depicted with a rainbow, or bow., 90 If Venus The Roman goddess of love, beauty, desire and fertility. She is also known as Aphrodite in the Greek mythology. or her sonCeres here is referring to Cupid, the Roman god of love, born to Venus and Mercury, the god of translators and interpreters., as thou dost know, 91 Do now attend the queen? Since they did plot 92 The means that dusky DisDis is another name for Pluto, god of the underworld. In mythology, he kidnaps Ceres' daughter Proserpina with help from Venus and Cupid, her 'blind' and 'waspish-headed' son of the next lines, who is typically depicted as blindly shooting his arrows of love. Ceres bargains with Pluto, and according to their deal, Proserpina spends half the year with her mother and half, with Pluto. During the spring and summer months, when mother and daughter are toogether, all is light and warmth; when Prosperpina is in the underworld, Ceres's sadness brings us the fall and winter months. my daughter got, 93 Her and her blind boy's scandal'd company 94 I have forsworn. Iris 95 Of her society 96 Be not afraid: I met her deity 97 Cutting the clouds towards PaphosThe sacred home of the goddess Venus on the Island of Cyprus. and her son 98 Dove-drawn with her. Here thought they to have done 99 Some wanton charm upon this man and maid, 100 Whose vows are, that no bed-right shall be paid 101 Till Hymen's torchProspero is forbidding Ferdinand and Miranda from having sex before they are married, or before the torch of Hymen, the Greek God of marriage, is lit. be lighted: but vain; 102 Mars's hot minion is returned again; 103 Her waspish-headed son has broke his arrows, 104 Swears he will shoot no more but play with sparrows 105 And be a boy right out. Ceres 106 High'st queen of state, 107 Great Juno, comes; I know her by her gait. Enter Juno The third spirit enters the masque fashioned as Juno, the roman queen of the gods. Juno 108 How does my bounteous sister? Go with me 109 To bless this twain, that they may Prosperous be 110 And honour'd in their issue. They sing: Juno 111 Honour, riches, marriage-blessing, 112 Long continuance, and increasing, 113 Hourly joys be still upon you! 15 114 Juno sings her blessings upon you. Ceres 115 Earth's increase, foisonAn archaic term for abundance or bountiful supply (OED 1.a).plenty, 116 Barns and garners never empty, 117 Vines and clustering bunches growing, 118 Plants with goodly burthen bowingPlants bending from the weight of their growth.; 119 Spring come to you at the farthest 120 In the very end of harvest! 121 Scarcity and want shall shun you; 122 Ceres' blessing so is on you. Ferdinand 123 This is a most majestic vision, and 124 Harmoniously charmingly. May I be bold 125 To think these spirits? Prospero Spirits, which by mine art 126 I have from their confines call'd to enact 127 My present fancies. Ferdinand Let me live here ever; 128 So rare a wonder'd father and a wife 129 Makes this place Paradise. Juno and Ceres whisper, and send Iris on employment Prospero Sweet, now, silence! 130 Juno and Ceres whisper seriously; 131 There's something else to do: hush, and be mute, 132 Or else our spell is marr'd. Iris 133 You nymphsAccording to Britannica, nymphs are a class of low-ranking female deities from Greek mythology, often associated with sources of growing life such as trees and water. The Naiads presided over freshwater brooks, lakes, springs, and rivers., call'd Naiads, of the windring brooks, 134 With your sedged crowns and ever-harmless looks, 135 Leave your crisp channels and on this green land 136 Answer your summons; Juno does command: 137 Come, temperate nymphs, and help to celebrate 138 A contract of true love; be not too late. Enter certain Nymphs 139 You sunburnt sicklemen, of August weary, 140 Come hither from the furrow and be merry: 141 Make holiday; your rye-straw hats put on 142 And these fresh nymphs encounter every one 143 In country footing. Enter certain Reapers, properly habited: they join with the Nymphs in a graceful dance; towards the end whereof Prospero starts suddenly, and speaks; after which, to a strange, hollow, and confused noise, they heavily vanish Prospero 144 Aside I had forgot that foul conspiracy 145 Of the beast Caliban and his confederates 146 Against my life: the minute of their plot 147 Is almost come. To the Spirits Well done! avoid; no more! Ferdinand 148 This is strange: your father's in some passion 149 That works him strongly. Miranda Never till this day 150 Saw I him touch'd with anger so distemper'd. Prospero 151 You do look, my son, in a moved sort, 152 As if you were dismay'd: be cheerful, sir. 153 Our revels now are ended. These our actors, 154 As I foretold you, were all spirits and 155 Are melted into air, into thin air: 156 And, like the baseless fabric of this vision, 157 The cloud-capp'd towers, the gorgeous palaces, 158 The solemn temples, the great globe itself, 159 Ye all which it inherit, shall dissolve 160 And, like this insubstantial pageant faded, 161 Leave not a rack behind. We are such stuff 162 As dreams are made on, and our little life 163 Is rounded with a sleep. Sir, I am vex'd; 164 Bear with my weakness; my, brain is troubled: 165 Be not disturb'd with my infirmity: 166 If you be pleased, retire into my cell 167 And there repose: a turn or two I'll walk, 168 To still my beating mind. Ferdinand and Miranda We wish your peace. Exeunt Prospero 169 Come with a thought I thank thee, Ariel: come. Enter Ariel Ariel 170 Thy thoughts I cleave to. What's thy pleasure? Prospero Spirit, 171 We must prepare to meet with Caliban. Ariel 172 Ay, my commander: when I presented Ceres, 173 I thought to have told thee of it, but I fear'd 174 Lest I might anger thee. Prospero 175 Say again, where didst thou leave these varletsAccording to the OED, a varlet was a term for a man or a young lad acting as a lowly servant. In this context however, Prospero uses it as an "abusive form of address" (OED 2.a).? Ariel 176 I told you, sir, they were red-hot with drinking; 177 So fun of valour that they smote the air 178 For breathing in their faces; beat the ground 179 For kissing of their feet; yet always bending 180 Towards their project. Then I beat my tabourTabour/Tabor is an archaic term from the eleventh century for a small drum (OED).; 181 At which, like unback'd colts, they prick'd their ears, 182 Advanced their eyelids, lifted up their noses 183 As they smelt music: so I charm'd their ears 184 That calf-like they my lowing follow'd through 185 Tooth'd briers, sharp furzes, pricking goss and thorns, 186 Which entered their frail shins: at last I left them 187 I' the filthy-mantled pool beyond your cell, 188 There dancing up to the chins, that the foul lake 189 O'erstunk their feet. Prospero This was well done, my bird. 190 Thy shape invisible retain thou still: 191 The trumpery in my house, go bring it hither, 192 For stale to catch these thieves. Ariel I go, I go. Exit Prospero 193 A devil, a born devil, on whose nature 194 Nurture can never stick; on whom my pains, 195 Humanely taken, all, all lost, quite lost; 196 And as with age his body uglier grows, 197 So his mind cankers. I will plague them all, 198 Even to roaring. Re-enter Ariel, loaden with glistering apparel, &c Come, hang them on this line. Prospero and Ariel remain invisible. Enter Caliban, Stephano, and Trinculo, all wet Caliban 199 Pray you, tread softly, that the blind mole may not 200 Hear a foot fall: we now are near his cell. Stephano 201 Monster, your fairy, which you say is 202 a harmless fairy, has done little better than 203 played the Jack with us. Trinculo 204 Monster, I do smell all horse-piss; at 205 which my nose is in great indignation. Stephano 206 So is mine. Do you hear, monster? If I should take 207 a displeasure against you, look you,-- Trinculo 208 Thou wert but a lost monster. Caliban 209 Good my lord, give me thy favour still. 210 Be patient, for the prize I'll bring thee to 210 Shall hoodwink this mischance: therefore speak softly. 210 All's hush'd as midnight yet. Trinculo 211 Ay, but to lose our bottles in the pool,-- Stephano 212 There is not only disgrace and dishonour in that, 213 monster, but an infinite loss. Trinculo 214 That's more to me than my wetting: yet this is your 215 harmless fairy, monster. Stephano 216 I will fetch off my bottle, though I be o'er ears 217 for my labour. Caliban 218 Prithee, my king, be quiet. Seest thou here, 219 This is the mouth o' the cell: no noise, and enter. 220 Do that good mischief which may make this island 221 Thine own for ever, and I, thy Caliban, 222 For aye thy foot-licker. Stephano 223 Give me thy hand. I do begin to have bloody thoughts. Trinculo 224 O king Stephano! O peer! O worthy Stephano! look 225 what a wardrobe here is for thee! Caliban 226 Let it alone, thou fool; it is but trash. Trinculo 227 O, ho, monster! we know what belongs to a fripperyA store where previously-owned but quality cloghing is sold (OED). Trinculo chides Caliban for not knowing the value of the clothing.. 228 O king Stephano! 16 Stephano 229 Put off that gown, Trinculo; by this hand, I'll have 230 that gown. Trinculo 231 Thy grace shall have it. Caliban 232 The dropsy drown this fool I what do you mean 233 To dote thus on such luggage? Let's alone 234 And do the murder first: if he awake, 235 From toe to crown he'll fill our skins with pinches, 236 Make us strange stuff. Stephano 237 Be you quiet, monster. Mistress lineStephano and Trinculo engage in a riff on the multiple meanings of the word "line." Here, Stephano is comically addressing the clothesline (or line) in a formal manner., 238 is not this my jerkin? Now is the jerkinA men's jacket made of leather either with sleaves or without, and having a short skirt. The historical equivalent of the waistcoat. (OED) under 239 the line"Under the line" during this period was a reference to the equator (OED n, 10.b).: now, jerkin, you are like to lose your 240 hair and prove a bald jerkin. Trinculo 241 Do, do: we steal by line and levelTo do something by line and level means to do it methodically and with care (OED n, 4.b)., an't like your grace. Stephano 242 I thank thee for that jest; here's a garment for't: 243 wit shall not go unrewarded while I am king of this 244 country. 'Steal by line and level' is an excellent 245 pass of pate The OED defines 'pass of pate' as a "witty or cutting remark". In the literal sense, 'pate' was an archaic noun for the head or skull. Stephano creates his own pun Trinculo's clever wordplay.; there's another garment for't. Trinculo 246 Monster, come, put some lime upon your fingersAccording to the OED, lime or birdlime is a sticky material from holly bark, mistletoe berries and other plants, used to capture birds by applying it to branches where they might alight., and 247 away with the rest. Caliban 248 I will have none on't: we shall lose our time, 249 And all be turn'd to barnacles, or to apes 250 With foreheads villanous low. Stephano 251 Monster, lay-to your fingers: help to bear this 252 away where my hogshead of wine is, or I'll turn you 252 out of my kingdom: go to, carry this. Trinculo 253 And this. Stephano 254 Ay, and this. A noise of hunters heard. Enter divers Spirits These noises mimicking the sounds of animals are produced by the actors off-stage., in shape of dogs and hounds, and hunt them about, Prospero and Ariel setting them on Prospero 255 Hey, Mountain, hey! Ariel 256 Silver I there it goes, Silver! Prospero 257 Fury, Fury! there, Tyrant, there! hark! hark! Caliban, Stephano, and Trinculo, are driven out 258 Go charge my goblins that they grind their joints 259 With dry convulsions, shorten up their sinews 260 With aged cramps, and more pinch-spotted make them 261 Than pard or cat o' mountain. Ariel Hark, they roar! Prospero 262 Let them be hunted soundly. At this hour 263 Lie at my mercy all mine enemies: 264 Shortly shall all my labours end, and thou 265 Shalt have the air at freedom: for a little 266 Follow, and do me service. Exeunt Act V Scene I. Before Prospero's cell. Enter Prospero in his magic robes, and Ariel Prospero 1 Now does my project gather to a head: 2 My charms crack not; my spirits obey; and time 3 Goes upright with his carriage. How's the day? Ariel 4 On the sixth hour; at which time, my lord, 5 You said our work should cease. Prospero 5 I did say so, 6 When first I raised the tempest. Say, my spirit, 7 How fares the king and's followers? Ariel 7 Confined together 8 In the same fashion as you gave in charge, 9 Just as you left them; all prisoners, sir, 10 In the line-grove A small group of trees that provide shade (OED). Here, the grove is acting as a barrier for Prospero's cell. which weather-fends your cell; 11 They cannot budge till your release. The king, 12 His brother and yours, abide all three distracted 13 And the remainder mourning over them, 14 Brimful of sorrow and dismay; but chiefly 15 Him that you term'd, sir, 'The good old lord Gonzalo;' 16 His tears run down his beard, like winter's drops 17 From eavesEaves is an Old English term, signifying the edge of the roof over a building which overhangs off the sides, made typically of straws or reeds (OED) of reeds. Your charm so strongly works 'em 18 That if you now beheld them, your affections 19 Would become tender. Prospero 19 Dost thou think so, spirit? Ariel 20 Mine would, sir, were I human. Prospero 20 And mine shall. 21 Hast thou, which art but air, a touch, a feeling 22 Of their afflictions, and shall not myself, 23 One of their kind, that relish all as sharply, 24 Passion as they, be kindlier moved than thou art? 25 Though with their high wrongs I am struck to the quick, 26 Yet with my nobler reason 'gaitist my fury 27 Do I take part: the rarer action is 28 In virtue than in vengeance: they being penitent, 29 The sole drift of my purpose doth extend 30 Not a frown further. Go release them, Ariel: 31 My charms I'll break, their senses I'll restore, 32 And they shall be themselves. Ariel 32 I'll fetch them, sir. Exit Prospero 33 Ye elves of hills, brooks, standing lakes and groves, 34 And ye that on the sands with printless foot 35 Do chase the ebbing Neptune and do fly him 36 When he comes back; you demi-puppets that 37 By moonshine do the green sour ringlets make, 38 Whereof the ewe not bites, and you whose pastime 39 Is to make midnight mushrooms, that rejoice 40 To hear the solemn curfew; by whose aid, 41 Weak masters though ye be, I have bedimm'd 42 The noontide sun, call'd forth the mutinous winds, 43 And 'twixt the green sea and the azured vault 44 Set roaring war: to the dread rattling thunder 45 Have I given fire and rifted Jove's stout oak 46 With his own bolt; the strong-based promontory 47 Have I made shake and by the spurs pluck'd up 48 The pine and cedar: graves at my command 49 Have waked their sleepers, opedAccording to the OED, oped is a transitive verb which means, " To open. Frequently of an eye, door, or window.", and let 'em forth 50 By my so potent art. But this rough magic 51 I here abjure, and, when I have required 52 Some heavenly music, which even now I do, 53 To work mine end upon their senses that 54 This airy charm is for, I'll break my staff, 55 Bury it certain fathoms in the earth, 56 And deeper than did ever plummet sound 57 I'll drown my book. Solemn music Re-enter Ariel before: then Alonso, with a frantic gesture, attended by Gonzalo; Sebastian and Antonio in like manner, attended by Adrian and Francisco they all enter the circle which Prospero had made, and there stand charmed; which Prospero observing, speaks: 58 A solemn air and the best comforter 59 To an unsettled fancy cure thy brains, 60 Now useless, boil'd within thy skull! There standAround this time, the actors who are yet transfixed by Prospero's sorcery enter the stage led by Ariel. Prospero then addresses each of the afflicted before releasing them from their state., 61 For you are spell-stopp'd. 62 Holy Gonzalo, honourable man, 63 Mine eyes, even sociable to the show of thine, 64 Fall fellowly drops. The charm dissolves apace, 65 And as the morning steals upon the night, 66 Melting the darkness, so their rising senses 67 Begin to chase the ignorant fumes that mantle 68 Their clearer reason. O good Gonzalo, 69 My true preserver, and a loyal sir 70 To him you follow'st! I will pay thy graces 71 Home both in word and deed. Most cruelly 17 72 Didst thou, Alonso, use me and my daughter: 73 Thy brother was a furtherer in the act. 74 Thou art pinch'd fort now, Sebastian. Flesh and blood, 75 You, brother mine, that entertain'd ambition, 76 Expell'd remorse and nature; who, with Sebastian, 77 Whose inward pinches therefore are most strong, 78 Would here have kill'd your king; I do forgive thee, 79 Unnatural though thou art. Their understanding 80 Begins to swell, and the approaching tide 81 Will shortly fill the reasonable shore 82 That now lies foul and muddy. Not one of them 83 That yet looks on me, or would know me Ariel, 84 Fetch me the hat and rapier in my cell: 85 I will discase meProspero, with Ariel's help, removes his magical robe and staff, and dresses himself in the clothes he had worn while he was still Duke of Milan perhaps to keep them in the dark about his association with the tempest. "Discase" literally means to take something out of its case, but colloquially it means to undress., and myself present 86 As I was sometime Milan: quickly, spirit; 87 Thou shalt ere long be free. Ariel Ariel sings and helps to attire him 88 Where the bee sucks. there suck I: 89 In a cowslip's bell I lie; 90 There I couch when owls do cry. 91 On the bat's back I do fly 92 After summer merrily. 93 Merrily, merrily shall I live now 94 Under the blossom that hangs on the bough. Prospero 95 Why, that's my dainty Ariel! I shall miss thee: 96 But yet thou shalt have freedom: so, so, so. 97 To the king's ship, invisible as thou art: 98 There shalt thou find the mariners asleep 99 Under the hatches; the master and the boatswain 100 Being awake, enforce them to this place, 101 And presently, I prithee. Ariel 102 I drink the air before me, and return 103 Or ere your pulse twice beat. Exit Gonzalo 104 All torment, trouble, wonder and amazement 105 Inhabits here: some heavenly power guide us 106 Out of this fearful country! Prospero 106 Behold, sir king, 107 The wronged Duke of Milan, Prospero: 108 For more assurance that a living prince 109 Does now speak to thee, I embrace thy body; 110 And to thee and thy company I bid 111 A hearty welcome. Alonso 111 Whether thou best he or no, 112 Or some enchanted trifle to abuse me, 113 As late I have been, I not know: thy pulse 114 Beats as of flesh and blood; and, since I saw thee, 115 The affliction of my mind amends, with which, 116 I fear, a madness held me: this must crave, 117 An if this be at all, a most strange story. 118 Thy dukedom I resign and do entreat 119 Thou pardon me my wrongs. But how should Prospero 120 Be living and be here? Prospero 120 First, noble friend, 121 Let me embrace thine age, whose honour cannot 122 Be measured or confined. Gonzalo 122 Whether this be 123 Or be not, I'll not swear. Prospero 123 You do yet taste 124 Some subtilties o' the isle, that will not let you 125 Believe things certain. Welcome, my friends all! Aside to Sebastian and Antonio 126 But you, my brace of lords, were I so minded, 127 I here could pluck his highness' frown upon you 128 And justify you traitors: at this time 129 I will tell no tales. Sebastian 129 Aside The devil speaks in him. Prospero 129 No. 130 For you, most wicked sir, whom to call brother 131 Would even infect my mouth, I do forgive 132 Thy rankest fault; all of them; and require 133 My dukedom of thee, which perforce, I know, 134 Thou must restore. Alonso 134 If thou be'st Prospero, 135 Give us particulars of thy preservation; 136 How thou hast met us here, who three hours since 137 Were wreck'd upon this shore; where I have lost-- 138 How sharp the point of this remembrance is!-- 139 My dear son Ferdinand. Prospero 139 I am woe for't, sir. Alonso 140 Irreparable is the loss, and patience 141 Says it is past her cure. Prospero 141 I rather think 142 You have not sought her help, of whose soft grace 143 For the like loss I have her sovereign aid 144 And rest myself content. Alonso 144 You the like loss! Prospero 145 As great to me as late; and, supportable 146 To make the dear loss, have I means much weaker 147 Than you may call to comfort you, for I 148 Have lost my daughter. Alonso 148 A daughter? 149 O heavens, that they were living both in Naples, 150 The king and queen there! that they were, I wish 151 Myself were mudded in that oozy bed 152 Where my son lies. When did you lose your daughter? Prospero 153 In this last tempest. I perceive these lords 154 At this encounter do so much admire 155 That they devour their reason and scarce think 156 Their eyes do offices of truth, their words 157 Are natural breath: but, howsoe'er you have 158 Been justled from your senses, know for certain 159 That I am Prospero and that very duke 160 Which was thrust forth of Milan, who most strangely 161 Upon this shore, where you were wreck'd, was landed, 162 To be the lord on't. No more yet of this; 163 For 'tis a chronicle of day by dayIt is a very long narrative to be recounted over the course of many days., 164 Not a relation for a breakfast nor 165 Befitting this first meeting. Welcome, sir; 166 This cell's my court: here have I few attendants 167 And subjects none abroad: pray you, look in. 168 My dukedom since you have given me again, 169 I will requite you with as good a thing; 170 At least bring forth a wonder, to content ye 171 As much as me my dukedom. Here Prospero discovers A discovery space on the stage is an area enclosed by curtains which is used to reveal objects or characters. Sometimes the color of the curtains will also indicate the theme of the tale, as in the case of the tragedy Doctor Faustus where black curtains are sometimes used to signal the dark events of the play ("Reconstructing the Rose"). Ferdinand and Miranda playing at chess Miranda 172 Sweet lord, you play me false. Ferdinand 172 No, my dear'st love, 173 I would not for the world. Miranda 174 Yes, for a score of kingdoms you should wrangle, 175 And I would call it, fair play. Alonso 175 If this prove 176 A vision of the Island, one dear son 177 Shall I twice lose. Sebastian 177 A most high miracle! Ferdinand [Sees his father and the others] 178 Though the seas threaten, they are merciful; 179 I have cursed them without cause. Kneels Alonso 179 Now all the blessings 180 Of a glad father compass thee about! 181 Arise, and say how thou camest here. Miranda 181 O, wonder! 182 How many goodly creatures are there here! 183 How beauteous mankind is! O brave new world, 18 184 That has such people in't! Prospero 184 'Tis new to thee. Alonso 185 What is this maid with whom thou wast at play? 186 Your eld'st acquaintance cannot be three hours: 187 Is she the goddess that hath sever'd us, 188 And brought us thus together? Ferdinand 188 Sir, she is mortal; 189 But by immortal Providence she's mine: 190 I chose her when I could not ask my father 191 For his advice, nor thought I had one. She 192 Is daughter to this famous Duke of Milan, 193 Of whom so often I have heard renown, 194 But never saw before; of whom I have 195 Received a second life; and second father 196 This lady makes him to me. Alonso 196 I am hers: 197 But, O, how oddly will it sound that I 198 Must ask my child forgiveness! Prospero 198 There, sir, stop: 199 Let us not burthen our remembrance with 200 A heaviness that's gone. Gonzalo 200 I have inly wept, 201 Or should have spoke ere this. Look down, you god, 202 And on this couple drop a blessed crown! 203 For it is you that have chalk'd forth the way 204 Which brought us hither. Alonso 204 I say, Amen, Gonzalo! Gonzalo 205 Was Milan thrust from Milan, that his issue 206 Should become kings of Naples? O, rejoice 207 Beyond a common joy, and set it down 208 With gold on lasting pillars: In one voyage 209 Did Claribel her husband find at Tunis, 210 And Ferdinand, her brother, found a wife 211 Where he himself was lost, Prospero his dukedom 212 In a poor isle and all of us ourselves 213 When no man was his own. Alonso 213 To Ferdinand and Miranda Give me your hands: 214 Let grief and sorrow still embrace his heart 215 That doth not wish you joy! Gonzalo 215 Be it so! Amen! Re-enter Ariel, with the Master and Boatswain amazedly following 216 O, look, sir, look, sir! here is more of us: 217 I prophesied, if a gallows were on land, 218 This fellow could not drown. [to Boatswain] Now, blasphemy, 219 That swear'st grace o'erboard, not an oath on shore? 220 Hast thou no mouth by land? What is the news? Boatswain 221 The best news is, that we have safely found 222 Our king and company; the next, our ship-- 223 Which, but three glasses since, we gave out split-- 224 Is tight and yare and bravely rigg'd as when 225 We first put out to sea. Ariel Aside to Prospero 225 Sir, all this service 226 Have I done since I went. Prospero Aside to Ariel 226 My tricksy spirit! Alonso 227 These are not natural events; they strengthen 228 From strange to stranger. Say, how came you hither? Boatswain 229 If I did think, sir, I were well awake, 230 I'ld strive to tell you. We were dead of sleep, 231 And--how we know not--all clapp'd under hatches; 232 Where but even now with strange and several noises 233 Of roaring, shrieking, howling, jingling chains, 234 And more diversity of sounds, all horrible, 235 We were awaked; straightway, at liberty; 236 Where we, in all her trim, freshly beheld 237 Our royal, good and gallant ship, our master 238 Capering to eye her: on a trice, so please you, 239 Even in a dream, were we divided from them 240 And were brought moping hither. Ariel Aside to Prospero 240 Was't well done? Prospero 241 Aside to Ariel Bravely, my diligence. Thou shalt be free. Alonso 242 This is as strange a maze as e'er men trod 243 And there is in this business more than nature 244 Was ever conduct of: some oracle 245 Must rectify our knowledge. Prospero 245 Sir, my liege, 246 Do not infest your mind with beating on 247 The strangeness of this business; at pick'd leisure 248 Which shall be shortly, single I'll resolve you, 249 Which to you shall seem probable, of every 250 These happen'd accidents; till when, be cheerful 251 And think of each thing well.Aside to Ariel 251 Come hither, spirit: 252 Set Caliban and his companions free; 253 Untie the spell.Exit Ariel 253 How fares my gracious sir? 254 There are yet missing of your company 255 Some few odd lads that you remember not. Re-enter Ariel, driving in Caliban, Stephano and Trinculo, in their stolen apparel Stephano 256 Every man shift for all the rest, andlet no man 257 take care for himself; for all is but fortune. CoragioAn exhortatory Italian exclamation for "Courage!" (OED), 258 bully-monster, coragio! Trinculo 259 If these be true spies which I wear in my head, 260 here's a goodly sight. Caliban 261 O Setebos, these be brave spirits indeed! 262 How fine my master is! I am afraid 263 He will chastise me. Sebastian 263 Ha, ha! 264 What things are these, my lord Antonio? 265 Will money buy 'em? Antonio 265 Very like; one of them 266 Is a plain fish, and, no doubt, marketable. Prospero 267 Mark but the badges of these men, my lords, 268 Then say if they be true. This mis-shapen knave, 269 His mother was a witch, and one so strong 270 That could control the moon, make flows and ebbs, 271 And deal in her command without her power. 272 These three have robb'd me; and this demi-devil-- 273 For he's a bastard one--had plotted with them 274 To take my life. Two of these fellows you 275 Must know and own; this thing of darkness I 276 Acknowledge mine. Caliban 276 I shall be pinch'd to death. Alonso 277 Is not this Stephano, my drunken butler? Sebastian 278 He is drunk now: where had he wine? Alonso 279 And Trinculo is reeling ripe: where should they 280 Find this grand liquor that hath gilded 'em? 281 How camest thou in this pickle? Trinculo 282 I have been in such a pickle since I saw you 283 last that, I fear me, will never out of my bones: I shall 284 not fear fly-blowing. Sebastian 285 Why, how now, Stephano! Stephano 286 O, touch me not; I am not Stephano, but a 287 cramp. Prospero 288 You'ld be king o' the isle, sirrahAccording to the OED, it's an archaic "term of address used to men or boys, expressing contempt, reprimand, or assumption of authority on the part of the speaker".? Stephano 289 I should have been a sore one then. Alonso 290 This is a strange thing as e'er I look'd on. Pointing to Caliban Prospero 291 He is as disproportion'd in his manners 292 As in his shape. Go, sirrah, to my cell; 293 Take with you your companions; as you look 294 To have my pardon, trim it handsomely. Caliban 295 Ay, that I will; and I'll be wise hereafter 19 296 And seek for grace. What a thrice-double ass 297 Was I, to take this drunkard for a god 298 And worship this dull fool! Prospero 298 Go to; away! Alonso 299 Hence, and bestow your luggage where you found it. Sebastian 300 Or stole it, rather. Exeunt Caliban, Stephano, and Trinculo Prospero 301 Sir, I invite your highness and your train 302 To my poor cell, where you shall take your rest 303 For this one night; which, part of it, I'll waste 304 With such discourse as, I not doubt, shall make it 305 Go quick away; the story of my life 306 And the particular accidents gone by 307 Since I came to this isle: and in the morn 308 I'll bring you to your ship and so to Naples, 309 Where I have hope to see the nuptial 310 Of these our dear-beloved solemnized; 311 And thence retire me to my Milan, where 312 Every third thought shall be my grave. Alonso 312 I long 313 To hear the story of your life, which must 314 Take the ear strangely. Prospero 314 I'll deliver all; 315 And promise you calm seas, auspicious gales 316 And sail so expeditious that shall catch 317 Your royal fleet far off. Aside to Ariel 317 [aside to Ariel] My Ariel, chick, 318 That is thy charge: then to the elements 319 Be free, and fare thou well! [to the others] Please you, draw near. Exeunt EPILOGUE An epilogue serves as a conclusionary poem or speech to a play, with the main purpose of tying up the many subplots and providing some closure for the characters at the end of the tale. It is usually performed in the form of a monologue in which applause is sought, addressed directly to the audience. spoken by Prospero [Prospero] 1 Now my charms are all o'erthrown, 2 And what strength I have's mine own, 3 Which is most faint: now, 'tis true, 4 I must be here confined by you, 5 Or sent to Naples. Let me not, 6 Since I have my dukedom got 7 And pardon'd the deceiver, dwell 8 In this bare island by your spell; 9 But release me from my bands 10 With the help of your good hands: 11 Gentle breath of yours my sails 12 Must fill, or else my project fails, 13 Which was to please. Now I want 14 Spirits to enforce, art to enchant, 15 And my ending is despair, 16 Unless I be relieved by prayer, 17 Which pierces so that it assaults 18 Mercy itself and frees all faults. 19 As you from crimes would pardon'd be, 20 Let your indulgence set me free. FINIS Yeats, William Butler and William Butler Yeats. "Easter, 1916". Michael Robartes and the Dancer, The Cuala Press, 1920 , pp 9-11 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z MICHAEL ROBARTES AND THEDANCER, BY WILLIAM BUTLERYEATS. THE CUALA PRESS CHURCHTOWNDUDNRUM JUNE 1924 9 EASTER, 1916. 1 I have met them at close of day 2 Coming with vivid faces 3 From counter or desk among grey 4 Eighteenth-century houses. 5 I have passed with a nod of the head 6 Or polite meaningless words, 7 Or have lingered awhile and said 9 Polite meaningless words, 9 And thought before I had done 10 Of a mocking tale or a gibe 11 To please a companion 12 Around the fire at the club, 13 Being certain that they and I 14 But lived where motley is worn: 15 All changed, changed utterly: 16 A terrible beauty is born. 17 That woman's days were spent 18 In ignorant good-will, 19 Her nights in argument 20 Until her voice grew shrill. 21 What voice more sweet than hers 22 When, young and beautiful, 23 She rode to harriers? 24 This man had kept a school 25 And rode our winged horse; 26 This other his helper and friend 10 27 Was coming into his force; 28 He might have won fame in the end, 29 So sensitive his nature seemed, 30 So daring and sweet his thought. 31 This other man I had dreamed 32 A drunken, vain-glorious lout. 33 He had done most bitter wrong 34 To some who are near my heart, 35 Yet I number him in the song; 36 He, too, has resigned his part 37 In the casual comedy; 38 He, too, has been changed in his turn, 39 Transformed utterly: 40 A terrible beauty is born. 41 Hearts with one purpose alone 42 Through summer and winter seem 43 Enchanted to a stone 44 To trouble the living stream. 45 The horse that comes from the road, 46 The rider, the birds that range 47 From cloud to tumbling cloud, 48 Minute by minute they change; 49 A shadow of cloud on the stream 50 Changes minute by minute; 51 A horse-hoof slides on the brim, 52 And a horse plashes within it; 53 The long-legged moor-hens dive, 54 And hens to moor-cocks call. 11 55 Minute by minute they live: 56 The stone's in the midst of all. 57 Too long a sacrifice 58 Can make a stone of the heart. 59 O when may it suffice? 60 That is heaven's part, our part 61 To murmur name upon name, 62 As a mother names her child 63 When sleep at last has come 64 On limbs that had run wild. 65 What is it but nightfall? 66 No, no, not night but death; 67 Was it needless death after all? 68 For England may keep faith 69 For all that is done and said. 70 We know their dream; enough 71 To know they dreamed and are dead; 72 And what if excess of love 73 Bewildered them till they died? 74 I write it out in a verse— 75 MacDonagh and MacBride 76 And Connolly and Pearse 77 Now and in time to be, 78 Wherever green is worn, 79 Are changed, changed utterly: 80 A terrible beauty is born. September 25th, 1916 Eliot, T.S. and TS Eliot. The Waste Land, Boni and Liverwright, 1922 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [TP] THE WASTE LAND BY T. S. ELIOT "Nam Sibyllam quidem Cumis ego ipse oculis meis vidi in ampulla pendere, et cum illi pueri dicerent: Σίβυλλα τί θέλεις; respondebat illa: ἀποθανεῖν θέλω." This is a quote from the first-century Roman prose work Satyricon (c.54-68) believed to be by Gaius Petronius (27-66CE). Eliot translated the epigraph as follows: "I saw with my own eyes the Sibyl at Cumae hanging in a cage, and when the boys said to her: 'Sibyl, what do you want?' she answered: 'I want to die.'" NEW YORKBONI AND LIVERIGHT1922 9 I. THE BURIAL OF THE DEAD 1 APRIL is the cruellest month, breeding The first line of The Waste Land alludes to the General Prologue of Geoffrey Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, which opens with a "description of Spring characteristic of dream visions of secular love" (Harvard). Chaucer's poem begins, in modern English, as follows: When April with its sweet-smelling showers THas pierced the drought of March to the root, And bathed every vein (of the plants) in such liquid By which power the flower is created; When the West Wind also with its sweet breath In every wood and field has breathed life into The tender new leaves, and the young sun Has run half its course in Aries, And small fowls make melody, Those that sleep all the night with open eyes (So Nature incites them in their hearts), Then folk long to go on pilgrimages, And professional pilgrims to seek foreign shores, To distant shrines, known in various lands.... (General Prologue, 1-14) You might consider how Eliot's version compares to this source text. 2 Lilacs out of the dead land, mixing 3 Memory and desire, stirring 4 Dull roots with spring rain. 5 Winter kept us warm, covering 6 Earth in forgetful snow, feeding 7 A little life with dried tubers. 8 Summer surprised us, coming over the Starnbergersee 9 With a shower of rain; we stopped in the colonnade, 10 And went on in sunlight, into the Hofgarten, 10 11 And drank coffee, and talked for an hour. 12 Bin gar keine Russin, stamm’ aus Litauen, echt deutsch. In this passage, the female speaker's statement, "I am not Russian at all; I come from Lithuania, really German," introduces the theme of fragmentation and displacement that permeates the poem. The speaker's identity is shaped by multiple cultural influences, resulting in a fragmented sense of self. She does not fully identify as Russian, Lithuanian, or German, but as a hybrid of all three. This complex identity further highlights the themes of displacement and cultural conflict throughout the work. 13 And when we were children, staying at the archduke’s, 14 My cousin’s, he took me out on a sled, 15 And I was frightened. He said, Marie, 16 Marie, hold on tight. And down he went. 17 In the mountains, there you feel free. 18 I read, much of the night, and go south in the winter. 19 What are the roots that clutch, what branches grow 20 Out of this stony rubbish? Son of man, 11 21 You cannot say, or guess, for you know only 22 A heap of broken images, where the sun beats, 23 And the dead tree gives no shelter, the cricket no relief, 24 And the dry stone no sound of water. Only 25 There is shadow under this red rock, 26 (Come in under the shadow of this red rock), 27 And I will show you something different from either 28 Your shadow at morning striding behind you 29 Or your shadow at evening rising to meet you; 12 30 I will show you fear in a handful of dust. 31 Frisch weht der Wind 32 Der-Heimat zu 33 Mein Irisch Kind, 34 Wo weilest du? These lines are quoted from Richard Wagner's Tristan und Isolde (1865), a German opera based on a 12th century chivalric tragic poem Tristan and Iseult. There are multiple different versions of the story, but at root, it is a Celtic legend about tragic love; the knight Tristan has been tasked with accompanying the Irish maiden Iseult to be married to his uncle, the King of Cornwall. On the way, Tristan and Iseult fall deeply in love, which causes many tempestuous problems. The story became very popular in the ninteenth and early twentieth centuries, especially among the Pre-Raphaelites, a group of artists and writers influenced by Romanticism who sought inspiration in Italian Renaissance art and medieval courtly themes. The image included here, by the Pre-Raphaelite painter John William Waterhouse, is Tristan and Isolde with the Potion (1916), via Wikimedia Commons. Tristan and Iseult are on the ship heading for Cornwall and Iseult's marriage; they are drinking a love potion. The lines are from the first act of Tristan und Isolde, and are sung by an anonymous sailor about his lover, left behind in Ireland. Translated, the lines read "Fresh blows the wind / homeward: / my Irish maid, / where do you linger?" A later line (42, below) from the same opera, "Empty and desolate is the sea," sandwiches Eliot's description of the first meeting between the "hyacinth girl" (36) and her lover, who remembers being struck by her and feeling "neither / Living nor dead" (39-40). ( 35 “You gave me hyacinths first a year ago; 36 “They called me the hyacinth girl." 37 —Yet when we came back, late, from the Hyacinth garden, 38 Your arms full, and your hair wet, I could not 39 Speak, and my eyes failed, I was neither 40 Living nor dead, and I knew nothing, 41 Looking into the heart of light, the silence. 13 42 Oed’ und leer das Meer. 43 Madame Sosostris, famous clairvoyante, This noun comes from the word "clairvoyance", which in the French means clear-sighted. A clairvoyant is what we would now call a psychic, someone who can see things that are not physically there. Madame Sosostris is a fortune teller who has a reputation as "the wisest woman in Europe." The -e is added to the word clairvoyant to make it feminine in the French (OED). 44 Had a bad cold, nevertheless 45 Is known to be the wisest woman in Europe, 46 With a wicked pack of cardsA character in Eliot's poem visits a famous fortune teller, and the following lines describe the tarot cards she received at a reading. According to Elizabeth DeBold of the Folger Shakespeare Library, tarot originated in 14th-century Egypt, and traveled to Europe during the Renaissance.. Here, said she, 47 Is your card, the drowned Phoenician Sailor, 48 (Those are pearls that were his eyes. Look!) 49 Here is Belladonna, the Lady of the Rocks, 50 The lady of situations. 51 Here is the man with three staves, and here the Wheel, 14 52 And here is the one-eyed merchant, and this card, 53 Which is blank, is something he carries on his back, 54 Which I am forbidden to see. I do not find 55 The Hanged Man. Fear death by water. Water is a prevalent motif throughout The Waste Land. Water is often associated with regeneration/rebirth, but here and elsewhere, it is associated with death. 56 I see crowds of people, walking round in a ring. 57 Thank you. If you see dear Mrs. Equitone, 58 Tell her I bring the horoscope myself: 59 One must be so careful these days. 60 Unreal City, 61 Under the brown fog of a winter dawn, 15 62 A crowd flowed over London Bridge, so many, 63 I had not thought death had undone so many. 64 Sighs, short and infrequent, were exhaled, 65 And each man fixed his eyes before his feet. 66 Flowed up the hill and down King William Street, 67 To where Saint Mary WoolnothSaint Mary Woolnoth is an Anglican church in London, first built in the 12th century, then rebuilt on several occasions. The photograph included here, from about 1900, originally from the Library of Congress, shows the church in its modern form, designed by Nicholas Hawksmoore and opened in 1727. This is likely very close to what Eliot would have seen. It is possible that the site had been a place of worship for 2000 years (Wikipedia). kept the hours 68 With a dead sound on the final stroke of nine. 69 There I saw one I knew, and stopped him, crying: “Stetson! 70 “You who were with me in the ships at MylaeThe Battle of Mylae, a naval battle won in 260BCE by Roman naval forces.! 17 71 “That corpse you planted last year in your garden, 72 “Has it begun to sprout? Will it bloom this year? 73 “Or has the sudden frost disturbed its bed? 74 “O keep the Dog far hence, that’s friend to men, 75 “Or with his nails he’ll dig it up again! 76 “You! hypocrite lecteur!—mon semblable,—mon frère!This is an allusion to the last line of Charles Baudelaire's introductory poem "Au Lecteur [To the Reader]" from his collection Fleurs du mal [Flowers of Evil (1857-1868). The line reads, "Hypocritical reader, --my twin, --my brother!" You can read Baudelaire's poems online." 16 II. A GAME OF CHESS 77 The Chair she sat in, like a burnished throne, 78 Glowed on the marble, where the glass 79 Held up by standards wrought with fruited vines 80 From which a golden Cupidon peeped out The scene described by the speaker features banners adorned with fruit-bearing vines and a standard depicting a golden "Cupidon," an alternate name for the Roman god of love, Cupid. The use of Cupidon in this context evokes themes of desire, fertility, and the pursuit of romantic love. The image of Cupidon peeking out from behind the banner may also imply a sense of voyeurism or hidden desire, contributing to an undercurrent of sexual tension in the scene. This lush, sensual imagery is suggestive of the speaker's heightened sensibility, and highlights the poem's themes of passion and desire. The image included here, via Wikipedia, shows a Roman copy of an original Greek sculpture of Eros Stringing His Bow. 81 (Another hid his eyes behind his wing) 82 Doubled the flames of sevenbranched candelabra 83 Reflecting light upon the table as 84 The glitter of her jewels rose to meet it, 85 From satin cases poured in rich profusion. 18 86 In vials of ivory and coloured glass 87 Unstoppered, lurked her strange synthetic perfumes, 88 Unguent, powdered, or liquid—troubled, confused 89 And drowned the sense in odours; stirred by the air 90 That freshened from the window, these ascended 91 In fattening the prolonged candle-flames, 92 Flung their smoke into the laquearia, 93 Stirring the pattern on the coffered ceiling. 94 Huge sea-wood fed with copper 95 Burned green and orange, framed by the coloured stone, 96 In which sad light a carvèd dolphin swam. 19 97 Above the antique mantel was displayed 98 As though a window gave upon the sylvan scene 99 The change of PhilomelAn allusion to the ancient Greek story of Philomela, which was recounted in Ovid's Metamorphoses 6.412-674. In the story, Tereus, King of Thrace, marries the Athenian Procne. Procne asks her husband to bring her sister, Philomela, to visit her in Thrace. Tereus rapes Philomela, and to keep her from telling her sister of the assault, he cuts out her tongue. Philomela communicates her story to Procne by weaving a tapestry showing the events. The two sisters avenge the abuse by killing Itys, Procne and Tereus' son, and baking him into a pie which Tereus eats. The women flee, pursued by Tereus; the gods transform the three into birds--Philomela becomes the sweet-singing nightingale. , by the barbarous king 100 So rudely forced; yet there the nightingale 101 Filled all the desert with inviolable voice 102 And still she cried, and still the world pursues, 103 “Jug Jug" to dirty ears. 104 And other withered stumps of time 105 Were told upon the walls; staring forms 106 Leaned out, leaning, hushing the room enclosed. 107 Footsteps shuffled on the stair. 20 108 Under the firelight, under the brush, her hair 109 Spread out in fiery points 110 Glowed into words, then would be savagely still. 111 “My nerves are bad to-night. Yes, bad. Stay with me. 112 “Speak to me. Why do you never speak. Speak. 113 “What are you thinking of? What thinking? What? 114 “I never know what you are thinking. Think." 115 I think we are in rats’ alley 116 Where the dead men lost their bones. 21 117 “What is that noise?" 118 The wind under the door. 119 “What is that noise now? What is the wind doing?" 120 Nothing again nothing. 121 “Do 122 “You know nothing? Do you see nothing? Do you remember 123 “Nothing?" 124 I remember 125 Those are pearls that were his eyes.Throughout The Waste Land, Eliot refers to Shakespeare's The Tempest. This is an allusion to I.ii.394-398, when Ariel sings about a drowned man undergoing "a sea-change / Into something rich and strange." The words suggest the fate of Ferdinand's father, whom he believes lost at sea. 126 “Are you alive, or not? Is there nothing in your head?" 127 But 128 O O O O that Shakespeherian Rag— Though Eliot has made changes to the language, That Shakespearian Rag is a ragtime tune from 1912 (Parker, "Songs in T.S. Eliot's The Waste Land"). Ragtime was a projenitor of jazz, the rhythms of which influenced Eliot's style. 129 It’s so elegant 130 So intelligent 22 131 “What shall I do now? What shall I do?" 132 I shall rush out as I am, and walk the street 133 “With my hair down, so. What shall we do tomorrow? 134 “What shall we ever do?" 135 The hot w[a]ter at ten. 136 And if it rains, a closed car at four. 137 And we shall play a game of chess, 138 Pressing lidless eyes and waiting for a knock upon the door. 139 When Lil’s husband got demobbedColloquial British expression for "demobilized," specifically, released from military service. Lil's husband likely served in World War I (1914-1918)., I said— 23 140 I didn’t mince my words, I said to her myself, 141 HURRY UP PLEASE IT’S TIMEThe barkeep is informing the patrons of closing time. 142 Now Albert’s coming back, make yourself a bit smart. 143 He’ll want to know what you done with that money he gave you 144 To get yourself some teeth. He did, I was there. 145 You have them all out, Lil, and get a nice set, 146 He said, I swear, I can’t bear to look at you. 147 And no more can’t I, I said, and think of poor Albert, 148 He’s been in the army four years, he wants a good time, 24 149 And if you don’t give it him, there’s others will, I said. 150 Oh is there, she said. Something o’ that, I said. 151 Then I’ll know who to thank, she said, and give me a straight look. 152 HURRY UP PLEASE IT’S TIME 153 If you don’t like it you can get on with it, I said. 154 Others can pick and choose if you can’t. 155 But if Albert makes off, it won’t be for lack of telling. 156 You ought to be ashamed, I said, to look so antique. 157 (And her only thirty-one.) 158 I can’t help it, she said, pulling a long face, 25 159 It’s them pillsThe speaker is referring to medication that induces abortion. I took, to bring it off, she said. 160 (She’s had five already, and nearly died of young George.) 161 The chemist said it would be all right, but I’ve never been the same. 162 You are a proper fool, I said. 163 Well, if Albert won’t leave you alone, there it is, I said, 164 What you get married for if you don’t want children? 165 HURRY UP PLEASE IT’S TIME 166 Well, that Sunday Albert was home, they had a hot gammon, 167 And they asked me in to dinner, to get the beauty of it hot— 26 168 HURRY UP PLEASE IT’S TIME 169 HURRY UP PLEASE IT’S TIME 170 Goonight Bill. Goonight Lou. Goonight May. Goonight. 171 Ta ta. Goonight. Goonight. 172 Good night, ladies, good night, sweet ladies, good night, good night. 27 III. THE FIRE SERMON 173 THE river’s tent is broken: the last fingers of leaf 174 Clutch and sink into the wet bank. The wind 175 Crosses the brown land, unheard. The nymphs are departed. 176 Sweet Thames, run softly, till I end my song. 177 The river bears no empty bottles, sandwich papers, 178 Silk handkerchiefs, cardboard boxes, cigarette ends 179 Or other testimony of summer nights. The nymphs are departed. 28 180 And their friends, the loitering heirs of city directors; 181 Departed, have left no addresses. 182 By the waters of Leman I sat down and wept . . . 183 Sweet Thames, run softly till I end my song,An allusion to Edmund Spenser's poem "Prothalamion" (1596), which celebrates the marriage of two "nymphs." Nymphs are female water spirits of classical myth, but the word also suggests young women in general. A prothalamion is a type of poem that celebrates a coming marriage. 184 Sweet Thames, run softly, for I speak not loud or long. 185 But at my back in a cold blast I hear 186 The rattle of the bones, and chuckle spread from ear to ear. 187 A rat crept softly through the vegetation 188 Dragging its slimy belly on the bank 189 While I was fishing in the dull canal 29 190 On a winter evening round behind the gashouse 191 Musing upon the king my brother’s wreck 192 And on the king my father’s death before him. 193 White bodies naked on the low damp ground 194 And bones cast in a little low dry garret, 195 Rattled by the rat’s foot only, year to year. 196 But at my back from time to time I hear 197 The sound of horns and motors, which shall bring 198 Sweeney to Mrs. Porter in the spring. 199 O the moon shone bright on Mrs. Porter 200 And on her daughter 30 201 They wash their feet in soda water 202 Et O ces voix d’enfants, chantant dans la coupole! In this line, the speaker directly alludes to the last line of the French poet Paul Verlaine’s sonnet "Parsifal": "And, O those children's voices singing in the dome!" The sonnet is a meditation on art and the power of music; it reflects the poet's response to hearing Richard Wagner's opera Parsifal, which is a major intertext to Eliot's poem. The use of this allusion adds an extra layer of meaning to the poem. The inclusion of French in the midst of an English poem could also suggest a sense of cultural dislocation or separation. Additionally, the image of children's voices singing in a dome may represent a symbol of purity and innocence that contrasts with the themes of corruption and decay present elsewhere in the poem. To learn more about Verlaine, see the Poetry Foundation. To learn more about Wagner's role in "The Waste Land," see this scholarly essay by Philip Waldron, "The Music of Poetry: Wagner in The Waste Land.". You can read Verlaine's poem in the original French and in English translation here. 203 Twit twit twit 204 Jug jug jug jug jug jug 205 So rudely forc’d. 206 Tereu 207 Unreal City 208 Under the brown fog of a winter noon 209 Mr. Eugenides, the Smyrna merchant 210 Unshaven, with a pocket full of currants 211 C.i.f. London: documents at sight, 212 Asked me in demotic French 213 To luncheon at the Cannon Street Hotel 31 214 Followed by a weekend at the Metropole. 215 At the violet hour, when the eyes and back 216 Turn upward from the desk, when the human engine waits 217 Like a taxi throbbing waiting, 218 I TiresiasIn Greek mythology, Tiresias is a blind prophet who also lived as both a man and a woman. He was instrumental in the action of Sophocles' Oedipus plays, and he also appeared in Homer's Odyssey., though blind, throbbing between two lives, 219 Old man with wrinkled female breasts, can see 200 At the violet hour, the evening hour that strives 221 Homeward, and brings the sailor home from sea, 222 The typist home at teatime, clears her breakfast, lights 32 223 Her stove, and lays out food in tins. 224 Out of the window perilously spread 225 Her drying combinations touched by the sun’s last rays, 226 On the divan are piled (at night her bed) 227 Stockings, slippers, camisoles, and stays. 228 I Tiresias, old man with wrinkled dugs 229 Perceived the scene, and foretold the rest— 230 I too awaited the expected guest. 231 He, the young man carbuncular, arrives, Used here as an adjective, "carbuncular" comes from the word "carbuncle," which is an lesion on the skin that is irritated and filled with pus, and overall is unpleasant to look at (OED n3). 232 A small house agent’s clerk, with one bold stare, 233 One of the low on whom assurance sits 234 As a silk hat on a Bradford millionaire. 235 The time is now propitious, as he guesses, 236 The meal is ended, she is bored and tired, 33 237 Endeavours to engage her in caresses 238 Which still are unreproved, if undesired. 239 Flushed and decided, he assaults at once; 240 Exploring hands encounter no defence; 241 His vanity requires no response, 242 And makes a welcome of indifference. 243 (And I Tiresias have foresuffered all 244 Enacted on this same divan or bed; 245 I who have sat by Thebes below the wall 246 And walked among the lowest of the dead.) 247 Bestows one final patronising kiss, 248 And gropes his way, finding the stairs unlit . . . 249 She turns and looks a moment in the glass, 250 Hardly aware of her departed lover; 34 251 Her brain allows one half-formed thought to pass: 252 “Well now that’s done: and I’m glad it’s over." 253 When lovely woman stoops to folly and 254 Paces about her room again, alone, 255 She smooths her hair with automatic hand, 256 And puts a record on the gramophone. 257 “This music crept by me upon the waters" 258 And along the Strand, up Queen Victoria Street. 259 O City city, I can sometimes hear 260 Beside a public bar in Lower Thames Street, 35 261 The pleasant whining of a mandoline 262 And a clatter and a chatter from within 263 Where fishmen lounge at noon: where the walls 264 Of Magnus Martyr hold 265 Inexplicable splendour of Ionian white and gold. 266 The river sweats 267 Oil and tar 268 The barges drift 269 With the turning tide 270 Red sails 271 Wide 272 To leeward, swing on the heavy spar. 273 The barges wash 36 274 Drifting logs 275 Down Greenwich reach 276 Past the Isle of Dogs. 277 Weialala leia 278 Wallala leialala 279 Elizabeth and Leicester 280 Beating oars 281 The stern was formed 282 A gilded shell 283 Red and gold 284 The brisk swell 285 Rippled both shores 286 Southwest wind 287 Carried down stream 288 The peal of bells 289 White towers 37 290 Weialala leia 291 Wallala leialala 292 “Trams and dusty trees. 293 Highbury bore me. Richmond and Kew 294 Undid me. By Richmond I raised my knees 295 Supine on the floor of a narrow canoe." 296 “My feet are at Moorgate, and my heart Dating back to the Medieval period, Moorgate was the last of the old gates to be built in the Roman defense wall that surrounded the fort of Londinium, now London. The original Roman walls were built 100-400 CE, but Moorgate was originally a secondary gate that was expanded in 1415. It led to the marshy Moorfields area in the north of London. It was demolished in 1762. To learn more about the London Wall, see Wikipedia. The image here, also via Wikipedia, shows an 18th-century engraving depicting Moorgate before it was demolished. 297 Under my feet. After the event 298 He wept. He promised ‘a new start’. 299 I made no comment. What should I resent?" 300 “On Margate Sands. 301 I can connect 302 Nothing with nothing. 38 303 The broken fingernails of dirty hands. 304 My people humble people who expect 305 Nothing." 306 la la 307 To Carthage then I came This is a reference to the ancient city of Carthage, which was located in what is now Tunisia. Carthage was a major center of trade and civilization in the ancient Mediterranean world, but it was destroyed by the Romans in the Punic Wars in the 2nd century BCE. The use of Carthage in the poem may suggest themes of destruction, decay, and the decline of civilization. The city of Carthage has been interpreted as a symbol of the failure and fall of human civilizations, which can serve as a warning for modern society. The image included in this annotation, via Wikimedia Commons, shows a representation of the ancient city from the Carthage National Museum in Tunisia. 308 Burning burning burning burning 309 O Lord Thou pluckest me out 310 O Lord Thou pluckest 311 burning 39 IV. DEATH BY WATER 312 PHLEBAS the Phoenician, a fortnight dead, 313 Forgot the cry of gulls, and the deep sea swell 314 And the profit and loss. 315 A current under sea 316 Picked his bones in whispers. As he rose and fell 317 He passed the stages of his age and youth 318 Entering the whirlpool. 319 Gentile or Jew 320 O you who turn the wheel and look to windward, 321 Consider Phlebas, who was once handsome and tall as you. 40 V. WHAT THE THUNDER SAID 322 AFTER the torchlight red on sweaty faces 323 After the frosty silence in the gardens 324 After the agony in stony places 325 The shouting and the crying 326 Prison and palace and reverberation 327 Of thunder of spring over distant mountains 328 He who was living is now dead 329 We who were living are now dying 330 With a little patience 41 331 Here is no water but only rock 332 Rock and no water and the sandy road 333 The road winding above among the mountains 334 Which are mountains of rock without water 335 If there were water we should stop and drink 336 Amongst the rock one cannot stop or think 337 Sweat is dry and feet are in the sand 338 If there were only water amongst the rock 339 Dead mountain mouth of carious teeth that cannot spit 340 Here one can neither stand nor lie nor sit 341 There is not even silence in the mountains 42 342 But dry sterile thunder without rain 343 There is not even solitude in the mountains 344 But red sullen faces sneer and snarl 345 From doors of mudcracked houses 346 If there were water 346 And no rock 347 If there were rock 348 And also water 349 And water 350 A spring 351 A pool among the rock 352 If there were the sound of water only 353 Not the cicada 354 And dry grass singing 355 But sound of water over a rock 43 356 Where the hermit-thrush sings in the pine trees 357 Drip drop drip drop drop drop drop 358 But there is no water 359 Who is the third who walks always beside you? 360 When I count, there are only you and I together 361 But when I look ahead up the white road 362 There is always another one walking beside you 363 Gliding wrapt in a brown mantle, hooded 364 I do not know whether a man or a woman 365 —But who is that on the other side of you? 44 366 What is that sound high in the air 367 Murmur of maternal lamentation 368 Who are those hooded hordes swarming 369 Over endless plains, stumbling in cracked earth 370 Ringed by the flat horizon only 371 What is the city over the mountains 372 Cracks and reforms and bursts in the violet air 373 Falling towers 374 Jerusalem Athens Alexandria 375 Vienna London 376 Unreal 377 A woman drew her long black hair out tight 45 378 And fiddled whisper music on those strings 379 And bats with baby faces in the violet light 380 Whistled, and beat their wings 381 And crawled head downward down a blackened wall 382 And upside down in air were towers 383 Tolling reminiscent bells, that kept the hours 384 And voices singing out of empty cisterns and exhausted wells. 385 In this decayed hole among the mountains 386 In the faint moonlight, the grass is singing 387 Over the tumbled graves, about the chapel 388 There is the empty chapel, only the wind’s home. 46 389 It has no windows, and the door swings, 390 Dry bones can harm no one. 391 Only a cock stood on the rooftree 392 Co co rico co co rico 393 In a flash of lightning. Then a damp gust 394 Bringing rain 395 Ganga was sunken, and the limp leaves 396 Waited for rain, while the black clouds 397 Gathered far distant, over Himavant. 398 The jungle crouched, humped in silence. 399 Then spoke the thunder 400 DA 401 Datta: what have we given? 402 My friend, blood shaking my heart 403 The awful daring of a moment’s surrender 47 404 Which an age of prudence can never retract 405 By this, and this only, we have existed 406 Which is not to be found in our obituaries 407 Or in memories draped by the beneficent spider 408 Or under seals broken by the lean solicitor 409 In our empty rooms 410 DA 411 Dayadhvam: I have heard the key 412 Turn in the door once and turn once only 413 We think of the key, each in his prison 414 Thinking of the key, each confirms a prison 415 Only at nightfall, aetherial rumours 48 416 Revive for a moment a broken Coriolanus 417 DA 418 Damyata: The boat responded 419 Gaily, to the hand expert with sail and oar 420 The sea was calm, your heart would have responded 421 Gaily, when invited, beating obedient 422 To controlling hands 423 I sat upon the shore 424 Fishing, with the arid plain behind me 425 Shall I at least set my lands in order? 426 London Bridge is falling down falling down falling down 49 427 Poi s’ascose nel foco che gli affina 428 Quando fiam ceu chelidon — O swallow swallow 429 Le Prince d’Aquitaine à la tour abolie 430 These fragments I have shored against my ruins 431 Why then Ile fit you. Hieronymo’s mad againe. 432 Datta. Dayadhvam. Damyata. 433 Shantih shantih shantih O'Brien, John and John O'Brien. "Headnote for Anne Bradstreet." Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z Anne Bradstreet (1612-1672) is one of the finest poets whose writings have survived from seventeenth-century New England. She was born Anne Dudley in England in 1612 to a wealthy and influential family. Her father, Thomas Dudley, was a Puritan who became a founding member of the Massachusetts Bay Company in the late 1620s. The Company was eager to develop a Puritan-oriented colony in north America, and when they launched their their first ship, the Arbella, in 1630, Thomas Dudley went with the expectation that he would serve as the colony’s deputy governor once they arrived. Anne, who was by this point married to Simon Bradstreet, a young man who had worked with her father, joined her father and husband on the journey, arriving in what is now Salem, Massachusetts in June 1630. She spent the rest of her life in New England. The Bradstreets were an important family in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Her father served in a number of significant administrative positions, and her husband was for many years the secretary of the colony, among many other things. Each also served as governor of the colony. Bradstreet remembered many years later that upon arrival in Massachusetts, “I came into this country, where I found a new World and new manners at which my heart rose.” The language is ambiguous: did her heart rise with pleasure or with unhappiness? But Anne also wrote that she made her peace with her new life, accepting it as “the way of God.” The Bradstreets lived in eastern Massachusetts, in what are now Boston, Cambridge, Ipswich, and North Andover, where Simon and Anne raised eight children. Anne died in 1672, having suffered for several years from poor health, the result of smallpox and possibly tuberculosis. In ascribing her uprooting to North America as the will of God, Bradstreet shows her loyalty to the Puritanism that infused her life, her family, her writings, and the mission of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The Puritan colonists who founded the Massachusetts Bay Colony were eager to create a world apart, what John Winthrop, the first governor of the colony called “a city upon a hill” in a sermon he gave to the assembled colonists on the Arbella as they arrived. The Massachusetts Bay Colony was a Puritan enclave run more as a theocracy than as representative democracy. The colony was officially intolerant of other religious denominations, and the colonists were eager to “civilize” the native peoples of the area (including members of the Massachusetts tribe, from which the Company and Colony took its name) by converting them to Christianity. (The Company’s seal, reproduced here, depicts, incredibly, a native American asking for such help.) Nonetheless, the Colony grew rapidly in the 1630s, with perhaps as many as 40,000 people emigrating to it from England. What place did poetry have in such a culture? A surprisingly significant one. We tend to think of Puritans as opposed to sensual things and to aesthetic pleasures, but that is a false stereotype; the truth is closer to the opposite. Puritans worried about the sensuality of the world because they had such a healthy respect for its power that they felt the need to keep strict controls over it. They feared that indulgence in sensual things for their own sake interfered with the goal of seeing the world around us as a conduit to the divine. Human senses were a gift from God, and were thus so potent that they demanded proper control, education, and discipline. Poetry was a one way of channeling humans’ inherently sensual nature into worthwhile and uplifting pursuits, of learning how to see the world around us as so many signs of the immanent presence of God, and of shaping language so as to be able to share that insight with others. A fair number of Puritans, in both England and its colonial outpost in Massachusetts, wrote verse both for pleasure and as an expression of their faith. The famous Puritan minister Cotton Mather worried, in fact, that young ministers might spend neglect their scholarly studies by spending too much time reading and composing poetry. He observed in 1726 that the “Rickety Nation” of the Puritan people now “swarms withal” with a “Boundless and Sickly Appetite for poetry.” Bradstreet may have written poetry from childhood, but none of that work has survived. What we do know is that she composed poetry throughout her adult life. In most modern anthologies, the bulk of the poems reproduced concern either domestic subjects (such as “To My Dear and Loving Husband” and “Verses upon the Burning of our House” which are probably her most two famous poems for modern readers) or her observations of the natural world in her series entitled Contemplations. And these are indeed wonderful poems, rich with observation, intimacy, and emotion. But Bradstreet also wrote on more public subjects. Her book The Tenth Muse has different series of poems on the elements, the four humours, the four seasons, and “histories” of the four great monarchies. This last is a poem that is based (at least in part) on Sir Walter Raleigh’s History of the World. These were the poems that contemporaries noticed; in his Theatrum Poetarum (1675), an enormous book that compiled the names of all of the significant poets, ancient and modern, Edward Philips identified precisely these long political poems as the ones by which “Anne Broadstreet, a New-England Poetess,” would be remembered. Her poem “A Dialogue between Old and New England” is an explicitly political work, lamenting the crisis that befell the home country in the 1640s and hoping that the godliness of its colonial offspring might help refresh it. Even on the frontier, Bradstreet kept engaged with the world beyond New England through her reading and her poetry, which addressed public and private subjects alike. As was typical in this period, Bradstreet’s poems circulated among her family and friends in New England in manuscript form, and there is no evidence that she was interested in having them printed for wider publication. But The Tenth Muse was published in London when her brother in law John Woodbridge brought a manuscript copy of her poetry to a publisher there. The point of the title, which was probably not Bradstreet’s idea, is that the new world has produced a new, tenth muse to add to the nine muses of the classical world, the female goddesses who, according to the Greek mythological system that early modern Europeans loved, inspired poetry. The flattering implication in 1650, a year when England was suffering from the aftermath of a terrible civil war, a war that had seen the execution of the king only the year before, was that Bradstreet was such a goddess, and that her poetry, produced in a distant land that had been spared the conflict, might help redeem the fractured culture of the home country. Bradstreet may or may not have wanted these poems published—the evidence is ambiguous—but once they were out in the world, she worked on revising her poetry and adding to her body of writing with an eye towards producing a more authoritative edition. That edition, called Several Poems Compiled with Great Variety of Wit and Learning, was published posthumously in 1678. Selected Text from The interesting narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano: or Gustavus Vassa, the African. THE LIFE, &c. CHAPTER I. The author's account of his country, and their manners and customs, Administration of Justice—Embrenché—Marriage ceremony, and public entertainments—Mode of living—Dress—Manufactures Buildings—Commerce—Agriculture—War and religion—superstition of the natives—Funeral ceremonies of the priests or magicians—Curious mode of discovering poison—some hints concerning the origin of the author's countrymen, with the opinions of different writers on that subject. I BELIEVE it is difficult for those who publish their own memoirs to escape the imputation of vanity; nor is this the only disadvantage under which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that what is uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt to turn from with disgust, and to charge the writer with impertinence. People generally think those memoirs only worthy to be read or remembered which abound in great or striking events; those, in short, which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity: all others they consign to contempt and oblivion. It is therefore, I confess, not a little hazardous in a private and obscure individual, and a stranger too, thus to solicit the indulgent attention of the public; especially when I own I offer here the history of neither a saint, a hero, nor a tyrant. I believe there are a few events in my life, which have not happened to many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and, did I consider myself an European, I might say my sufferings were great: but when I compare my lot with that of most of my countrymen, I regard myself as a particular favourite of Heaven, and acknowledge the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of my life. If then the following narrative does not appear sufficiently interesting to engage general attention, let my motive be some excuse for its publication. I am not so foolishly vain as to expect from it either immortality or literary reputation. If it affords any satisfaction to my numerous friends, at whose request it has been written, or in the smallest degree promotes the interests of humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and every wish of my heart gratified. Let it therefore be remembered, that, in wishing to avoid censure, I do not aspire to praise. That part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade for slaves is carried on, extends along the coast above 3400 miles, from Senegal to Angola, and includes a variety of kingdoms. Of these the most considerable is the kingdom of Benin, both as to extent and wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power of its king, and the number and warlike disposition of the inhabitants. It is situated nearly under the line, and extends along the coast about 170 miles, but runs back into the interior part of Africa to a distance hitherto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and seems only terminated at length by the empire of Abyssinia, near 1500 miles from its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or districts: in one of the most remote and fertile of which, I was born, in the year 1745, situated in a charming fruitful vale, named Essaka. The distance of this province from the capital of Benin and the sea coast must be very considerable; for I had never heard of white men or Europeans, nor of the sea; and our subjection to the king of Benin was little more than nominal; for every transaction of the government, as far as my slender observation extended, was conducted by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and government of a people who have little commerce with other countries are generally very simple; and the history of what passes in one family or village, may serve as a specimen of the whole nation. My father was one of those elders or chiefs I have spoken of, and was styled Embrenché; a term, as I remember, importing the highest distinction, and signifying in our language a mark of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the person entitled to it, by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead, and drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it is in this situation applying a warm hand, and rubbing it until it shrinks up into a thick weal across the lower part of the forehead. Most of the judges and senators were thus marked; my father had long borne it: I had seen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I also was destined to receive it by my parents. Those Embrenché or chief men, decided disputes and punished crimes; for which purpose they always assembled together. The proceedings were generally short; and in most cases the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought before my father, and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; and, although he was the son of a chief or senator, he was condemned to make recompense by a man or woman slave. Adultery, however, was sometimes punished with slavery or death; a punishment which I believe is inflicted on it throughout most of the nations of Africa*: so sacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and so jealous are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an instance—a woman was convicted before the judges of adultery, and delivered over, as the custom was, to her husband to be punished. Accordingly he determined to put her to death: but it being found, just before her execution, that she had an infant at her breast; and no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurse, she was spared on * See Benezet's "Account of Guinea" throughout. [Equiano's note] account of the child. The men, however, do not preserve the same constancy to their wives, which they expect from them; for they indulge in a plurality, though seldom in more than two. Their mode of marriage is thus:—both parties are usually betrothed when young by their parents, (though I have known the males to betroth themselves). On this occasion a feast is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom stand up in the midst of all their friends, who are assembled for the purpose, while he declares she is thenceforth to be looked upon as his wife, and that no other person is to pay any addresses to her. This is also immediately proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the bride retires from the assembly. Some time after she is brought home to her husband, and then another feast is made, to which the relations of both parties are invited: her parents then deliver her to the bridegroom, accompanied with a number of blessings, and at the same time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the thickness of a goose-quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear: she is now considered as completely his wife; and at this time the dowry is given to the new married pair, which generally consists of portions of land, slaves, and cattle, household goods, and implements of husbandry. These are offered by the friends of both parties; besides which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those of the bride, whose property she is looked upon before marriage; but after it she is esteemed the sole property of her husband. The ceremony being now ended the festival begins, which is celebrated with bonfires, and loud acclamations of joy, accompanied with music and dancing. We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians, and poets. Thus every great event, such as a triumphant return from battle, or other cause of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances which are accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. The assembly is seperated into four divisions, which dance either apart or in succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The first division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently exhibit feats of arms, and the representation of a battle. To these succeed the married women, who dance in the second division. The young men accupy the third: and the maidens the fourth. Each represents some interesting scene of real life, such as a great achievement, domestic employment, a pathetic story, or some rural sport; and as the subject is generally founded on some recent event, it is therefore ever new. This gives our dances a spirit and variety which I have scarcely seen elsewhere*. We have many musical instruments, particularly drums of different kinds, a piece of music which resembles a guitar, and another much like a stickado. These last are chiefly used by betrothed virgins, who play on them on all grand festivals. As our manners are simple, our luxuries are few. The dress of both sexes is nearly the same. It generally consists of a long piece of calico, or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body, somewhat in the form of a * When I was in Smyrna I have frequently seen the Greeks dance after this manner. [Equiano's note] highland plaid. This is usually dyed blue, which is our favorite colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and richer than any I have seen in Europe. Besides this, our women of distinction wear golden ornaments, which they dispose with some profusion on their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with the men in tillage, their usual occupation is spinning and weaving cotton, which they afterwards dye, and make into garments. They also manufacture earthen vessels, of which we have many kinds. Among the rest tobacco pipes, made after the same fashion, and used in the same manner, as those in Turkey*. Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are unacquainted * The bowl is earthen, curiously figured, to which a long reed is fixed as a tube. This tube is sometimes so long as to be borne by one, and fre quently out of grandeur, by two boys. {Equiano's note] with those refinements in cookery which debauch the taste: bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the greatest part of their food. These constitute likewise the principal wealth of the country, and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh is usually stewed in a pan; to make it savoury we sometimes use also pepper, and other spices, and we have salt made of wood ashes. Our vegetables are mostly plantains, eadas, yams, beans, and Indian corn. The head of the family usually eats alone; his wives and slaves have also their separate tables. Before we taste food we always wash our hands: indeed our cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on this it is an indispensible ceremony. After washing, libation is made, by pouring out a small portion of the drink on the floor, and tossing a small quantity of the food in a certain place, for the spirits of departed relations, which the natives suppose to preside over their conduct, and guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with strong or spirituous liquors; and their principal beverage is palm wine. This is got from a tree of that name, by tapping it at the top, and fastening a large gourd to it; and sometimes one tree will yield three or four gallons in a night. When just drawn it is of a most delicious sweetness; but in a few days it acquires a tartish and more spirituous flavour: though I never saw any one intoxicated by it. The same tree also produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in perfumes; one sort of these is an odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a small portion of which thrown into the fire diffuses a most powerful odour. We beat this wood into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women perfume themselves. In our buildings we study convenience rather than ornament. Each master of a family has a large square piece of ground, surrounded with a moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of red earth tempered: which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houses to accommodate his family and slaves; which, if numerous, frequently present the appearance of a village. In the middle stands the principal building, appropriated to the sole use of the master, and consisting * When I was in smyrna I saw the same kind of earth, and brought some of it with me to England; it resembles musk in strength, but is more delicious in scent, and is not unlike the smell of a rose. [Equiano's note.] of two apartments; in one of which he sits in the day with his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his friends. He has besides these a distinct apartment in which he sleeps, together with his male children. On each side are the apartments of his wives, who have also their separate day and night houses. The habitations of the slaves and their families are distributed throughout the rest of the enclosure. These houses never exceed one story in height: they are always built of wood, or stakes driven into the ground, crossed with wattles, and neatly plastered within and without. The roof is thatched with reeds. Our dayhouses are left open at the sides; but those in which we sleep are always covered, and plastered in the inside, with a composition mixed with cow dung, to keep off the different insects, which annoy us during the night. The walls and floors also of these are generally covered with mats. Our beds consist of a platform, raised three or four feet from the ground, on which are laid skins, and different parts of a spungy tree called plantain. Our covering is calico or muslin, the same as our dress. The usual seats are a few logs of wood; but we have benches, which are generally perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these compose the greater part of our household furniture. Houses so constructed and furnished require but little skill to erect them. Every man is a sussicient architect for the purpose. The whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous assistance in building them, and in return receive, and expect no other recompense than a feast. As we live in a country where nature is prodigal of her favours, our wants are few and easily supplied; of course we have few manufactures. They consist for the most part of calicoes, earthen ware, ornaments, and instruments of war and husbandry. But these make no part of our commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have observed, are provisions. In such a state, money is of little use; however we have some small pieces of coin, if I may call them such. They are made something like an anchor; but I do not remember either their value or denomination. We have also markets, at which I have been frequently with my mother. These are sometimes visited by stout mahogany-coloured men from the south west of us: we call them Oye-Eboe, which term signifies red men living at a distance. They generally bring us fire-arms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried fish. The last we esteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and springs. These articles they barter with us for odoriferous woods and earth, and our salt of wood ashes. They always carry slaves through our land; but the strictest account is exacted of their manner of procuring them before they are suffered to pass. Sometimes indeed we sold slaves to them, but they were only prisoners of war, or such among us as had been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery, and some other crimes, which we esteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to think, that, notwithstanding all our strictness, their principal business among us was to trepan our people. I remember too they carried great sacks along with them, which not long after I had an opportunity of fatally seeing applied to that infamous purpose. Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of vegetables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and vast quantities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine apples grow without culture; they are about the size of the largest sugar-loaf, and finely flavoured. We have also spices of different kinds, particularly pepper; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never seen in Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance. All our industry is exerted to improve those blessings of nature. Agriculture is our chief employment; and every one, even the children and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour from our earliest years. Every one contributes something to the common stock; and as we are unacquainted with idleness, we have no beggars. The benefits of such a mode of living are obvious. The West India planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Eboe, to those of any other part of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence, integrity, and zeal. Those benefits are felt by us in the general healthiness of the people, and in their vigour and activity; I might have added too in their comeliness. Deformity is indeed unknown amongst us, I mean that of shape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London, might be brought in support of this assertion: for, in regard to complexion, ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to have seen three negro children, who were tawny, and another quite white, who were universally regarded by myself, and the natives in general, as far as related to their complexions, as deformed. Our women too were in my eyes at least uncommonly graceful, alert, and modest to a degree of bashfulness; nor do I remember to have ever heard of an instance of incontinence amongst them before marriage. They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed cheerfulness and affability are two of the leading characteristics of our nation. Our tillage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk from our dwellings, and all the neighbours resort thither in a body. They use no beasts of husbandry; and their only instruments are hoes, axes, shovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we are visited by locusts, which come in large clouds, so as to darken the air, and destroy our harvest. This however happens rarely, but when it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or two wherein this happened. This common is often the theatre of war; and therefore when our people go out to till their land, they not only go in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear of a surprise; and when they apprehend an invasion, they guard the avenues to their dwellings, by driving sticks into the ground, which are so sharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipped in poison. From what I can recollect of these battles, they appear to have been irruptions of one little state or district on the other, to obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by those traders who brought the European goods I mentioned amongst us. Such a mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common; and I believe more are procured this way, and by kidnaping, than any other. When a trader wants slaves, he applies to a chief for them, and tempts him with his wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this occasion he yields to the temptation with as little firmness, and accepts the price of his fellow creatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours, and a desperate battle ensues. If he prevails and takes prisoners, he gratifies his avarice by selling them; but, if his party be vanquished, and he falls into the hands of the enemy, he is put to death: for, as he has been known to foment their quarrels, it is thought dangerous to let him survive, and no ransom can save him, though all other prisoners may be redeemed. We have firearms, bows and arrows, broad two-edged * See Benezet's Account of Africa throughout. [Equiano's note.] swords and javelins: we have shields also which cover a man from head to foot. All are taught the use of these weapons; even our women are warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole district is a kind of militia: on a certain signal given, such as the firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms and rush upon their enemy. It is perhaps something remarkable, that when our people march to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a witness to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it one day as usual, when our people were suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree at some distance, from which I beheld the sight. There were many women as well as men on both sides; among others my mother was there, and armed with a broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with great fury, and many had been killed, our people obtained the victory, and took their enemy's Chief prisoner. He was carried off in great triumph, and, though he offered a large ransom for his life, he was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been slain in the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place, where our trophies were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according to the merit of the warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or redeemed we kept as slaves: but how different was their condition from that of the slaves in the West Indies! With us they do no more work than other members of the community, even their master; their food, clothing and lodging were nearly the same as theirs, (except that they were not permitted to eat with those who were free-born); and there was scarce any other difference between them, than a superior degree of importance which the head of a family possesses in our state, and that authority which, as such, he exercises over every part of his household. some of these slaves have even slaves under them as their own property, and for their own use. As to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all things, and that he lives in the sun, and is girted round with a belt that he may never eat or drink; but, according to some, he smokes a pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs events, especially our deaths or captivity; but, as for the doctrine of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: some however believe in the transmigration of souls in a certain degree. Those spirits, which are not transmigrated, such as their dear friends or relations, they believe always attend them, and guard them from the bad spirits or their foes. For this reason they always before eating, as I have observed, put some small portion of the meat, and pour some of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often make oblation of the blood of beasts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my mother, and almost constantly with her. When she went to make these oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of small solitary thatched house, I sometimes attended her. There she made her libations, and spent most of the night in cries and lamentations. I have been often extremely terrified on these occasions. The loneliness of the place, the darkness of the night, and the ceremony of libation, naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my mother's lamentations; and these concurring with the doleful cries of birds, by which these places were frequented, gave an inexpressible terror to the scene. We compute the year from the day on which the sun crosses the line, and on its setting that evening, there is a general shout throughout the land; at least I can speak from my own knowledge, throughout our vicinity. The people at the same time make a great noise with rattles, not unlike the basket rattles used by children here, though much larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. It is then the greatest offerings are made; and those children whom our wise men foretel will be fortunate are then presented to different people. I remember many used to come to see me, and I was carried about to others for that purpose. They have many offerings, particularly at full moons; generally two at harvest before the fruits are taken out of the ground: and when any young animals are killed, sometimes they offer up part of them as a sacrifice. These offerings, when made by one of the heads of a family, serve for the whole. I remember we often had them at my father's and my uncle's, and their families have been present. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter herbs. We had a saying among us to any one of a cross temper, 'That if they were to be eaten, they should be eaten with bitter herbs.' We practised circumcision like the Jews, and made offerings and feasts on that occasion in the same manner as they did. Like them also, our children were named from some event, some circumstance, or fancied foreboding at the time of their birth. I was named Olaudah, which, in our language, signifies vicissitude, or fortunate also; one favoured, and having a loud voice and well spoken. I remember we never polluted the name of the object of our adoration; on the contrary, it was always mentioned with the greatest reverence; and we were totally unacquainted with swearing, and all those terms of abuse and reproach which find their way so readily and copiously into the language of more civilized people. The only expressions of that kind I remember were, 'May you rot, or may you swell, or may a beast take you.' I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are extremely cleanly. This necessary habit of decency was with us a part of religion, and therefore we had many purifications and washings; indeed almost as many, and used on the same occasions, if my recollection does not fail me, as the Jews Those that touched the dead at any time were obliged to wash and purify themselves before they could enter a dwelling-house. Every woman too, at certain times, was forbidden to come into a dwelling-house, or touch any person, or any thing we eat. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from her, or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of which I was obliged to be kept out with her, in a little house made for that purpose, till offering was made, and then we were purified. Though we had no places of public worship, we had priests and magicians, or wise men. I do not remember whether they had different offices, or whether they were united in the same persons, but they were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time, and foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them Ah-affoe-way-cah, which signifies calculators or yearly men, our year being called Ah-affoe. They wore their beards, and when they died they were suceeded by their sons. Most of their implements and things of value were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were also put into the grave with the corpse, which was always perfumed and ornamented, and animals were offered in sacrifice to them. None accompanied their funerals but those of the same profession or tribe. These buried them after sunset, and always returned from the grave by a different way from that which they went. These magicians were also our doctors or physicians. They practised bleeding by cupping; and were very successful in healing wounds and expelling poisons. They had likewise some extraordinary method of discovering jealousy, theft, and poisoning; the success of which no doubt they derived from the unbounded influence over the credulity and superstition of the people. I do not remember what those methods were, except that as to poisoning: I recollect an instance or two, which I hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to insert, as it may serve as a kind of specimen of the rest, and is still used by the negroes in the West Indies. A young woman had been poisoned, but it was not known by whom: the doctor ordered the corpse to be taken up by some persons, and carried to the grave. As soon as the bearers had raised it on their shoulders, they seemed seized with some* sudden impulse,See also Leiut. Matthew's Voyage, p. 123. [Equiano's note] Equiano is referring to John Matthews, A Voyage to the River Sierra-Leone (London: B. White and Son; and J. Sewell, 1788). and ran to and fro unable to stop themselves. At last, after having passed through a number of thorns and prickly bushes unhurt, the corpse fell from them close to a house, and defaced it in the fall; and the owner being taken up, he immediately confessed the poisoning.† An instance of this kind happened at Montserrat in the West Indies in the year 1763. I then belonged to the Charming Sally, Capt. Doran.—The chief mate, Mr. Mansfield, and some of the crew being one day on shore, were present at the burying of a poisoned negro girl. Though they had often heard of the circumstance of the running in such cases, and had even seen it, they imagined it to be a trick of the corpse-bearers. The mate therefore desired two of the sailors to take up the coffin, and carry it to the grave. The sailors, who were all of the same opinion, readily obeyed; but they had scarcely raised it to their shoulders, before they began to run furiously about, quite unable to direct themselves, till, at last, without intention, they came to the hut of him who had poisoned the girl. The coffin then immediately fell from their shoulders against the hut, and damaged part of the wall. The owner of the hut was taken into custody on this, and confessed the poisoning.— I give this story as it was related by the mate and crew on their return to the ship. The credit which is due to it I leave with the reader. [Equiano's note] The natives are extremely cautious about poison. When they buy any eatable the seller kisses it all round before the buyer, to shew him it is not poisoned; and the same is done when any meat or drink is presented, particularly to a stranger. We have serpents of different kinds, some of which are esteemed ominous when they appear in our houses, and these we never molest. I remember two of those ominous snakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in colour resembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times into my mother's night-house, where I always lay with her, and coiled themselves into folds, and each time they crowed like a cock. I was desired by some of our wise men to touch these, that I might be interested in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite harmless, and would tamely suffer themselves to be handled; and then they were put into a large open earthen pan, and set on one side of the highway. Some of our snakes, however, were poisonous: one of them crossed the road one day as I was standing on it, and passed between my feet without offering to touch me, to the great surprise of many who saw it; and these incidents were accounted by the wise men, and likewise by my mother and the rest of the people, as remarkable omens in my favour. such is the imperfect sketch my memory has furnished me with of the manners and customs of a people among whom I first drew my breath. And here I cannot forbear suggesting what has long struck me very forcibly, namely, the strong analogy which even by this sketch, imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and customs of my countrymen and those of the Jews, before they reached the Land of Promise, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that pastoral state which is described in Genesis—an analogy, which alone would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from the other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his commentary on Genesis, very ably deduces the pedigree of the Africans from Afer and Afra, the descendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife and concubine (for both these titles are applied to her). It is also conformable to the sentiments of Dr. John Clarke, formerly Dean of Sarum, in his Truth of the Christian Religion: both these authors concur in ascribing to us this original. The reasonings of those gentlemen are still further confirmed by the scripture chronology; and if any further corroboration were required, this resemblance in so many respects is a strong evidence in support of the opinion. Like the Israelites in their primitive state, our government was conducted by our chiefs or judges, our wise men and elders; and the head of a family with us enjoyed a similar authority over his household with that which is ascribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law of retaliation obtained almost universally with us as with them: and even their religion appeared to have shed upon us a ray of its glory, though broken and spent in its passage, or eclipsed by the cloud with which time, tradition, and ignorance might have enveloped it; for we had our circumcision (a rule I believe peculiar to that people:) we had also our sacrifices and burnt-offerings, our washings and purifications, on the same occasions as they had. As to the difference of colour between the Eboan Africans and the modern Jews, I shall not presume to account for it. It is a subject which has engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning, and is far above my strength. The most able and Reverend Mr. T. Clarkson, however, in his much admired Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, has ascertained the cause in a manner that at once solves every objection on that account, and, on my mind at least, has produced the fullest conviction. I shall therefore refer to that performance for the theory** Page 178 to 216. [Equiano's note], contenting myself with extricating a fact as related by Dr. Mitchel†.† Philos. Trans. No. 476, Sect. 4, cited by Mr Clarkson, p. 205. [Equiano's note] "The Spaniards, who have inhabited America, under the torrid zone, for any time, are become as dark coloured as our native Indians of Virginia; of which I myself have been a witness." There is also another instance‡‡ Same page. [Equiano's note]of a Portuguese settlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona; where the inhabitants are bred from a mixture of the first Portuguese discoverers with the natives, and are now become in their complexion, and in the woolly quality of their hair, perfect negroes, retaining however a smattering of the Portuguese language. These instances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while they shew how the complexions of the same persons vary in different climates it is hoped may tend also to remove the prejudice that some conceive against the natives of Africa on account of their colour. Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their complexions! Are there not causes enough to which the apparent inferiority of an African may be ascribed without limiting the goodness of God and supposing he forbore to stamp understanding on certainly his own image because "carved in ebony." Might it not naturally be ascribed to their situation? When they come among Europeans, they are ignorant of their language, religion, manners, and customs. Are any pains taken to teach them these? Are they treated as men? Does not slavery itself depress the mind, and extinguish all its fire and every noble sentiment? But, above all, what advantages do not a refined people possess over those who are rude and uncultivated. Let the polished and haughty European recollect that his ancestors were once, like the Africans, uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature make them inferior to their sons? and should they too have been made slaves? Every rational mind answers, No. Let such reflections as these melt the pride of their superiority into sympathy for the wants and miseries of their sable brethren, and compel them to acknowledge, that understanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when they look round the world, they feel exultation, let it be tempered with benevolence to others, and gratitude to God, "who hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth** Acts xvii. 26. [Equiano's note]; and whose wisdom is not our wisdom, neither are our ways his ways." CHAP. II. The author's birth and parentage—His being kidnapped with his sister—Their separation—Surprise at meeting again—Are finally separated—Account of the different places and incidents the author met with till his arrival on the coast—The effect the sight of a slave ship had on him—He sails for the West Indies—Horrors of a slave ship—Arrives at Barbadoes, where the cargo is sold and dispersed. I HOPE the reader will not think I have trespassed on his patience in introducing myself to him with some account of the manners and customs of my country. They had been implanted in me with great care, and made an impression on my mind, which time could not erase, and which all the adversity and variety of fortune I have since experienced, served only to rivet and record; for, whether the love of one's country be real or imaginary, or a lesson of reason, or an instinct of nature, I still look back with pleasure on the first scenes of my life, though that pleasure has been for the most part mingled with sorrow. I have already acquainted the reader with the time and place of my birth. My father, besides many slaves, had a numerous family, of which seven lived to grow up, including myself and a sister; who was the only daughter. As I was the youngest of the sons, I became, of course, the greatest favourite with my mother, and was always with her; and she used to take particular pains to form my mind. I was trained up from my earliest years in the art of war: my daily exercise was shooting and throwing javelins; and my mother adorned me with emblems, after the manner of our greatest warriors. In this way I grew up till I was turned the age of eleven, when an end was put to my happiness in the following manner:—Generally when the grown people in the neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour the children assembled together in some of the neighbours' premises to play; and commonly some of us used to get up a tree to look out for any assailant, or kidnapper, that might come upon us; for they sometimes took those opportunities of our parents absence to attack and carry off as many as they could seize. One day, as I was watching at the top of a tree in our yard, I saw one of those people come into the yard of our next neighbour but one, to kidnap, there being many stout young people in it. Immediately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue, and he was surrounded by the stoutest of them, who entangled him with cords, so that he could not escape till some of the grown people came and secured him. But alas! ere long it was my fate to be thus attacked, and to be carried off, when none of the grown people were nigh. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as usual, and only I and my dear sister were left to mind the house, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us both, and, without giving us time to cry out, or make resistance, they stopped our mouths, and ran off with us, into the nearest wood. Here they tied our hands, and continued to carry us as far as they could, till night came on, when we reached a small house, where the robbers halted for refreshment and spent the night. We were then unbound, but were unable to take any food; and, being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was some sleep, which allayed our misfortune for a short time. The next morning we left the house, and continued travelling all the day. For a long time we had kept the woods, but at last we came into a road which I believed I knew. I had now some hopes of being delivered; for we had advanced but a little way before I discovered some people at a distance, on which I began to cry out for their assistance; but my cries had no other effect than to make them tie me faster and stop my mouth, and then they put me into a large sack. They also stopped my sister's mouth, and tied her hands; and in this manner we proceeded till we were out of the sight of these people. When we went to rest the following night they offered us some victuals; but we refused it; and the only comfort we had was in being in one another's arms all that night, and bathing each other with our tears. But alas! we were soon deprived of even the small comfort of weeping together. The next day proved a day of greater sorrow than I had yet experienced; for my sister and I were then separated, while we lay clasped in each others arms. It was in vain that we besought them not to part us; she was torn from me, and immediately carried away, while I was left in a state of distraction not to be described. I cried and grieved continually; and for several days, did not eat any thing but what they forced into my mouth. At length, after many days travelling, during which I had often changed masters, I got into the hands of a chieftain, in a very pleasant country. This man had two wives and some children, and they all used me extremely well, and did all they could to comfort me; particularly the first wife, who was something like my mother. Although I was a great many days journey from my father's house, yet these people spoke exactly the same language with us. This first master of mine, as I may call him, was a smith, and my principal employment was working his bellows, which were the same kind as I had seen in my vicinity. They were in some respects not unlike the stoves here in gentlemen's kitchens; and were covered over with leather; and in the middle of that leather a stick was fixed, and a person stood up, and worked it, in the same manner as is done to pump water out of a cask with a hand pump. I believe it was gold he worked, for it was of a lovely bright yellow colour, and was worn by the women on their wrists and ancles. I was there I suppose about a month, and they at last used to trust me some little distance from the house. This liberty I used in embracing every opportunity to inquire the way to my own home: and I also sometimes, for the same purpose, went with the maidens, in the cool of the evenings, to bring pitchers of water from the springs for the use of the house. I had also remarked where the sun rose in the morning, and set in the evening, as I had travelled along; and I had observed that my father's house was towards the rising of the sun. I therefore determined to seize the first opportunity of making my escape, and to shape my course for that quarter; for I was quite oppressed and weighed down by grief after my mother and friends; and my love of liberty, ever great, was strengthened by the mortifying circumstance of not daring to eat with the free-born children, although I was mostly their companion. While I was projecting my escape, one day an unlucky event happened, which quite disconcerted my plan, and put an end to my hopes. I used to be sometimes employed in assisting an elderly woman slave, to cook and take care of the poultry: and one morning, while I was feeding some chickens, I happened to toss a small pebble at one of them, which hit it on the middle, and directly killed it. The old slave, having soon after missed the chicken, inquired after it; and on my relating the accident (for I told her the truth, because my mother would never suffer me to tell a lie) she flew into a violent passion, threatened that I should suffer for it; and, my master being out, she immediately went and told her mistress what I had done. This alarmed me very much, and I expected an instant flogging, which to me was uncommonly dreadful; for I had seldom been beaten at home. I therefore resolved to fly; and accordingly I ran into a thicket that was hard by, and hid myself in the bushes. soon afterwards my mistress and the slave returned, and, not seeing me, they searched all the house, but not finding me, and I not making answer when they called to me, they thought I ad run away, and the whole neighbourhood was raised in the pursuit of me. In that part of the country (as in ours) the houses and villages were skirted with woods, or shrubberies, and the bushes were so thick that a man could readily conceal himself in them, so as to elude the strictest search. The neighbours continued the whole day looking for me, and several times many of them came within a few yards of the place where I lay hid. I expected every moment, when I heard a rustling among the trees, to be found out, and punished by my master: but they never discovered me, though they were often so near that I even heard their conjectures as they were looking about for me; and I now learned from them, that any attempt to return home would be hopeless. Most of them supposed I had fled towards home; but the distance was so great, and the way so intricate, that they thought I could never reach it, and that I should be lost in the woods. When I heard this I was seized with a violent panie, and abandoned myself to despair. Night too began to approach, and ag gravated all my fears. I had before entertained hopes of getting home; and had determined when it should be dark to make the attempt; but I was now convinced it was fruitless, and began to consider that, if possibly I could escape all other animals, I could not those of the human kind; and that, not knowing the way, I must perish in the woods. Thus was I like the hunted deer: —"Ev'ry leaf and ev'ry whisp'ring breath "Convey'd a foe, and ev'ry foe a death." I heard frequent rustlings among the leaves; and being pretty sure they were snakes, I expected every instant to be stung by them. This increased my anguish, and the horror of my situation became now quite insupportable. I at length quitted the thicket, very saint and hungry, for I had not eaten or drank any thing all the day; and crept to my master's kitchen, from whence I set out at first, and which was an open shed, and laid myself down in the ashes with an anxious wish for death to relieve me from all my pains. I was scarcely awake in the morning, when the old woman slave, who was the first up, came to light the fire, and saw me in the fire place. She was very much surprised to see me, and could scarcely believe her own eyes. She now promised to intercede for me, and went for her master, who soon after came, and, having slightly reprimanded me, ordered me to be taken care of, and not ill treated. Soon after this my master's only daughter, and child by his first wife, sickened and died, which affected him so much that for some time he was almost frantic, and really would have killed himself, had he not been watched and prevented. However, in a small time afterwards he recovered, and I was again sold. I was now carried to the left of the sun's rising, through many dreary wastes and dismal woods, amidst the hideous roarings of wild beasts. The people I was sold to used to carry me very often, when I was tired, either on their shoulders or on their backs. I saw many convenient well-built sheds along the road, at proper distances, to accommodate the merchants and travellers, who lay in those buildings along with their wives, who often accompany them; and they always go well armed. From the time I left my own nation I always found somebody that under stood me till I came to the sea coast. The languages of different nations did not totally differ, nor were they so copious as those of the Europeans, particularly the English. They were therefore easily learned; and, while I was journeying thus through Africa, I acquired two or three different tongues. In this manner I had been travelling for a considerable time, when one evening to my great surprise, whom should I see brought to the house where I was but my dear sister! As soon as she saw me she gave a loud shriek, and ran into my arms—I was quite overpowered: neither of us could speak; but, for a considerable time, clung to each other in mutual embraces, unable to do any thing but weep. Our meeting affected all who saw us; and indeed I must acknowledge, in honour of those sable destroyers of human rights, that I never met with any ill treatment, or saw any offered to their slaves, except tying them, when necessary, to keep them from running away. When these people knew we were brother and sister, they indulged us to be together; and the man, to whom I supposed we belonged, lay with us, he in the middle, while she and I held one another by the hands across his breast all night; and thus for a while we forgot our misfortunes in the joy of being together: but even this small comfort was soon to have an end; for scarcely had the fatal morning appeared, when she was again torn from me for ever! I was now more miserable, if possible, than before. The small relief which her presence gave me from pain was gone, and the wretchedness of my situation was redoubled by my anxiety after her fate, and my apprehensions lest her sufferings should be greater than mine, when I could not be with her to alleviate them. Yes, thou dear partner of all my childish sports! thou sharer of my joys and sorrows! happy should I have ever esteemed myself to encounter every misery for you, and to procure your freedom by the sacrifice of my own. Though you were early forced from my arms, your image has been always rivetted in my heart, from which neither time nor fortune have been able to remove it; so that, while the thoughts of your sufferings have damped my prosperity, they have mingled with adversity and increased its bitterness. To that Heaven which protects the weak from the strong, I commit the care of your innocence and virtues, if they have not already received their full reward, and if your youth and delicacy have not long since fallen victims to the violence of the African trader, the pestilential stench of a Guinea ship, the seasoning in the European colonies, or the lash and lust of a brutal and unrelenting overseer. I did not long remain after my sister. I was again sold, and carried through a number of places, till, after travelling a considerable time, I came to a town called Tinmah, in the most beautiful country I had yet seen in Africa. It was extremely rich, and there were many rivulets which flowed through it, and supplied a large pond in the centre of the town, where the people washed. Here I first saw and tasted cocoa nuts, which I thought superior to any nuts I had ever tasted before; and the trees, which were loaded, were also interspersed amongst the houses, which had commodious shades adjoining, and were in the same manner as ours, the insides being neatly plastered and whitewashed, Here I also saw and tasted for the first time sugar-cane. Their money consisted of little white shells, the size of the finger nail. I was sold here for one hundred and seventy-two of them by a merchant who lived and brought me there. I had been about two or three days at his house, when a wealthy widow, a neighbour of his, came there one evening, and brought with her an only son, a young gentleman about my own age and size. Here they saw me; and, having taken a fancy to me, I was bought of the merchant, and went home with them. Her house and premises were situated close to one of those rivulets I have mentioned, and were the finest I ever saw in Africa: they were very extensive, and she had a number of slaves to attend her. The next day I was washed and perfumed, and when meal-time came, I was led into the presence of my mistress, and eat and drank before her with her son. This filled me with astonishment; and I could scarce help expressing my surprise that the young gentleman should suffer me, who was bound, to eat with him who was free; and not only so, but that he would not at any time either eat or drink till I had taken first, because I was the eldest, which was agreeable to our custom. Indeed every thing here, and all their treatment of me, made me forget that I was a slave. The language of these people resembled ours so nearly, that we understood each other perfectly. They had also the very same customs as we. There were likewise slaves daily to attend us, while my young master and I with other boys sported with our darts and bows and arrows, as I had been used to do at home. In this resemblance to my former happy state, I passed about two months; and I now began to think I was to be adopted into the family, and was beginning to be reconciled to my situation, and to forget by degrees my misfortunes, when all at once the delusion vanished; for, without the least previous knowledge, one morning early, while my dear master and companion was still asleep, I was awakened out of my reverie to fresh sorrow, and hurried away even amongst the uncircumcised. Thus, at the very moment I dreamed of the greatest happiness, I found my self most miserable; and it seemed as if fortune wished to give me this taste of joy, only to render the reverse more poignant. The change I now experienced was as painful as it was sudden and unexpected. It was a change indeed from a state of bliss to a scene which is inexpressible by me, as it discovered to me an element I had never before beheld, and till then had no idea of, and wherein such instances of hardship and cruelty continually occurred as I can never reflect on but with horror. All the nations and people I had hitherto passed through resembled our own in their manners, customs, and language: but I came at length to a country, the inhabitants of which differed from us in all those particulars. I was very much struck with this difference, especially when I came among a people who did not circumcise, and eat without washing their hands. They cooked also in iron pots, and had European cutlasses and cross bows, which were unknown to us, and fought with their fists amongst themselves. Their women were not so modest as ours, for they eat, and drank, and slept, with their men. But above all, I was amazed to see no sacrifices or offerings among them. In some of those places the people ornamented themselves with scars, and likewise filed their teeth very sharp. They wanted sometimes to ornament me in the same manner, but I would not suffer them; hoping that I might some time be among a people who did not thus disfigure themselves, as I thought they did. At last I came to the banks of a large river, which was covered with canoes, in which the people appeared to live with their household utensils and provisions of all kinds. I was beyond measure astonished at this, as I had never before seen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet: and my surprise was mingled with no small fear when I was put into one of these canoes, and we began to paddle and move along the river. We continued going on thus till night; and when we came to land, and made fires on the banks, each family by themselves, some dragged their canoes on shore, others stayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all night. Those on the land had mats, of which they made tents, some in the shape of little houses: in these we slept: and after the morning meal, we embarked again and proceeded as before. I was often very much astonished to see some of the women, as well as the men, jump into the water, dive to the bottom, come up again, and swim about. Thus I continued to travel, sometimes by land, sometimes by water, through different countries and various nations, till, at the end of six or seven months after I had been kidnapped, I arrived at the sea coast. It would be tedious and uninteresting to relate all the incidents which befell me during this journey, and which I have not yet forgotten; ofmthe various hands I passed through, and the manners and customs of all the different people among whom I lived: I shall therefore only observe, that in all the places where I was, the soil was exceedingly rich; the pomkins, aedas, plantains, yams, &c. &c. were in great abundance, and of incredible size. There were also vast quantities of different gums, though not used for any purpose; and every where a great deal of tobacco. The cotton even grew quite wild; and there was plenty of red-wood. I saw no mechanics whatever in all the way, except such as I have mentioned. The chief employment in all these countries was agriculture, and both the males and females, as with us, were brought up to it, and trained in the arts of war. The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast was the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which was soon converted into terror when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled, and tossed up to see if I were sound, by some of the crew; and I was now persuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad spirits, and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions too differing so much from ours, their long hair, and the language they spoke, (which was very different from any I had ever heard) united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed such were the horrors of my views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thousand worlds, had been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to have exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave in my own country. When I looked round the ship too and saw a large furnace or copper boiling, and a multitude of black people of every description chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection and sorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered with horror and anguish, I fell motionless on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little I found some black people about me, who I believed were some of those who brought me on board, and had been receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by those white men with horrible looks, red faces, and long hair. They told me I was not: and one of the crew brought me a small portion of spirituous liquor in a wine glass; but, being afraid of him, I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks therefore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took a little down my palate, which, instead of reviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the greatest consternation at the strange feeling it produced, having never tasted any such liquor before. soon after this the blacks who brought me on board went off, and left me abandoned to despair. I now saw myself deprived of all chance of returning to my native country, or even the least glimpse of hope of gaining the shore, which I now considered as friendly; and I even wished for my former slavery in preference to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long suffered to indulge my grief; I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation in my nostrils as I had never experienced in my life: so that, with the loathsomeness of the stench, and crying together, I became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the least desire to taste any thing. I now wished for the last friend, death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white men offered me eatables; and, on my refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands, and laid me across, I think the windlass, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me severely. I had never experienced any thing of this kind before; and although not being used to the water, I naturally feared that element the first time I saw it, yet nevertheless, could I have got over the nettings, I would have jumped over the side, but I could not; and, besides, the crew used to watch us very closely who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap into the water: and I have seen some of these poor African prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do so, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the case with myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor chained men, I found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. I inquired of these what was to be done with us? They gave me to understand we were to be carried to these white people's country to work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought, if it were no worse than working, my situation was not so desperate: but still I feared I should be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in so savage a manner; for I had never seen among any people such instances of brutal cruelty; and this not only shewn towards us blacks, but also to some of the whites themselves. One white man in particular I saw, when we were permitted to be on deck, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast, that he died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they would have done a brute. This made me fear these people the more; and I expected nothing less than to be treated in the same manner. I could not help expressing my fears and apprehensions to some of my countrymen: I asked them if these people had no country, but lived in this hollow place (the ship)? they told me they did not, but came from a distant one. 'Then,' said I, 'how comes it in all our country we never heard of them?' They told me because they lived so very far off. I then asked where were their women? had they any like themselves? I was told they had: 'And why,'said I, 'do we not see them?' they answered, because they were left behind. I asked how the vessel could go? they told me they could not tell; but that there were cloth put upon the masts by the help of the ropes I saw, and then the vessel went on; and the white men had some spell or magic they put in the water when they liked in order to stop the vessel. I was exceedingly amazed at this account, and really thought they were spirits. I therefore wished much to be from amongst them, for I expected they would sacrifice me: but my wishes were vain; for we were so quartered that it was impossible for any of us to make our escape. While we stayed on the coast I was mostly on deck; and one day, to my great astonishment, I saw one of these vessels coming in with the sails up. As soon as the whites saw it, they gave a great shout, at which we were amazed; and the more so as the vessel appeared larger by approaching nearer. At last she came to an anchor in my sight, and when the anchor was let go I and my countrymen who saw it were lost in astonishment to observe the vessel stop; and were now convinced it was done by magic. Soon after this the other ship got her boats out, and they came on board of us, and the people of both ships seemed very glad to see each other. Several of the strangers also shook hands with us black people, and made motions with their hands, signifying I suppose, we were to go to their country; but we did not understand them. At last, when the ship we were in, had got in all her cargo, they made ready with many fearful noises, and we were all put under deck, so that we could not see how they managed the vessel. But this disappointment was the least of my sorrow. The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome, that it was dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that the whole ship's cargo were confined together, it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for myself I was soon reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on-deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep much more happy than myself, I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wished I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumstance I met with served only to render my state more painful, and heighten my apprehensions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fishes; and when they had killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishment who were on the deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat, as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some as well as we could, but in vain; and some of my countrymen, being pressed by hunger, took an opportunity, when they thought no one saw them, of trying to get a little privately; but they were discovered, and the attempt procured them some very severe floggings. One day, when we had a smooth sea and moderate wind, two of my wearied countrymen who were chained together (I was near them at the time), preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow made through the nettings and jumped into the sea: immediately another quite dejected fellow, who on account of his illness, was suffered to be out of irons, also followed their example; and I believe many more would very soon have done the same if they had not been prevented by the ship's crew, who were instantly alarmed. Those of us that were the most active were in a moment put down under the deck, and there was such a noise and confusion amongst the people of the ship as I never heard before, to stop her, and get the boat out to go after the slaves. However two of the wretches were drowned, but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully, for thus attempting to prefer death to slavery. In this manner we continued to undergo more hardships than I can now relate, hardships which are inseparable from this accursed trade. Many a time we were near suffocation from the want of fresh air, which we were often without for whole days together. This, and the stench of the necessary tubs, carried off many. During our passage I first saw flying fishes, which surprised me very much: they used frequently to fly across the ship, and many of them fell on the deck. I also now first saw the use of the quadrant; I had often with astonishment seen the mariners make observations with it, and I could not think what it meant. They at last took notice of my surprise: and one of them, willing to increase it, as well as to gratify my curiosity, made me one day look through it. The clouds appeared to me to be land, which disappeared as they passed along. This heightened my wonder; and I was now more persuaded than ever that I was in another world, and that every thing about me was magic. At last we came in sight of the island of Barbadoes, at which the whites on board gave a great shout, and made many signs of joy to us. We did not know what to think of this; but as the vessel drew nearer we plainly saw the harbour, and other ships of different kinds and sizes; and we soon anchored amongst them off Bridge Town. Many merchants and planters now came on board, though it was in the evening. They put us in separate parcels, and examined us attentively. They also made us jump, and pointed to the land, signifying we were to go there. We thought by this we should be eaten by these ugly men, as they appeared to us; and, when soon after we were all put down under the deck again, there was much dread and trembling among us, and nothing but bitter cries to be heard all the night from these apprehensions, insomuch that at last the white people got some old slaves from the land to pacify us. They told us we were not to be eaten, but to work, and were soon to go on land, where we should see many of our country people. This report eased us much; and sure enough, soon after we were landed, there came to us Africans of all languages. We were conducted immediately to the merchant's yard, where we were all pent up together like so many sheep in a fold, without regard to sex or age. As every object was new to me every thing I saw filled me with surprise. What struck me first was that the houses were built with bricks and stories, and in every other respect different from those I had seen in Africa: but I was still more astonished on seeing people on horseback. I did not know what this could mean; and indeed I thought these people were full of nothing but magical arts. While I was in this astonishment one of my fellow prisoners spoke to a countryman of his about the horses, who said they were the same kind they had in their country. I understood them, though they were from a distant part of Africa, and I thought it odd I had not seen any horses there; but afterwards, when I came to converse with different Africans, I found they had many horses amongst them, and much larger than those I then saw. We were not many days in the merchant's custody before we were sold after their usual manner, which is this:—On a signal given, (as the beat of a drum) the buyers rush at once into the yard where the slaves are confined, and make choice of that parcel they like best. The noise and clamour with which this is attended, and the eagerness visible in the countenances of the buyers, serve not a little to increase the apprehension of the terrified Africans, who may well be supposed to consider them as the ministers of that destruction to which they think themselves devoted. In this manner, without scruple, are relations and friends separated, most of them never to see each other again. I remember in the vessel in which I was brought over, in the men's apartment, there were several brothers, who, in the sale, were sold in different lots; and it was very moving on this occasion to see and hear their cries at parting. O, ye nominal Christians! Might not an African ask you, learned you this from your God, who says unto you, do unto all men as you would men should do unto you? Is it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends, to toil for your luxury and lust of gain? Must every tender feeling be likewise sacrificed to your avarice? Are the dearest friends and relations, now rendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from each other, and thus prevented from cheering the gloom of slavery with the small comfort of being together and mingling their sufferings and sorrows? Why are parents to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands their wives? Surely this is a new refinement in cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggravates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the wretchedness of slavery. CHAP. III. The author is carried to Virginia—His distress—surprise at seeing a picture and a watch—Is bought by Captain Pascal, and sets out for England—His terror during the voyage—Arrives in England—His wonder at a fall of snow—Is sent to Guernsey, and in some time goes on board a ship of war with his master—some account of the expedition against Louisbourg under the command of Admiral Boscawen, in 1758. I now totally lost the small remains of comfort I had enjoyed in conversing with my countrymen; the women too, who used to wash and take care of me, were all gone different ways, and I never saw one of them afterwards. I stayed in this island for a few days; I believe it could not be above a fortnight; when I and some few more slaves, that were not saleable amongst the rest, from very much fretting, were shipped off in a sloop for North America. On the passage we were better treated than when we were coming from Africa, and we had plenty of rice and fat pork. We were landed up a river a good way from the sea, about Virginia county, where we saw few or none of our native Africans, and not one soul who could talk to me. I was a few weeks weeding grass, and gathering stones in a plantation; and at last all my companions were distributed different ways, and only myself was left. I was now exceedingly miserable, and thought myself worse off than any of the rest of my companions; for they could talk to each other, but I had no person to speak to that I could understand. In this state I was constantly grieving and pining, and wishing for death rather than any thing else. While I was in this plantation the gentleman, to whom I suppose the estate belonged, being unwell, I was one day sent for to his dwelling house to fan him; when I came into the room where he was I was very much affrighted at some things I saw, and the more so as I had seen a black woman slave as I came through the house, who was cooking the dinner, and the poor creature was cruelly loaded with various kinds of iron machines; she had one particularly on her head, which locked her mouth so fast that she could scarcely speak; and could not eat nor drink. I was much astonished and shocked at this contrivance, which I afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle. Soon after I had a fan put into my hand, to fan the gentleman while he slept; and so I did indeed with great fear. While he was fast asleep I indulged myself a great deal in looking about the room, which to me appeared very fine and curious. The first object that engaged my attention was a watch which hung on the chimney, and was going. I was quite surprised at the noise it made, and was afraid it would tell the gentleman any thing I might do amiss: and when I immediately after observed a picture hanging in the room, which appeared constantly to look at me, I was still more affrighted, having never seen such things as these before. At one time I thought it was something relative to magic; and not seeing it move I thought it might be some way the whites had to keep their great men when they died, and offer them libations as we used to do to our friendly spirits. In this state of anxiety I remained till my master awoke, when I was dismissed out of the room, to my no small satisfaction and relief; for I thought that these people were all made up of wonders. In this place I was called Jacob; but on board the African scow I was called Michael. I had been some time in this miserable, forlorn, and much dejected state, without having any one to talk to, which made my life a burden, when the kind and unknown hand of the Creator (who in very deed leads the blind in a way they know not) now began to appear, to my comfort; for one day the captain of a merchant ship, called the Industrious Bee, came on some business to my master's house. This gentleman, whose name was Michael Henry Pascal, was a lieutenant in the royal navy, but now commanded this trading ship, which was somewhere in the confines of the county many miles off. While he was at my master's house it happened that he saw me, and like me so well that he made a purchase of me. I think I have often heard him say he gave thirty or forty pounds sterling for me; but I do not now remember which. However, he meant me for a present to some of his friends in England: and I was sent accordingly from the house of my then master, (one Mr. Campbell) to the place where the ship lay; I was conducted on horseback by an elderly black man, (a mode of travelling which appeared very odd to me). When I arrived I was carried on board a fine large ship, loaded with tobacco, etc. and just ready to sail for England. I now thought my condition much mended; I had sails to lie on, and plenty of good victuals to eat; and every body on board used me very kindly, quite contrary to what I had seen of any white people before; I therefore began to think that they were not all of the same disposition. A few days after I was on board we sailed for England. I was still at a loss to conjecture my destiny. By this time, however, I could smatter a little imperfect English; and I wanted to know as well as I could where we were going. some of the people of the ship used to tell me they were going to carry me back to my own country, and this made me very happy. I was quite rejoiced at the idea of going back; and thought if I should get home what wonders I should have to tell. But I was reserved for another fate, and was soon undeceived, when we came within sight of the English coast. While I was on board this ship, my captain and master named me Gustavus Vasa. I at that time began to understand him a little, and refused to be called so, and told him as well as I could that I would be called Jacob; but he said I should not, and still called me Gustavus: and when I refused to answer to my new name, which at first I did, it gained me many a cuff; so at length I submitted, and by which I have been known ever since. The ship had a very long passage; and on that account we had very short allowance of provisions. Towards the last we had only one pound and a half of bread per week, and about the same quantity of meat, and one quart of water a-day. We spoke with only one vessel the whole time we were at sea, and but once we caught a few fishes. In our extremities the captain and people told me in jest they would kill and eat me; but I thought them in earnest, and was depressed beyond measure, expecting every moment to be my last. While I was in this situation one evening they caught, with a good deal of trouble, a large shark, and got it on board. This gladdened my poor heart exceedingly, as I thought it would serve the people to eat instead of their eating me; but very soon, to my astonishment, they cut off a small part of the tail, and tossed the rest over the side. This renewed my consternation ; and I did not know what to think of these white people, though I very much feared they would kill and eat me. There was on board the ship a young lad who had never been at sea before, about four or five years older than myself; his name was Richard Baker. He was a native of America, had received an excellent education, and was of a most amiable temper. Soon after I went on board he shewed me a great deal of partiality and attention, and in return I grew extremely fond of him. We at length became inseparable; and, for the space of two years, he was of very great use to me, and was my constant companion and instructor. Although this dear youth had many slaves of his own, yet he and I have gone through many sufferings together on shipboard; and we have many nights lain in each other's bosoms when we were in great distress. Thus such a friendship was cemented between us as we cherished till his death, which to my very great sorrow, happened in the year 1759, when he was up the Archipelago, on board his majesty's ship the Preston: an event which I have never ceased to regret, as I lost at once a kind interpreter, an agreeable companion, and a faithful friend; who, at the age of fifteen, discovered a mind superior to prejudice; and who was not ashamed to notice, to associate with, and to be the friend and instructor of one who was ignorant, a stranger, of a different complexion, and a slave! My master had lodged in his mother's house in America: he respected him very much, and made him always eat with him in the cabin. He used often to tell him jocularly that he would kill and eat me. Sometimes he would say to me—the black people were not good to eat, and would ask me if we did not eat people in my country. I said, No: then he said he would kill Dick (as he always called him) first, and afterwards me. Though this hearing relieved my mind a little as to myself, I was alarmed for Dick, and whenever he was called I used to be very much afraid he was to be killed; and I would peep and watch to see if they were going to kill him: nor was I free from this consternation till we made the land. One night we lost a man overboard; and the cries and noise were so great and confused, in stopping the ship, that I, who did not know what was the matter, began, as usual, to be very much afraid, and to think they were going to make an offering with me, and perform some magic; which I still believed they dealt in. As the waves were very high I thought the Ruler of the seas was angry, and I expected to be offered up to appease him. This filled my mind with agony, and I could not any more that night close my eyes again to rest. However, when daylight appeared was a little eased in my mind; but still every time I was called I used to think it was to be killed. some time after this we saw some very large fish, which I afterwards found were called grampusses. They looked to me extremely terrible, and made their ap pearance just at dusk; and were so near as to blow the water on the ship's deck. I believed them to be the rulers of the sea; and as the white people did not make any offerings at any time, I thought they were angry with them: and, at last, what confirmed my belief was, the wind just then died away, and a calm ensued, and in consequence of it the ship stopped going. I supposed that the fish had performed this, and I hid myself in the fore part of the ship, through fear of be ing offered up to appease them, every minute peeping and quaking: but my good friend Dick came shortly towards me, and I took an opportunity to ask him, as well as I could, what these fish were. Not being able to talk much English, I could but just make him understand my question; and not at all, when I asked him if any offerings were to be made to them: however, he told me these fish would swallow any body; which sufficiently alarmed me. Here he was called away by the captain, who was leaning over the quarter-deck railing and looking at the fish; and most of the people were busied in getting a barrel of pitch to light, for them to play with. The captain now called me to him, having learned some of my apprehensions from Dick; and having diverted himself and others for some time with my fears which appeared ludicrous enough in my crying and trembling, he dismissed me. The barrel of pitch was now lighted and put over the side into the water: by this time it was just dark, and the fish went after it; and, to my great joy, I saw them no more. However, all my alarms began to subside when we got sight of land; and at last the ship arrived at Falmouth, after a passage of thirteen weeks. Every heart on board seemed gladdened on our reaching the shore, and none more than mine. The captain immediately went on shore, and sent on board some fresh provisions, which we wanted very much: we made good use of them, and our samine was soon turned into feasting, almost without ending. It was about the beginning of the spring 1757, when I arrived in England, and I was near twelve years of age at that time. I was very much struck with the buildings and the pavement of the streets in Falmouth; and, indeed, every object I saw filled me with new surprise. One morning, when I got upon deck, I saw it covered all over with the snow that fell over-night: as I had never seen any thing of the kind before, I thought it was salt; so I immediately ran down to the mate and desired him, as well as I could, to come and see how somebody in the night had thrown salt all over the deck. He, knowing what it was, desired me to bring some of it down to him: accordingly I took up a handful of it, which I found very cold indeed; and when I brought it to him he desired me to taste it. I did so, and I was surprised beyond measure. I then asked him what it was; he told me it was snow: but I could not in anywise understand him. He asked me if we had no such thing in my country; and I told him, No. I then asked him the use of it, and who made it; he told me a great man in the heavens, called God: but here again I was to all intents and purposes at a loss to understand him; and the more so, when a little after I saw the air filled with it, in a heavy shower, which fell down on the same day. After this I went to church; and having never been at such a place before, I was again amazed at seeing and hearing the service. I asked all I could about it; and they gave me to understand it was worshipping God, who made us and all things. I was still at a great loss, and soon got into an endless field of inquiries, as well as I was able to speak and ask about things. However, my little friend Dick used to be my best interpreter; for I could make free with him, and he always instructed me with pleasure: and from what I could understand by him of this God, and in seeing these white people did not sell one another as we did, I was much pleased; and in this I thought they were much happier than we Africans. I was astonished at the wisdom of the white people in all things I saw; but was amazed at their not sacrificing, or making any offerings, and eating with unwashed hands, and touching the dead. I likewise could not help remarking the particular slenderness of their women, which I did not at first like; and I thought they were not so modest and shamefaced as the African women. I had often seen my master and Dick employed in reading; and I had a great curiosity to talk to the books, as I thought they did; and so to learn how all things had a beginning: for that purpose I have often taken up a book, and have talked to it, and then put my ears to it, when alone, in hopes it would answer me; and I have been very much concerned when I found it remained silent. My master lodged at the house of a gentleman in Falmouth, who had a fine little daughter about six or seven years of age, and she grew prodigiously fond of me; insomuch that we used to eat together, and had servants to wait on us. I was so much caressed by this family that it often reminded me of the treatment I had received from my little noble African master. After I had been here a few days, I was sent on board of the ship; but the child cried so much aster me that nothing could pacify her till I was sent for again. It is ludicrous enough, that I began to fear I should be betrothed to this young lady; and when my master asked me if I would stay there with her behind him, as he was going away with the ship, which had taken in the tobacco again, I cried immediately, and said I would not leave him. At last, by stealth, one night I was sent on board the ship again; and in a little time we sailed for Guernsey, where she was in part owned by a merchant, one Nicholas Doberry. As I was now amongst a people who had not their faces scarred, like some of the African nations where I had been, I was very glad I did not let them ornament me in that manner when I was with them. When we arrived at Guernsey, my master placed me to board and lodge with one of his mates, who had a wife and family there; and some months afterwards he went to England, and left me in care of this mate, together with my friend Dick: This mate had a little daughter, aged about five or six years, with whom I used to be much delighted. I had often observed that when her mother washed her face it looked very rosy; but when she washed mine it did not look so: I therefore tried oftentimes myself if I could not by washing make my face of the same colour as my little play-mate (Mary), but it was all in vain; and I now began to be mortified at the difference in our complexions. This woman behaved to me with great kindness and attention; and taught me every thing in the same manner as she did her own child, and indeed in every respect treated me as such. I remained here till the summer of the year 1757; when my master, being appointed first lieutenant of his majesty's ship the Roe buck, sent for Dick and me, and his old mate: on this we all left Guernsey, and set out for England in a sloop bound for London. As we were coming up towards the Nore, where the Roebuck lay, a man of war's boat came alongside to press our people; on which each man ran to hide himself. I was very much frightened at this, though I did not know what it meant, or what to think or do. However I went and hid myself also under a hencoop. Immediately afterwards the press-gang came on board with their swords drawn, and searched all about, pulled the people out by force, and put them into the boat. At last I was found out also; the man that found me held me up by the heels while they all made their sport of me, I roaring and crying out all the time most lustily; but at last the mate, who was my conductor, seeing this, came to my assistance, and did all he could to pacify me; but all to very little purpose, till I had seen the boat go off. soon afterwards we came to the Nore, where the Roebuck lay; and, to our great joy, my master came on board to us, and brought us to the ship. When I went on board this large ship, I was amazed indeed to see the quantity of men and the guns. However my surprise began to diminish as my knowledge increased; and I ceased to feel those apprehensions and alarms which had taken such strong possession of me when I first came among the Europeans, and for some time after. I began now to pass to an opposite extreme; I was so far from being afraid of any thing new which I saw, that, after I had been some time in this ship, I even began to long for an engagement. My griefs too, which in young minds are not perpetual, were now wearing away; and I soon enjoyed myself pretty well, and felt tolerably easy in my present situation. There was a number of boys on board, which still made it more agreeable; for we were always together, and a great part of our time was spent in play. I remained in this ship a considerable time, during which we made several cruises, and visited a variety of places: among others we were twice in Holland, and brought over several persons of distinction from it, whose names I do not now remember. On the passage, one day, for the diversion of those gentlemen, all the boys were called on the quarter deck, and were paired proportionably, and then made to fight; after which the gentlemen gave the combatants from five to nine shillings each. This was the first time I ever fought with a white boy; and I never knew what it was to have a bloody nose before. This made me fight most desperately; I suppose considerably more than an hour: and at last, both of us being weary, we were parted. I had a great deal of this kind of sport afterwards, in which the captain and the ship's company used very much to encourage me. sometime afterwards the ship went to Leith in scotland, and from thence to the Orkneys, where I was surprised in seeing scarcely any night: and from thence we sailed with a great fleet, full of soldiers, for England. All this time we had never come to an engagement, though we were frequently cruising off the coast of France: during which we chased many vessels, and took in all seventeen prizes. I had been learning many of the manoeuvres of the ship during our cruise; and I was several times made to fire the guns. One evening, off Havre de Grace, just as it was growing dark, we were standing off shore, and met with a fine large French-built frigate. We got all things immediately ready for fighting; and I now expected I should be gratified in seeing an engagement, which I had so long wished for in vain. But the very moment the word of command was given to fire, we heard those on board the other ship cry 'Haul down the jib;' and in that instant she hoisted English colours. There was instantly with us an amazing cry of—'Avast!' or stop firing; and I think one or two guns had been let off, but happily they did no mischief. We had hailed them several times; but they not hearing, we received no answer, which was the cause of our firing. The boat was then sent on board of her, and she proved to be the Ambuscade man of war, to my nosmall disappointment. We returned to Portsmouth, without having been in any action, just at the trial of Admiral Byng (whom I saw several times during it): and my master having left the ship, and gone to London for promotion, Dick and I were put on board the savage sloop of war, and we went in her to assist in bringing off the St. George man of war, that had ran ashore somewhere on the coast. After staying a few weeks on board the savage, Dick and I were sent on shore at Deal, where we remained some short time, till my master sent for us to London, the place I had long desired exceedingly to see. We therefore both with great pleasure got into a waggon, and came to London, where we were received by a Mr. Guerin, a relation of my master. This gentleman had two sisters, very ami able ladies, who took much notice and great care of me. Though I had desired so much to see London, when I arrived in it I was unfortunately unable to gratify my curiosity; for I had at this time the chilblains to such a degree that I could not stand for several months, and I was obliged to be sent to st. George's Hospital. There I grew so ill, that the doctors wanted to cut my left leg off at different times, apprehending a mortification; but I always said I would rather die than suffer it; and happily (I thank God) I recovered without the operation. After being there several weeks, and just as I had recovered, the small pox broke out on me, so that I was again confined; and I thought myself now particularly unfortunate. However I soon reco vered again; and by this time my master having been promoted to be first lieutenant of the Preston man of war of fifty guns, then new at Deptford, Dick and I were sent on board her, and soon after we went to Holland to bring over the late Duke of — to England.—While I was in this ship an incident happened, which, though trifling, I beg leave to relate, as I could not help taking particular notice of it, and considering it then as a judgment of God. One morning a young man was looking up to the fore-top, and in a wicked tone, common on shipboard, d—d his eyes about something. Just at the moment some small particles of dirt fell into his left eye, and by the evening it was very much inflamed. The next day it grew worse; and within six or seven days he lost it. From this ship, my master was appointed a lieutenant on board the Royal George. When he was going he wished me to stay on board the Preston, to learn the French horn; but the ship being or dered for Turkey I could not think of leaving my master, to whom I was very warmly attached; and I told him if he left me behind it would break my heart. This prevailed on him to take me with him; but he left Dick on board the Preston, whom I embraced at parting for the last time. The Royal George was the largest ship I had ever seen; so that when I came on board of her I was surprised at the number of people, men, women, and children, of every denomination; and the largeness of the guns, many of them also of brass, which I had never seen before. Here were also shops or stalls of every kind of goods, and people crying their different commodities about the ship as in a town. To me it appeared a little world, into which I was again cast with out a friend, for I had no longer my dear companion Dick. We did not stay long here. My master was not many weeks on board before he got an appointment to be sixth lieutenant of the Namur, which was then at spithead, fitting up for Vice-admiral Boscawen, who was going with a large fleet on an expedition against Louisburgh. The crew of the Royal George were turned over to her, and the flag of that gallant admiral was hoisted on board, the blue at the maintop gallant mast head. There was a very great fleet of men of war of every description assembled together for this expedition, and I was in hopes soon to have an opportunity of being gratified with a sea-fight. All things being now in readiness, this mighty fleet (for there was also Admiral Cornish's fleet in company, destined for the East Indies) at last weighed anchor, and failed. The two fleets continued in company for several days, and then parted; Admiral Cornish, in the Lenox, having first saluted our admiral in the Namur, which he returned. We then steered for America; but, by contrary winds, we were driven to Teneriffe, where I was struck with its noted peak. Its prodigious height, and its form, resembling a sugar loaf, filled me with wonder. We remained in sight of this island some days, and then proceeded for America, which we soon made, and got into a very commodious harbour called St. George, in Halifax, where we had fish in great plenty, and all other fresh provisions. We were here joined by different men of war and transport ships with soldiers; after which, our fleet being increased to a prodigious number of ships of all kinds, we sailed for Cape Breton in Nova Scotia. We had the good and gallant General Wolfe on board our ship, whose affability made him highly esteemed and beloved by all the men. He often honoured me, as well as other boys, with marks of his notice; and saved me once a flogging for fighting with a young gentleman. We arrived at Cape Breton in the summer of 1758: and here the soldiers were to be landed, in order to make an attack upon Louisbourgh. My master had some part in superintending the landing; and here I was in a small measure gratified in seeing an encounter between our men and the enemy. The French were posted on the shore to receive us, and disputed our landing for a long time: but at last they were driven from their trenches, and a complete landing was effected. Our troops pursued them as far as the town of Louisbourgh. In this action many were killed on both sides. One thing remarkable I saw this day:—A lieutenant of the Princess Amelia, who, as well as my master, superintended the landing, was giving the word of command, and while his mouth was open a musquet ball went through it, and passed out at his cheek. I had that day in my hand the scalp of an indian king, who was killed in the engagement: the scalp had been taken off by an Highlander. I saw this king's ornaments too, which were very curious, and made of feathers. Our land forces laid siege to the town of Louisbourgh, while the French men of war were blocked up in the harbour by the fleet, the batteries at the same time playing upon them from the land. This they did with such effect, that one day I saw some of the ships set on fire by the shells from the batteries, and I believe two or three of them were quite burnt. At another time, about fifty boats belonging to the English men of war, commaded by Captain George Belfour of the Aetna fire ship, and Mr. Laforey another junior captain, attacked and boarded the only two remaining French men of war in the harbour. They also set fire to a seventy-gun ship, but a sixty-four, called the Bienfaisant, they brought off. During my stay here I had often an opportunity of being near captain Belfour, who was pleased to notice me, and liked me so much that he often asked my master to let him have me, but he would not part with me; and no consideration could have induced me to leave him. At last Louisbourgh was taken, and the English men of war came into the harbour before it, to my very great joy; for I had now more liberty of indulging myself, and I went often on shore. When the ships were in the harbour we had the most beautiful procession on the water I ever saw. All the admirals and captains of the men of war, full dressed, and in their barges, well ornamented with pendants, came alongside of the Namur. The vice-admiral then went on shore in his barge, followed by the other officers in order of seniority, to take possession, as I suppose, of the town and fort. some time after this the French governor and his lady, and other persons of note, came on board our ship to dine. On this occasion our ships were dressed with colours of all kinds, from the topgallant-mast head to the deck; and this, with the firing of guns, formed a most grand and magnificent spectacle. As soon as every thing here was settled, Admiral Boscawen sailed with part of the fleet for England, leaving some ships behind with Rear admirals Sir Charles Hardy and Durell. It was now winter; and one evening, during our passage home, about dusk, when we were in the channel, or near soundings, and were beginning to look for land, we descried seven sail of large men of war, which stood off shore. Several people on board of our ship said, as the two fleets were (in forty minutes from the first sight) within hail of each other, that they were English men of war; and some of our people even began to name some of the ships. By this time both fleets began to mingle, and our admiral ordered his flag to be hoisted. At that instant the other fleet, which were French, hoisted their ensigns, and gave us a broadside as they passed by. Nothing could create greater surprise and confusion among us than this: the wind was high, the sea rough, and we had our lower and middle deck guns housed in, so that not a single gun on board was ready te be fired at any of the French ships. However, the Royal William and the somerset, being our sternmost ships, became a little prepared, and each gave the French ships a broadside as they passed by. I afterwards heard this was a French squadron, commanded by Mons. Conflans; and certainly had the Frenchmen known our condition, and had a mind to fight us, they might have done us great mischief. But we were not long before we were prepared for an engagement. Immediately many things were tossed overboard; the ships were made ready for fighting as soon as possible; and about ten at night we had bent a new main sail, the old one being split. Being now in readiness for fighting, we wore ship, and stood after the French fleet, who were one or two ships in number more than we. However we gave them chase, and continued pursuing them all night; and at day-light we saw six of them, all large ships of the line, and an English East Indiaman, a prize they had taken. We chased them all day till between three and four o'clock in the evening, when we came up with, and passed within a musquet shot of one seventy-four gun ship, and the Indiaman also, who now hoisted her colours, but immediately hauled them down again. On this we made a signal for the other ships to take possession of her; and, supposing the man of war would likewise strike, we cheered, but she did not; though if we had fired into her, from being so near, we must have taken her. To my utter surprise, the Somerset, who was the next ship a-stern of the Namur, made way like wise; and, thinking they were sure of this French ship, they cheered in the same manner, but still continued to follow us. The French Commodore was about a gun-shot ahead of all, running from us with all speed; and about four o'clock he carried his foretop mast overboard. This caused another loud cheer with us; and a little after the topmast came close by us; but, to our great surprise, instead of coming up with her, we found she went as fast as ever, if not faster. The sea grew now much smoother; and the wind lulling, the seventy-four gun ship we had passed came again by us in the very same direction, and so near, that we heard her people talk as she went by; yet not a shot was fired on either side; and about five or six o'clock, just as it grew dark, she joined her commodore. We chased all night; but the next day we were out of sight, so that we saw no more of them; and we only had the old Indiaman (called Carnarvon I think) for our trouble. After this we stood in for the channel, and soon made the land; and, about the close of the year 1758-9, we got safe to st. Helen's. Here the Namur ran aground; and also another large ship astern of us; but, by starting our water, and tossing many things overboard to lighten her, we got the ships off without any damage. We stayed for a short time at spithead, and then went into Portsmouth harbour to refit: from whence the admiral went to London; and my master and I soon followed, with a press-gang, as we wanted some hands to complete our complement. CHAP. IV. The author is baptized—Narrowly escapes drowning—Goes on an expedition to the Mediterranean—Incidents he met with there—Is witness to an engagement between some English and French ships—A particular account of the celebrated engagement between Admiral Boscawen and Mons. Le Clue, off Cape Logas, in August 1759—Dreadful explosion of a French ship—The author sails for England—His master appointed to the command of a fire-ship—Meets a negro boy, from whom he experiences much benevolence—Prepares for an expedition against Belle-Isle—A remarkable story of a disaster which befel his ship—Arrives at Belle-Isle—Operations of the landing and siege—The author's danger and distress, with his manner of extricating himself—surrender of Belle-Isle—Transactions afterwards on the coast of France—Remarkable instance of kidnapping—The author returns to England—Hears talk of peace, and expects his freedom—His ship sails for Deptford to be paid off, and when he arrives there he is suddenly seized by his master and carried forcibly on board a West India ship and sold. IT was now between two and three years since I first came to England, a great part of which I had spent at sea; so that I became inured to that service, and began to consider myself as happily situated; for my master treated me always extremely well; and my attachment and gratitude to him were very great. From the various scenes I had beheld on ship-board, I soon grew a stranger to terror of every kind, and was, in that respect at least, almost an Englishman. I have often reflected with surprise that I never felt half the alarm at any of the numerous dangers I have been in, that I was filled with at the first sight of the Europeans, and at every act of theirs, even the most trifling, when I first came among them, and for some time afterwards. That fear, however, which was the effect of my ignorance, wore away as I began to know them. I could now speak English tolerably well, and I perfectly understood every thing that was said. I not only felt myself quite easy with these new countrymen, but relished their society and manners. I no longer looked upon them as spirits, but as men superior to us; and therefore I had the stronger desire to resemble them; to imbibe their spirit, and imitate their manners; I therefore embraced every occasion of improvement; and every new thing that I observed I treasured up in my memory. I had long wished to be able to read and write; and for this purpose I took every opportunity to gain instruction, but had made as yet very little progress. However, when I went to London with my master, I had soon an opportunity of improving myself, which I gladly embraced. shortly after my arrival, he sent me to wait upon the Miss Guerins, who had treated me with much kindness when I was there before; and they sent me to school. While I was attending these ladies, their servants told me I could not go to Heaven, unless I was baptized. This made me very uneasy; for I had now some faint idea of a future state: accordingly I communicated my anxiety to the eldest Miss Guerin, with whom I was become a favourite, and pressed her to have me baptized; when to my great joy, she told me I should. She had formerly asked my master to let me be baptized, but he had refused; however she now insisted on it; and he being under some obligation to her brother complied with her request; so I was baptized in St. Margaret's church, Westminster, in February 1759, by my present name. The clergyman at the same time, gave me a book, called a Guide to the Indians, written by the Bishop of Sodor and Man. On this occasion, Miss Guerin did me the honour to stand as godmother, and afterwards gave me a treat. I used to attend these ladies about the town, in which service I was extremely happy; as I had thus many opportunities of seeing London, which I desired of all things. I was sometimes, however, with my master at his rendezvous-house, which was at the foot of Westminster-Bridge. Here I used to enjoy myself in playing about the bridge stairs, and often in the watermen's wherries, with other boys. On one of these occasions there was another boy with me in a wherry, and we went out into the current of the river: while we were there, two more stout boys came to us in another wherry, and, abusing us for taking the boat, desired me to get into the other wherry-boat. Accordingly I went to get out of the wherry I was in; but just as I had got one of my feet into the other boat, the boys shoved it off, so that I fell into the Thames; and, not being able to swim, I should unavoidably have been drowned, but for the assistance of some watermen who providentially came to my relief. The Namur being again got ready for sea, my master, with his gang, was ordered on board; and, to my no small grief, I was obliged to leave my schoolmaster, whom I liked very much, and always attended while I stayed in London, to repair on board with my master. Nor did I leave my kind patronesses, the Miss Guerins, without uneasiness and regret. They often used to teach me to read, and took great pains to instruct me in the principles of religion and the knowledge of God. I therefore parted from those amiable ladies with reluctance: after receiving from them many friendly cautions how to conduct myself, and some valuable presents. When I came to spithead, I found we were destined for the Mediterra nean, with a large fleet, which was now ready to put to sea. We only waited for the arrival of the admiral, who soon came on board; and about the beginning of the spring 1759, having weighed anchor, and got under way, sailed for the Mediterranean; and in eleven days, from the Land's End, we got to Gibraltar. While we were here I used to be often on shore, and got various fruits in great plenty, and very cheap. I had frequently told several people, in my excursions on shore, the story of my being kidnapped with my sister, and of our being separated, as I have related before; and I had as often expressed my anxiety for her fate, and my sorrow at having never met her again. One day, when I was on shore, and men tioning these circumstances to some persons, one of them told me he knew where my sister was, and, if I would accompany him, he would bring me to her. Improbable as this story was, I believed it immediately, and agreed to go with him, while my heart leaped for joy; and, indeed, he conducted me to a black young woman, who was so like my sister, that at first sight, I really thought it was her: but I was quickly undeceived; and, on talking to her, I found her to be of another nation. While we lay here the Preston came in from the Levant. As soon as she arrived, my master told me I should now see my old companion, Dick, who was gone in her when she sailed for Turkey. I was much rejoiced at this news, and expected every minute to embrace him; and when the captain came on board of our ship, which he did immediately after, I ran to inquire after my friend; but, with inexpressible sorrow, I learned from the boat's crew that the dear youth was dead! and that they had brought his chest, and all his other things, to my master: these he afterwards gave to me, and I regarded them as a memorial of my friend, whom I loved, and grieved for, as a brother. While we were at Gibralter, I saw a soldier hanging by the heels, at one of the moles**He had drowned himself in endeavouring to desert. [Equiano's note] "Moles" are large stone piers or wharfs.: I thought this a strange sight, as I had seen a man hanged in London by his neck. At another time I saw the master of a frigate towed to shore on a grating, by several of the men of war's boats, and discharged the fleet, which I understood was a mark of disgrace for cowardice. On board the same ship there was also a sailor hung up at the yard-arm. After lying at Gibralter for some time, we sailed up the Mediterranean a considerable way above the Gulf of Lyons; where we were one night overtaken with a terrible gale of wind, much greater than any I had ever yet experienced. The sea ran so high that, though all the guns were well housed, there was great reason to fear their getting loose, the ship rolled so much; and if they had it must have proved our destruction. After we had cruised here for a short time, we came to Barcelona, a Spanish sea-port, remarkable for its silk manufactures. Here the ships were all to be watered; and my master, who spoke different languages, and used often to interpret for the admiral, superintended the watering of ours. For that purpose he and the officers of the other ships, who were on the same service, had tents pitched in the bay; and the Spanish soldiers were stationed along the shore, I suppose to see that no depredations were committed by our men. I used constantly to attend my master; and I was charmed with this place. All the time we stayed it was like a fair with the natives, who brought us fruits of all kinds, and sold them to us much cheaper than I got them in England. They used also to bring wine down to us in hog and sheep skins, which diverted me very much. The spanish officers here treated our officers with great politeness and attention; and some of them, in particular, used to come often to my master's tent to visit him; where they would sometimes divert themselves by mounting me on the horses or mules, so that I could not fall, and setting them off at full gallop; my imperfect skill in horsemanship all the while affording them no small entertainment. After the ships were watered, we returned to our old station of cruizing off Toulon, for the purpose of intercepting a fleet of French men of war that lay there. One Sunday, in our cruise, we came off a place where there were two small French frigates lying in shore; and our admiral, thinking to take or destroy them, sent two ships in after them—the Culloden and the Conqueror. They soon came up to the Frenchmen; and I saw a smart fight here, both by sea and land: for the frigates were covered by bat teries, and they played upon our ships most furiously, which they as furiously returned, and for a long time a constant firing was kept up on all sides at an amazing rate. At last one frigate sunk; but the people escaped, though not without much difficulty: and a little after some of the people left the other frigate also, which was a mere wreck. However, our ships did not venture to bring her away, they were so much annoyed from the batteries, which raked them both in going and coming: their topmasts were shot a way, and they were otherwise so much shattered, that the admiral was obliged to send in many boats to tow them back to the fleet. I afterwards sailed with a man who fought in one of the French batteries during the engagement, and he told me our ships had done considerable mischief that day on shore and in the batteries. After this we sailed for Gibraltar, and arrived there about August 1759. Here we remained with all our sails unbent, while the fleet was watering and doing other necessary things. While we were in this situation, one day the admiral, with most of the principal officers, and many people of all stations, being on shore, about seven o'clock in the evening we were alarmed by signals from the frigates stationed for that purpose; and in an instant there was a general cry that the French fleet was out, and just passing through the streights. The admiral immediately came on board with some other officers; and it is impossible to describe the noise, hurry and confusion throughout the whole fleet, in bending their sails and slipping their cables; many people and ships' boats were left on shore in the bustle. We had two captains on board of our ship who came away in the hurry and left their ships to follow. We shewed lights from the gun-wales to the main top mast-head; and all our lieutenants were employed amongst the fleet to tell the ships not to wait for ther captains, but to put the sails to the yards, slip their cables and follow us; and in this confusion of making ready for fighting, we set out for sea in the dark after the French fleet. Here I could have exclaimed with Ajax, "Oh Jove! O father! if it be thy will "That we must perish, we thy will obey, "But let us perish by the light of day." They had got the start of us so far that we were not able to come up with them during the night; but at day-light we saw seven sail of the line of battle some miles ahead. We immediately chased them till about four o'clock in the evening, when our ships came up with them; and, though we were about fifteen large ships, our gallant admiral only fought them with his own division, which consisted of seven; so that we were just ship for ship. We passed by the whole of the enemy's fleet in order to come at their commander, Mons. La Clue, who was in the Ocean, an eighty-four gun ship. as we passed they all fired on us; and at one time three of them fired together, continuing to do so for some time. Notwithstanding which our admiral would not suffer a gun to be fired at any of them, to my astonishment; but made us lie on our bellies on the deck till we came quite close to the Ocean, who was ahead of them all; when we had orders to pour the whole three tiers into her at once. The engagement now commenced with great fury on both sides: the Ocean immediately returned our fire, and we continued engaged with each other for some time; during which I was frequently stunned with the thundering of the great guns, whose dreadful contents hurried many of my companions into awful eternity. At last the French line was entirely broken, and we obtained the victory, which was immediately proclaimed with loud huzzas and acclamations. We took three prizes, La Modeste, of sixty-four guns, and Le Temeraire and Centaur, of seventy-four guns each. The rest of the French ships took to flight with all the sail they could crowd. Our ship being very much damaged, and quite disabled from pursuing the enemy, the admiral immediately quitted her, and went in the broken and only boat we had left on board the Newark, with which, and some other ships, he went after the French. The Ocean, and another large French ship, called the Redoubtable, endeavouring to escape, ran ashore at Cape Logas, on the coast of Portugal; and the French admiral and some of the crew got ashore; but we, finding it impossible to get the ships off, set fire to them both. About midnight I saw the Ocean blow up, with a most dreadful explosion. I never beheld a more awful scene. In less than a minute, the midnight for a certain space seemed turned into day by the blaze, which was attended with a noise louder and more terrible than thunder, that seemed to rend every element around us. My station during the engagement was on the middle-deck, where I was quartered with another boy, to bring powder to the aftermost gun; and here I was a witness of the dreadful fate of many of my companions, who, in the twinkling of an eye, were dashed in pieces, and launched into eternity. Happily I escaped unhurt, though the shot and splinters flew thick about me during the whole fight. Towards the latter part of it my master was wounded, and I saw him carried down to the surgeon; but though I was much alarmed for him and wished to assist him I dared not leave my post. At this station my gun-mate (a partner in bringing powder for the same gun) and I ran a very great risk for more than half an hour of blowing up the ship. For, when we had taken the cartridges out of the boxes, the bottoms of many of them proving rotten, the powder ran all about the deck, near the match tub: we scarcely had water enough at the last to throw on it. We were also, from our employment, very much exposed to the enemy's shots; for we had to go through nearly the whole length of the ship to bring the powder. I expected therefore every minute to be my last; especially when I saw our men fall so thick about me; but, wishing to guard as much against the dangers as possible, at first I thought it would be safest not to go for the powder till the Frenchmen had fired the broadside; and then, while they were charging, I could go and come with my powder: but immediately afterwards I thought this caution was fruitless; and, cheering myself with the re flection that there was a time allotted for me to die as well as to be born, I instantly cast off all fear or thought whatever of death, and went through the whole of my duty with alacrity; pleasing myself with the hope, if I survived the battle, of relating it and the dangers I had escaped to the Miss Guerins, and others, when I should return to London. Our ship suffered very much in this engagement; for, besides the number of our killed and wounded, she was almost torn to pieces, and our rigging so much shattered, that our mizen-mast, main-yard, &c. hung over the side of the ship; so that we were obliged to get many carpenters, and others from some of the ships of the fleet, to assist in setting us in some tolerable order; and, notwithstanding which, it took us some time before we were completely refitted; after which we lest Admiral Broderick to command, and we, with the prizes steered for England. On the passage, and as soon as my master was something recovered of his wounds, the admiral appointed him captain of the Aetna fire-ship, on which he and I left the Namur, and went on board of her at sea. I liked this little ship very much. I now became the captain's steward, in which situation I was very happy: for I was extremely well treated by all on board; and I had leisure to improve myself in reading and writing. The latter I had learned a little of before I left the Namur, as there was a school on board. When we arrived at spithead, the Aetna went into Portsmouth harbour to refit, which being done, we returned to spichead and joined a large fleet that was thought to be intended against the Havannah; but about that time the king died; whether that prevented the expedition I know not; but it caused our ship to be stationed at Cowes, in the isle of Wight, till the beginning of the year sixty-one. Here I spent my time very pleasantly; I was much on shore all about this delightful island, and found the inhabitants very civil. While I was here, I met with a trifling incident, which surprised me agreeably. I was one day in a field belonging to a gentleman who had a black boy about my own size; this boy having observed me from his master's house, was transported at the sight of one of his own countrymen, and ran to meet me with the utmost haste. I not knowing what he was about, turned a little out of his way at first, but to no purpose: he soon came close to me and caught hold of me in his arms as if I had been his brother, though we had never seen each other before. After we had talked together for some time he took me to his master's house, where I was treated very kindly. This benevolent boy and I were very happy in frequently seeing each other till about the month of March 1761, when our ship had orders to fit out again for another expedition. When we got ready, we joined a very large fleet at spithead, commanded by Commodore Keppel, which was destined against Belle-Isle, and with a number of transport ships with troops on board to make a descent on the place, we sailed once more in quest of fame. I longed to engage in new adventures and see fresh wonders. I had a mind on which every thing uncommon made its full impression, and every event which I considered as marvellous. Every extraordinary escape, or signal deliverance, either of myself or others, I looked upon to be effected by the interposition of Providence. We had not been above ten days at sea before an incident of this kind happened; which, whatever credit it may obtain from the reader, made no small impression on my mind. We had on board a gunner, whose name was John Mondle; a man of very indifferent morals. This man's cabin was between the decks, exactly over where I lay, abreast of the quarter-deck ladder. One night, the 5th of April, being terrified with a dream, he awoke in so great a fright that he could not rest in his bed any longer, nor even remain in his cabin; and he went upon deck about four o'clock in the morning extremely agitated. He immediately told those on the deck of the agonies of his mind, and the dream which occasioned it; in which he said he had seen many things very awful, and had been warned by St. Peter to repent, who told him time was short. This he said had greatly alarmed him, and he was determined to alter his life. People generally mock the fears of others when they are themselves in safety; and some of his shipmates who heard him only laughed at him. However, he made a vow that he never would drink strong liquors again; and he immediately got a light, and gave away his sea-stores of liquor. After which, his agitation still continuing, he began to read the scriptures, hoping to find some relief; and soon afterwards he laid himself down again on his bed, and endeavoured to compose himself to sleep, but to no purpose; his mind still continuing in a state of agony. By this time it was exactly half after seven in the morning: I was then under the half-deck at the great cabin door; and all at once I heard the people in the waist cry out, most fearfully—'The Lord have mercy upon us! We are all lost! The Lord have mercy upon us!' Mr. Mondle hearing the cries, immediately ran out of his cabin; and we were instantly struck by the Lynne, a fortygun ship, Captain Clark, which nearly ran us down. This ship had just put about, and was by the wind, but had not got full headway, or we must all have perished; for the wind was brisk. However, before Mr Mondle had got four steps from his cabin door, she struck our ship with her cutwater right in the middle of his bed and cabin, and ran it up to the combings of the quarter deck hatchway, and above three feet below water, and in a minute there was not a bit of wood to be seen where Mr. Mondle's cabin stood; and he was so near being killed that some of the splinters tore his face. As Mr. Mondle must inevitably have perished from this accident had he not been alarmed in the very extraordinary way I have related, I could not help regarding this as an awful interposition of Providence for his preservation. The two ships for some time swinged alongside of each other; for ours being a fireship, our grappling-irons caught the Lynne every way, and the yards and rigging went at an astonishing rate. Our ship was in such a shocking condition that we all thought she would instantly go down, and every one ran for their lives, and got as well as they could on board the Lynne; but our lieutenant being the aggressor, he never quitted the ship. However, when we found she did not sink immediately, the captain came on board again, and encouraged our people to return and try to save her. Many on this came back, but some would not venture. some of the ships in the fleet, seeing our situation; immediately sent their boats to our assistance; but it took us the whole day to save the ship with all their help. And by using every possible means, particularly frapping her together with many hawsers, and putting a great quantity of tallow below water where she was damaged, she was kept together: but it was well we did not meet with any gales of wind, or we must have gone to pieces; for we were in such a crazy condition that we had ships to attend us till we arrived at Belle-Isle, the place of our destination; and then we had all things taken out of the ship, and she was properly repaired. This escape of Mr. Mondle, which he, as well as myself, always considered as a singular act of Providence, I believe had a great influence on his life and conduct ever afterwards. Now that I am on this subject I beg leave to relate another instance or two which strongly raised my belief of the particular interposition of Heaven, and which might not otherways have found a place here, from their insignificance. I belonged for a few days in the year 1758, to the Jason, of fifty-four guns, at Plymouth; and one night, when I was on board, a woman, with a child at her breast, fell from the upper-deck down into the hold, near the keel. Every one thought that the mother and child must be both dashed to pieces; but, to our great surprise, neither of them was hurt. I myself one day fell headlong from the upper-deck of the Aetna down the after-hold, when the ballast was out; and all who saw me fall cried out I was killed: but I received not the least injury. And in the same ship a man fell from the masthead on the deck without being hurt. In these, and in many more instances, I thought I could plainly trace the hand of God, without whose permission a sparrow cannot fall. I began to raise my fear from man to him alone, and to call daily on his holy name with fear and reverence: and I trust he heard my supplications, and graciously condescended to answer me according to his holy word, and to implant the seeds of piety in me, even one of the meanest of his creatures. When we had refitted our ship, and all things were in readiness for attacking the place, the troops on board the transports were ordered to disembark; and my master as a junior captain, had a share in the command of the landing. This was on the 12th of April. The French were drawn up on the shore, and had made every disposition to oppose the landing of our men, only a small part of them this day being able to effect it; most of them, after fighting with great bravery, were cut off; and General Crawford, with a number of others, were taken prisoners. In this day's engagement we had also our lieutenant killed. On the 21st of April we renewed our efforts to land the men, while all the men of war were stationed along the shore to cover it, and fired at the French batteries and breast works from early in the morning till about four o'clock in the evening, when our soldiers effected a safe landing. They immediately attacked the French; and, after a sharp encounter, forced them from the batteries. Before the enemy retreated they blew up several of them, lest they should fall into our hands. Our men now proceeded to besiege the citadel, and my master was ordered on shore to superintend the landing of all the materials necessary for carrying on the siege; in which service I mostly attended him. While I was there I went about to different parts of the island; and one day, particularly, my curiosity almost cost me my life. I wanted very much to see the mode of charging the mortars and letting off the shells, and for that purpose I went to an English battery that was but a very few yards from the walls of the citadel. There, indeed, I had an opportunity of completely gratifying myself in seeing the whole operation, and that not without running a very great risk, both from the English shells that burst while I was there, but likewise from those of the French. One of the largest of their shells bursted within nine or ten yards of me: there was a single rock close by, about the size of a butt; and I got instant shelter under it in time to avoid the fury of the shell. Where it burst the earth was torn in such a manner that two or three butts might easily have gone into the hole it made, and it threw great quantities of stones and dirt to a considerable distance. Three shot were also fired at me and another boy who was along with me, one of them in particular seemed "Wing'd with red lightning and impetuous rage;" for with a most dreadfull sound it hissed close by me, and struck a rock at a little distance, which it shattered to pieces. When I saw what perilous circumstances I was in, I attempted to return the nearest way I could find, and thereby I got between the English and the French centinels. An English serjeant, who commanded the outposts, seeing me, and surprised how I came there, (which was by stealth along the seashore), reprimanded me very severely for it, and instantly took the centinel off his post into custody, for his negligence in suffering me to pass the lines. While I was in this situation I observed at a little distance a French horse, belonging to some islanders, which I thought I would now mount, for the greater expedition of getting off Accordingly I took some cord which I had about me, and making a kind of bridle of it, I put it round the horse's head, and the tame beast very quietly suffered me to tie him thus and mount him. As soon as I was on the horse's back I began to kick and beat him, and try every means to make him go quick, but all to very little purpose: I could not drive him out of a slow pace. While I was creeping along, still within reach of the enemy's shot, I met with a servant well mounted on an English horse, I immediately stopped; and, crying, told him my case; and begged of him to help me, and this he effectually did; for, having a fine large whip, he began to lash my horse with it so severely, that he set off full speed with me towards the sea, while I was quite unable to hold or manage him. In this manner I went along till I came to a craggy precipice. I now could not stop my horse; and my mind was filled with apprehensions of my deplorable fate should he go down the precipice, which he appeared fully disposed to do: I therefore thought I had better throw myself off him at once, which I did immediately with a great deal of dexterity, and fortunately escaped unhurt. As soon as I found my self at liberty I made the best of my way for the ship, determined I would not be so fool-hardy again in a hurry. We continued to besiege the citadel till June, when it surrendered. During the siege I have counted above sixty shells and carcases in the air at once. When this place was taken I went through the citadel, and in the bombproofs under it, which were cut in the solid rock; and I thought it a surprising place, both for strength and building: notwithstanding which our shots and shells had made amazing devastation, and ruinous heaps all around it. After the taking of this island, our ships with some others commanded by commodore Stanhope in the Swiftsure, went to Basse-road, where we blocked up a French fleet. Our ships were there from June till February following; and in that time I saw a great many scenes of war, and stratagems on both sides to destroy each others fleet. Sometimes we would attack the French with some ships of the line; at other times with boats; and frequently we made prizes. Once or twice the French attacked us by throwing shells with their bomb-vessels; and one day as a French vessel was throwing shells at our ships she broke from her springs, behind the isle of I de Re: the tide being complicated, she came within a gun shot of the Nassau; but the Nassau could not bring a gun to bear upon her, and thereby the Frenchman got off. We were twice attacked by their fire floats, which they chained together, and then let them float down with the tide; but each time we sent boats with graplings, and towed them safe out of the fleet. We had different commanders while we were at this place, Commodores stanhope, Dennis, Lord Howe, &c. From hence, before the spanish war began, our ship and the Wasp sloop were sent to St. Sebastian in spain, by Commodore Stanhope; and Commodore Dennis afterwards sent our ship as a cartel to Bayonne in France** Among others whom we brought from Bayonne, were two gentlemen, who had been in the West Indies, where they sold slaves; and they confessed they had made at one time a false bill of sale, and sold two Portuguese white men among a lot of slaves. [Equiano's note], after which †† Some people have it, that sometimes shortly before persons die, their ward has been seen; that is, some spirit exactly in their likeness, though they are themselves at other places at the same time. One day while we were at Bayonne, Mr. Mondle saw one of our men, as he thought, in the gun-room; and a little after, coming on the quarter-deck, he spoke of some circumstances of this man to some of the officers. They told him that the man was then out of the ship, in one of the boats with the Lieutenant: but Mr. Mondle would not believe it, and we searched the ship, when he found the man was actually out of her; and when the boat returned some time afterwards, we found the man had been drowned at the very time Mr. Mondle thought he saw him. [Equiano's note] we went in February in 1762, to Belle-Isle, and there stayed till the summer, when we lest it, and returned to Portsmouth. After our ship was fitted out again for service, in September she went to Guernsey, where I was very glad to see my old hostess, who was now a widow, and my former little charming companion, her daughter. I spent some time here very happily with them, till October, when we had orders to repair to Portsmouth. We parted from each other with a great deal of affection; and I promised to return soon, and see them again; not knowing what all-powerful fate had determined for me. Our ship having arrived at Portsmouth, we went into the harbour, and remained there till the latter end of November, when we heard great talk about a peace; and, to our very great joy, in the beginning of December we had orders to go up to London with our ship to be paid off. We received this news with loud huzzas, and every other demonstration of gladness; and nothing but mirth was to be seen throughout every part of the ship. I too was not without my share of the general joy on this occasion. I thought now of nothing but being freed, and working for myself, and thereby getting money to enable me to get a good education; for I always had a great desire to be able at least to read and write; and while I was on ship-board I had endeavoured to improve myself in both. While I was in the Aetna particularly, the captain's clerk taught me to write, and gave me a smattering of arithmetic as far as the rule of three. There was also one Daniel Queen, about forty years of age, a man very well educated, who messed with me on board this ship, and he likewise dressed and attended the captain. Fortunately this man soon became very much attached to me, and took very great pains to instruct me in many things. He taught me to shave and dress hair a little, and also to read in the Bible, explaining many passages to me, which I did not comprehend. I was wonderfully surprised to see the laws and rules of my own country written almost exactly here; a circumstance which I believe tended to impress our manners and customs more deeply on my memory. I used to tell him of this resemblance; and many a time we have sat up the whole night together at this employment. In short, he was like a father to me; and some even used to call me after his name; they also styled me the black Christian. Indeed I almost loved him with the affection of a son. Many things I have denied myself that he might have them; and when I used to play at marbles or any other game, and won a few halfpence, or got any little money, which I sometimes did, for shaving any one, I used to buy him a little sugar or tobacco, as far as my stock of money would go. He used to say, that he and I never should part; and that when our ship was paid off, as I was as free as himself or any other man on board, he would instruct me in his business, by which I might gain a good livelihood. This gave me new life and spirits; and my heart burned within me, while I thought the time long till I obtained my freedom. For though my master had not promised it to me, yet, besides the assurances I had received that he had no right to detain me, he always treated me with the greatest kindness, and reposed in me an unbounded confidence; he even paid attention to my morals; and would never suffer me to deceive him, or tell lies, of which he used to tell me the consequences; and that if I did so God would not love me; so that from all this tenderness, I had never once supposed, in all my dreams of freedom, that he would think of detaining me any longer than I wished. In pursuance of our orders we sailed from Portsmouth for the Thames, and arrived at Deptford the 10th of December, where we cast anchor just as it was high water. The ship was up about half an hour, when my master ordered the barge to be manned; and all in an instant, without having before given me the least reason to suspect any thing of the matter, he forced me into the barge; saying, I was going to leave him, but he would take care I should not. I was so struck with the unexpectedness of this proceeding, that for some time I did not make a reply, only I made an offer to go for my books and chest of clothes, but he swore I should not move out of his sight; and if I did he would cut my throat, at the same time taking his hanger. I began, however, to collect myself; and, plucking up courage, I told him I was free, and he could not by law serve me so. But this only enraged him the more; and he continued to swear, and said he would soon let me know whether he would or not, and at that instant sprung himself into the barge from the ship, to the astonishment and sorrow of all on board. The tide, rather unluckily for me, had just turned downward, so that we quickly fell down the river along with it, till we came among some outward-bound West Indiamen; for he was resolved to put me on board the first vessel he could get to receive me. The boat's crew, who pulled against their will, became quite faint different times, and would have gone ashore; but he would not let them. Some of them strove then to cheer me, and told me he could not sell me, and that they would stand by me, which revived me a little; and I still entertained hopes; for as they pulled along he asked some vessels to receive me, but they would not. But, just as we had got a little below Gravesend, we came alongside of a ship which was going away the next tide for the West Indies; her name was the Charming Sally, Captain James Doran; and my master went on board and agreed with him for me; and in a little time I was sent sor into the cabin. When I came there Captain Doran asked me if I knew him: I answered that I did not; 'Then,' said he, 'you are now my slave.' I told him my master could not sell me to him, nor to any one else. 'Why,' said he, 'did not your master buy you?' I confessed he did. 'But I have served him,' said I,' many years, and he has taken all my wages and prize-money, for I only got one sixpence during the war; besides this I have been baptized; and by the laws of the land no man has a right to sell me:' And I added, that I had heard a lawyer and others at different times tell my master so. They both then said that those people who told me so were not my friends; but I replied—'It was very extraordinary that other people did not know the law as well as they.' Upon this Captain Doran said I talked too much English; and if I did not behave myself well, and be quiet, he had a method on board to make me. I was too well convinced of his power over me to doubt what he said; and my former sufferings in the slaveship presenting themselves to my mind, the recollection of them made me shudder. However, before I retired I told them that as I could not get any right among men here I hoped I should hereafter in Heaven; and I immediately left the cabin, filled with resentment and sorrow. The only coat I had with me my master took away with him, and said, "If your prize-money had been 10,000l. I had a right to it all, and would have taken it.' I had about nine guineas, which, during my long sea-faring life, I had scraped together from trifling perquisites and little ventures; and I hid it that instant, lest my master should take that from me likewise, still hoping that by some means or other I should make my escape to the snore; and indeed some of my old snipmates told me not to despair, for they would get me back again; and that, as soon as they could get their pay, they would imme diately come to Portsmouth to me, where this ship was going: but, alas! all my hopes were baffled, and the hour of my deliverance was as yet far off. My master, having soon concluded his bargain with the captain, came out of the cabin, and he and his people got into the boat and put off; I followed them with aching eyes as long as I could, and when they were out of sight I threw myself on the deck, with a heart ready to burst with sorrow and anguish. CHAP. V. The author's reflections on his situation—Is deceived by a promise of being delivered—His despair at sailing for the West Indies—Arrives at Montserrat, where he is sold to Mr. King—Various in teresting instances of oppression, cruelty, and extortion, which the author saw practised upon the slaves in the West In dies during his captivity from the year 1763 to 1766—Address on it to the planters. THUS, at the moment I expected all my toils to end, was I plunged, as I supposed, in a new slavery; in comparison of which all my service hitherto had been perfect freedom; and whose horrors, always present to my mind, now rushed on it with tenfold aggra vation. I wept very bitterly for some time: and began to think that I must have done something to displease the Lord, that he thus punished me so severely. This filled me with painful reflections on my past conduct; I recollected that on the morning of our arrival at Deptford I had rashly sworn that as soon as we reached London I would spend the day in rambling and sport. My conscience smote me for this unguarded expression: I felt that the Lord was able to disappoint me in all things, and immediately considered my present situation as a judgment of Heaven on account of my presumption in swearing: I therefore, with contrition of heart, acknowledged my transgression to God, and poured out my soul before him with unfeigned repentance, and with earnest supplica tions I besought him not to abandon me in my distress, nor cast me from his mercy for ever. In a little time my grief, spent with its own violence, began to subside; and after the first confusion of my thoughts was over I reflected with more calmness on my present condition: I considered that trials and disappointments are sometimes for our good, and I thought God might perhaps have permitted this in order to teach me wisdom and resignation; for he had hitherto shadowed me with the wings of his mercy, and by his invisible but powerful hand brought me the way I knew not. These reflections gave me a little comfort, and I rose at last from the deck with dejection and sorrow in my countenance, yet mixed with some faint hope that the Lord would appear for my deliverance. soon afterwards, as my new master was going on shore, he called me to him, and told me to behave myself well, and do the business of the ship the same as any of the rest of the boys, and that I should sare the better for it; but I made him no answer. I was then asked If I could swim, and I said, No, How ever I was made to go under the deck, and was well watched. The next tide the ship got under way, and soon after arrived at the Mother Bank, Portsmouth; where she waited a few days for some of the West India convoy. While I was here I tried every means I could devise amongst the people of the ship to get me a boat from the shore, as there was none suf fered to come alongside of the ship; and their own, whenever it was used, was hoisted in again immediately. A sailor on board took a guinea from me on pretence of getting me a boat; and promised me, time after time, that it was hourly to come off. When he had the watch upon deck I watched also; and looked long enough, but all in vain; I could never see either the boat or my guinea again. And what I thought was still the worst of all, the fellow gave information, as I afterwards found, all the while to the mates, of my intention to go off, if I could in any way do it; but, rogue like, he never told them he had got a guinea from me to procure my escape. However, after we had sailed, and his trick was made known to the ship's crew, I had some satisfaction in seeing him detested and despised by them all for his behaviour to me. I was still in hopes that my old shipmates would not forget heir promise to come for me to Portsmouth: and, indeed, at last, but not till the day before we sailed, some of them did come there, and sent me off some oranges, and other tokens of their regard. They also sent me word they would come off to me themselves the next day or the day after; and a lady also, who lived in Gosport, wrote to me that she would come and take me out of the ship at the same time. This lady had been once very intimate with my former master: I used to sell and take care of a great deal of property for her, in different ships; and in return she always shewed great friendship for me, and used to tell my master that she would take me away to live with her: but, unfortunately for me, a disagreement soon afterwards took place between them; and she was succeeded in my master's good graces by another lady, who appeared sole mistress of the Aetna, and mostly lodged on board. I was not so great a favourite with this lady as with the former; she had conceived a pique against me on some occasion when she was on board, and she did not fail to instigate my master to treat me in the manner he did*.*Thus was I sacrificed to the envy and resentment of this woman for knowing that the lady whom she had succeeded in my master's good graces designed to take me into her service; which, had I once got on shore, she would not have been able to prevent. She felt her pride alarmed at the superiority of her rival in being attended by a black servant: it was not less to prevent this than to be revenged on me, that she caused the captain to treat me thus cruelly. [Equiano's note.] However, the next morning, the 30th of December, the wind being brisk and easterly, the Aeolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy, made a signal for failing. All the ships then got up their anchors; and, before any of my friends had an opportunity to come off to my relief, to my inexpressible anguish our ship had got under way. What tumultuous emotions agitated my soul when the convoy got under sail, and I a prisoner on board, now without hope! I kept my swimming eyes upon the land in a state of unutterable grief; not knowing what to do, and despairing how to help myself. While my mind was in this situation the fleet sailed on, and in one day's time I lost sight of the wished-for land. In the first expres sions of my grief I reproached my fate, and wished I had never been born. I was ready to curse the tide that bore us, the gale that wasted my prison, and even the ship that conducted us; and I called on death to relieve me from the horrors I felt and dreaded, that I might be in that place "Where slaves are free, and men oppress no more, "Fool that I was, inur'd so long to pain, "To trust to hope, or dream of joy again. "* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * "Now dragged once more beyond the western main, "To groan beneath some dastard planter's chain; "Where my poor countrymen in bondage wait "The long enfranchisement of a ling'ring fate; "Hard ling'ring fate! while, ere the dawn of day, "Rous'd by the lash they go their cheerless way; "And as their soul with shame and anguish burn, "Salute with groans unwelcome morn's return, "And, chiding ev'ry hour the slow-pac'd sun, "Pursue their toils till all his race is run. "No eye to mark their sufferings with a tear; "No friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer: "Then, like the dull unpity'd brutes, repair "To stalls as wretched, and as coarse a fare, "Thank heaven one day of mis'ry was o'er, "Then sink to sleep, and wish to wake no more‡.‡ "The Dying Negro," a poem originally published in 1773. Perhaps it may not be deemed impertinent here to add, that this elegant and pathetic little poem was occasioned, as appears by the advertisement prefixed to it, by the following incident. "A black, who, a few days before had ran away from his master, and got himself christened, with intent to marry a white woman his fellow-servant, being taken and sent on board a ship in the Thames, took an opportunity of shooting himself through the head." [Equiano's note] Equiano is quoting (imperfectly) from "The Dying Negro, A Poem", by Thomas Day and John Bicknell; as he notes, the poem was first published in 1773, and widely reprinted afterwards. The turbulence of my emotions however naturally gave way to calmer thoughts, and I soon perceived what fate had decreed no mortal on earth could prevent. The convoy sailed on without any accident, with a pleasant gale and smooth sea, for six weeks, till February, when one morning the Aeolus ran down a brig, one of the convoy, and she instantly went down and was ingulfed in the dark recesses of the ocean. The convoy was immediately thrown into great confusion till it was day-light; and the Aeolus was illumined with lights to prevent any farther mischief. On the 13th of Febru ary 1763, from the mast head, we descried our destined island Montserrat: and soon after I beheld those "Regions of sorrow, doleful shades, where peace "And rest can rarely dwell. Hope never comes "That comes to all, but torture without end "still urges." At the sight of this land of bondage, a fresh horror ran through all my frame, and chilled me to the heart. My former slavery now rose in dreadful review to my mind, and displayed nothing but misery, stripes, and chains; and, in the first paroxysm of my grief, I called upon God's thunder, and his avenging power, to direct the stroke of death to me, rather than permit me to become a slave, and be sold from lord to lord. In this state of my mind our ship came to an anchor, and soon after discharged her cargo. I now knew what it was to work hard; I was made to help to unload and load the ship. And, to comfort me in my distress in that time, two of the sailors robbed me of all my money, and ran away from the ship. I had been so long used to an European climate, that at first I felt the scorching West India sun very painful, while the dashing surf would toss the boat and the peo ple in it frequently above high water mark. sometimes our limbs were broken with this, or even attended with instant death, and I was day by day mangled and torn. About the middle of May, when the ship was got ready to sail for England, I all the time believing that Fate's blackest clouds were gathering over my head, and expecting their bursting would mix me with the dead, Captain Doran sent for me ashore one morning, and I was told by the mes senger that my fate was then determined. With trembling steps and fluttering heart I came to the captain, and found with him one Mr. Robert King, a quaker, and the first merchant in the place. The captain then told me my former master had sent me there to be sold; but that he had de sired him to get me the best master he could, as he told him I was a very deserving boy, which Captain Doran said he found to be true; and if he were to stay in the West Indies he would be glad to keep me himself; but he could not venture to take me to London, for he was very sure that when I came there I would leave him. I at that instant burst out a crying, and begged much of him to take me to England with him, but all to no purpose. He told me he had got me the very best master in the whole island, with whom I should be as happy as if I were in England, and for that reason he chose to let him have me, though he could sell me to his own brother-in-law for a great deal more money than what he got from this gentleman. Mr. King, my new master, then made a reply, and said the reason he had bought me was on account of my good character; and, as he had not the least doubt of my good behaviour, I should be very well off with him. He also told me he did not live in the West Indies, but at Philadelphia, where he was going soon; and, as I understood something of the rules of arithmetic, when we got there he would put me to school, and fit me for a clerk. This conversation relieved my mind a little, and I left those gentlemen considerably more at ease in myself than when I came to them; and I was very thankful to Captain Doran, and even to my old master, for the character they had given me; a character which I after wards found of infinite service to me. I went on board again, and took leave of all my shipmates; and the next day the ship sailed. When she weighed anchor I went to the waterside and looked at her with a very wishful and aching heart, and followed her with my eyes until she was totally out of sight. I was so bowed down with grief that I could not hold up my head for many months; and if my new master had not been kind to me I believe I should have died under it at last. And indeed I soon found that he fully deserved the good character which Captain Doran had given me of him; for he possessed a most amiable disposition and temper, and was very charitable and humane. If any of his slaves behaved amiss he did not beat or use them ill, but parted with them. This made them afraid of disobliging him; and as he treated his slaves better than any other man on the island, so he was better and more faithfully served by them in return. By this kind treatment I did at last endeavour to com pose myself; and with fortitude, though moneyless, determined to face whatever fate had decreed for me. Mr. King soon asked me what I could do; and at the same time said he did not mean to treat me as a common slave. I told him I knew something of sea manship, and could shave and dress hair pretty well; and I could refine wines, which I had learned on shipboard, where I had often done it; and that I could write, and understood arithmetic tolerably well as far as the Rule of Three. He then asked me if I knew any thing of gauging; and, on my answering that I did not, he said one of his clerks should teach me to guage. Mr. King dealt in all manner of merchandize, and kept from one to six clerks. He loaded many vessels in a year; particularly to Philadelphia, where he was born, and was connected with a great mercantile house in that city. He had besides many vessels and droggers, of different sizes, which used to go about the island; and others to collect rum, sugar, and other goods. I understood pulling and managing those boats very well; and this hard work, which was the first that he set me to, in the sugar seasons used to be my constant employment. I have rowed the boat, and slaved at the oars, from one hour to sixteen in the twenty-four; during which I had fif teen pence sterling per day to live on, though sometimes only ten pence. However this was considerably more than was allowed to other slaves that used to work often with me, and belonged to other gentlemen on the island: those poor souls had never more than nine-pence per day, and seldom more than six-pence, from their masters or owners, though they earned them three or four pisterinesThese pisterines are of the value of a shilling. [Equiano's note.]: for it is a common practice in the West Indies for men to purchase slaves though they have not plantations themselves, in order to let them out to planters and merchants at so much a piece by the day, and they give what allowance they chuse out of this pro duce of their daily work to their slaves for subsistence; this allowance is often very scanty. My master often gave the owners of these slaves two and a half of these pieces per day, and found the poor fellows in victuals himself, because he thought their owners did not feed them well enough according to the work they did. The slaves used to like this very well; and, as they knew my master to be a man of feeling, they were always glad to work for him in preference to any other gentleman; some of whom after they had been paid for these poor people's labours, would not give them their allowance out of it. Many times have I even seen these unfortunate wretches beaten for asking for their pay; and often severely flogged by their owners if they did not bring them their daily or weekly money exactly to the time; though the poor creatures were obliged to wait on the gentlemen they had worked for sometimes for more than half the day before they could get their pay; and this generally on sundays, when they wanted the time for themselves. In particular, I knew a countryman of mine who once did not bring the weekly money directly that it was earned; and though he brought it the same day to his master, yet he was staked to the ground for his pretended negligence, and was just going to receive a hundred lashes, but for a gentleman who begged him off fifty. This poor man was very industrious; and, by his frugality, had saved so much money by working on shipboard, that he had got a white man to buy him a boat, unknown to his master. some time after he had this little estate, the governor wanted a boat to bring his sugar from different parts of the island; and, knowing this to be a negro-man's boat, he seized upon it for himself, and would not pay the owner a farthing. The man on this went to his master, and complained to him of this act of the governor; but the only satisfaction he received was to be damned very heartily by his master, who asked him how dared any of his negroes to have a boat. If the justly-merited ruin of the governor's fortune could be any gratification to the poor man he had thus robbed, he was not without consolation. Extortion and rapine are poor providers; and some time after this the governor died in the King's Bench in England, as I was told, in great poverty. The last war favoured this poor negro-man, and he found some means to escape from his Christian master: he came to England; where I saw him afterwards several times. such treatment as this often drives these miserable wretches to despair, and they run away from their masters at the hazard of their lives. Many of them, in this place, unable to get their pay when they have earned it, and fearing to be flogged, as usual, if they return home without it, run away where they can for shelter, and a reward is often offered to bring them in dead or alive. My master used sometimes, in these cases, to agree with their owners, and to settle with them himself; and thereby he saved many of them a flogging. Once, for a few days, I was let out to fit a vessel, and I had no victuals allowed me by either party; at last I told my master of this treatment, and he took me away from it. In many of the estates, on the different islands where I used to be sent for rum or sugar, they would not deliver it to me, or any other negro; he was therefore obliged to send a white man along with me to those places; and then he used to pay him from six to ten pisterines a day. From being thus employed, during the time I served Mr. King, in going about the different estates on the island, I had all the opportunity I could wish for to see the dreadful usage of the poor men; usage that reconciled me to my situation, and made me bless God for the hands into which I had fallen. I had the good fortune to please my master in every department in which he employed me; and there was scarcely any part of his business, or houshold affairs, in which I was not occasionally engaged. I often supplied the place of a clerk, in receiving and delivering cargoes to the ships, in tending stores, and delivering goods: and, besides this, I used to shave and dress my master when convenient, and take care of his horse; and when it was necessary, which was very often, I worked likewise on board of different vessels of his. By these means I became very useful to my master; and saved him, as he used to acknowledge, above a hundred pounds a year. Nor did he scruple to say I was of more advantage to him than any of his clerks; though their usual wages in the West Indies are from sixty to a hundred pounds current a year. I have sometimes heard it asserted that a negro cannot earn his master the first cost; but nothing can be further from the truth. I suppose nine tenths of the mechanics throughout the West Indies are negro slaves; and I well know the coopers among them earn two dollars a day; the carpenters the same, and oftentimes more; as also the masons, smiths, and fishermen, &c. and I have known many slaves whose masters would not take a thousand pounds current for them. But surely this assertion refutes itself; for, if it be true, why do the planters and merchants pay such a price for slaves? And, above all, why do those who make this assertion exclaim the most loudly against the abolition of the slave trade? so much are men blinded, and to such inconsistent arguments are they driven by mistaken interest! I grant, indeed, that slaves are some times, by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working and stripes, reduced so low, that they are turned out as unfit for service, and left to perish in the woods, or expire on a dunghill. My master was several times offered by different gentlemen one hundred guineas for me; but he always told them he would not sell me, to my great joy: and I used to double my diligence and care for fear of getting into the hands of those men who did not allow a valuable slave the common support of life. Many of them even used to find fault with my master for feeding his slaves so well as he did; although I often went hungry, and an Englishman might think my fare very indifferent; but he used to tell them he always would do it, because the slaves thereby looked better and did more work. While I was thus employed by my master I was often a witness to cruelties of every kind, which were exercised on my unhappy fellow slaves. I used frequently to have different cargoes of new negroes in my care for sale; and it was almost a constant practice with our clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the chastity of the female slaves; and these I was, though with reluctance, obliged to submit to at all times, being unable to help them. When we have had some of these slaves on board my master's vessels to carry them to other islands, or to America, I have known our mates to commit these acts most shamefully, to the disgrace, not of Christians only, but of men. I have even known them gratify their brutal passion with females not ten years old; and these abominations some of them practised to such scandalous excess, that one of our captains discharged the mate and others on that account. And yet in Montserrat I have seen a negro man staked to the ground, and cut most shockingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit, because he had been connected with a white woman who was a common prostitute: as if it were no crime in the whites to rob an innocent African girl of her virtue; but most heinous in a black man only to gratify a passion of nature, where the temptation was offered by one of a different colour, though the most abandoned woman of her species. One Mr. D— told me that he had sold 41000 negroes, and that he once cut off a negro-man's leg for running away—I asked him if the man had died in the operation, how he as a christian could answer for the horrid act before God? and he told me, answering was a thing of another world; what he thought and did were policy. I told him that the christian doctrine taught us to do unto others as we would that others should do unto us. He then said that his scheme had the desired effect—it cured that man and some others of running away. Another negro-man was half hanged, and then burnt, for attempting to poison a cruel overseer. Thus by repeated cruelties are the wretched first urged to despair, and then murdered, because they still retain so much of human nature about them as to wish to put an end to their misery, and retaliate on their tyrants! These overseers are indeed for the most part persons of the worst character of any denomination of men in the West Indies. Unfortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not residing on their estates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the hands of these human butchers, who cut and mangle the slaves in a shocking manner on the most trifling occasions, and altogether treat them in every respect like brutes. They pay no regard to the situation of pregnant women, nor the least attention to the lodging of the field negroes. Their huts, which ought to be well covered, and the place dry where they take their little repose, are often open sheds, built in damp places; so that, when the poor creatures return tired from the toils of the field, they contract many disorders, from being exposed to the damp air in this uncomfortable state, while they are heated, and their pores are open. This neglect certainly conspires with many others to cause a decrease in the births as well as in the lives of the grown negroes. I can quote many instances of gentlemen who reside on their estates in the west Indies, and then the scene is quite changed; the negroes are treated with lenity and proper care, by which their lives are prolonged, and their masters profited. To the honour of humanity, I knew several gentlemen who managed their estates in this manner; and they found that benevolence was their true interest. And, among many I could mention in several of the islands, I knew one in Montserrat* whose slaves looked remarkably well, and never needed any fresh supplies of negroes; and there are many other estates, especially in Barbadoes, which, from such judicious treatment, need no fresh stock of negroes at any time. I have the honour of knowing a most worthy and humane gentleman, who is a native of Barbadoes, and has estates there. This gentleman has written a treatise on the usage of his own slaves. He allows them two hours for refreshment at mid-day; and many other indulgencies and comforts, particularly in their lying; and, besides this, he raises more provisions on his estate than they can destroy; so that by these attentions * Mr. Durbury, and many others, Montserrat. [Equiano's note] Sir Philip Gibbes, Baronet, Barbadoes. [Equiano's note.} he saves the lives of his negroes, and keeps them healthy, and as happy as the condition of slavery can admit. I myself, as shall appear in the sequel, managed an estate, where, by those attentions, the negroes were uncommonly cheerful and healthy, and did more work by half than by the common mode of treatment they usually do. For want, therefore, of such care and attention to the poor negroes, and otherwise oppressed as they are, it is no wonder that the decrease should require 20,000 new negroes annually to fill up the vacant places of the dead. Even in Barbadoes, notwithstanding those humane exceptions which I have mentioned, and others I am acquainted with, which justly make it quoted as a place where slaves meet with the best treatment, and need fewest recruits of any in the West Indies, yet this island requires 1000 negroes annually to keep up the original stock, which is only 80,000. so that the whole term of a negro's life may be said to be there but sixteen years*? And yet the climate here is in every respect the same as that from which they are taken, except in being more wholesome. Do the British colonies decrease in this manner? And yet what a prodigious difference is there between an English and West India climate? While I was in Montserrat I knew a negro man, named Emanuel Sankey, who endeavoured to escape from his miserable bondage, by concealing himself on board of a London ship: but fate did not favour the poor oppressed man; for, being discovered when the vessel was under sail, he was delivered up again to his master. This Christian * Benezet's Account of Guinea, p. 16. [Equiano's note]. Anthony Benezet's Some Historical Account of Guinea,first published in Philadelphia in 1771, was a widely-known and much reprinted text in this period. master immediately pinned the wretch down to the ground at each wrist and ancle, and then took some sticks of sealing wax, and lighted them, and droped it all over his back. There was another master who was noted for cruelty; and I believe he had not a slave but what had been cut, and had pieces fairly taken out of the flesh: and after they had been punished thus, he used to make them get into a long wooden box or case he had for that purpose, in which he shut them up during pleasure. It was just about the height and breadth of a man; and the poor wretches had no room, when in the case to move. It was very common in several of the islands, particularly in st. Kitt's, for the slaves to be branded with the initial letters of their master's name; and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks. Indeed on the most trifling occasions they were loaded with chains; and often instruments of torture were added. The iron muzzle, thumb-screws, &c. are so well known, as not to need a description, and were sometimes applied for the slightest faults. I have seen a negro beaten till some of his bones were broken, for only letting a pot boil over. Is it surprising that usage like this should drive the poor creatures to despair, and make them seek a refuge in death from those evils which render their lives intolerable—while, "With shuddering horror pale, and eyes aghast, "They view their lamentable lot, and find "No rest!" This they frequently do. A negro-man on board a vessel of my master, while I belonged to her, having been put in irons for some trifling misdemeanor, and kept in that state for some days, being weary of life, took an opportunity of jumping overboard into the sea; however, he was picked up without being drowned. Another, whose life was also a burden to him, resolved to starve himself to death, and refused to eat any victuals: this procured him a severe flogging: and he also, on the first occasion which offered, jumped overboard at Charles Town, but was saved. Nor is there any greater regard shewn to the little property than there is to the persons and lives of the negroes. I have already related an instance or two of particular oppression out of many which I have witnessed; but the following is frequent in all the islands. The wretched field-slaves, after toiling all the day for an unfeeling owner, who gives them but little victuals, steal sometimes a few moments from rest or refreshment to gather some small portion of grass, according as their time will admit. This they commonly tie up in a parcel; either a bit's worth (six-pence) or half a bit's worth; and bring it to town, or to the market, to sell. Nothing is more common than for the white people on this occasion to take the grass from them without paying for it; and not only so, but too often also, to my knowledge, our clerks, and many others, at the same time have committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpless females; whom I have seen for hours stand crying to no purpose, and get no redress or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and crying sin enough to bring down God's judgment on the islands? He tells us the oppressor and the oppressed are both in his hands; and if these are not the poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the bruised, which our saviour speaks of, who are they? One of these depredators once, in st. Eustatia, came on board of our vessel, and bought some fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day after his departure with the things, he returned again and wanted his money back: I refused to give it; and, not seeing my captain on board, he began the common pranks with me; and swore he would even break open my chest and take my money. I therefore expected, as my captain was absent, that he would be as good as his word: and he was just proceeding to strike me, when fortunately a British seaman on board, whose heart had not been debauched by a West India climate, interposed and prevented him. But had the cruel man struck me I certainly should have defended myself at the hazard of my life; for what is life to a man thus oppressed? He went away, however, swearing; and threatened that whenever he caught me on shore he would shoot me, and pay for me afterwards. The small account in which the life of a negro is held in the West Indies, is so universally known, that it might seem impertinent to quote the following extract, if some people had not been hardy enough of late to assert that negroes are on the same footing in that respect as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the Assembly of Barbadoes, it is enacted 'That if any negro, or other slave, under punishment by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other crime or misdemeanor towards his said master, unfortunately shall suffer in life or member, no person whatsoever shall be liable to a fine; but if any man shall out of wantonness, or only of bloody-mindedness, or cruel iniention, wilfully kill a negro, or other slave, of his own, he shall pay into the public treasury fifteen pounds sterling.' And it is the same in most, if not all, of the West India islands. Is not this one of the many acts of the islands which call loudly for redress? And do not the Assembly which enacted it deserve the appellation of savages and brutes rather than of christians and men? It is an act at once unmerciful, unjust, and unwise; which for cruelty would disgrace an assembly of those who are called barbarians; and for its injustice and insanity would shock the morality and common sense of a Samaide or Hottentot. shocking as this and many more acts of the bloody West India code at first view appear, how is the iniquity of it heightened when we consider to whom it may be extended! Mr. James Tobin, a zealous labourer in the vineyard of slavery gives an account of a French planter of his acquaintance, in the island of Martinico, who shewed him many mulattoes working in the fields like beasts of burden; and he told Mr. Tobin these were all the produce of his own loins! And I myself have known similar instances. Pray, reader, are these sons and daughters of the French planter less his children by being begotten on black women? And what must be the virtue of those legislators, and the feelings of those fathers, who estimate the lives of their sons, however begotten, at no more than fifteen pounds; though they should be murdered, as the act says, out of wantonness and bloody-mindedness! But is not the slave trade entirely a war with the heart of man? And surely that which is begun by breaking down the barriers of virtue involves in its continuance destruction to every principle, and buries all sentiments in ruin! I have often seen slaves, particularly those who were meagre, in different islands, put into scales and weighed; and then sold from three pence to six pence or nine pence a pound. My master, however, whose humanity was shocked at this mode, used to sell such by the lump. And at or after a sale it was not uncommon to see negroes taken from their wives, wives taken from their husbands, and children from their parents, and sent off to other islands, and wherever else their merciless lords choose; and probably never more during life see each other! Oftentimes my heart has bled at these partings; when the friends of the departed have been at the water side, and, with sighs and tears, have kept their eyes fixed on the vessel, till it went out of sight. A poor Creole negro I knew well, who, after having been often thus transported from island to island, at last resided in Montserrat. This man used to tell me many melancholy tales of himself. Generally, after he had done working for his master, he used to employ his few leisure moments to go a fishing. When he had caught any fish, his master would frequently take them from him without paying him; and at other times some other white people would serve him in the same manner. One day he said to me, very movingly, 'sometimes when a white man take away my fish I go to my maser, and he get me my right; and when my maser by strength take away my fishes, what me must do? I can't go to any body to be righted; then,' said the poor man, looking up above, 'I must look up to God Mighty in the top for right.' This artless tale moved me much, and I could not help feeling the just cause Moses had in redressing his brother against the Egyptian. I exhorted the man to look up still to the God on the top, since there was no redress below. Though I little thought then that I myself should more than once experience such imposition, and need the same exhortation hereafter, in my own transactions in the islands; and that even this poor man and I should some time after suffer together in the same manner, as shall be related hereafter. Nor was such usage as this confined to particular places or individuals; for, in all the different islands in which I have been (and I have visited no less than fifteen) the treatment of the slave, was nearly the same; so nearly indeed, that the history of an island, or even a plantation, with a few such exceptions as I have mentioned, might serve for a history of the whole. such a tendency has the slave-trade to debauch men's minds, and harden them to every feeling of humanity! For I will not suppose that the dealers in slaves are born worse than other men—No; it is the fatality of this mistaken avarice, that it corrupts the milk of human kindness and turns it into gall. And, had the pursuits of those men been different, they might have been as generous, as tender-hearted and just, as they are unfeeling, rapacious and cruel. surely this traffic cannot be good, which spreads like a pestilence, and taints what it touches! which violates that first natural right of mankind, equality and independency, and gives one man a dominion over his fellows which God could never intend! For it raises the owner to a state as far above man as it depresses the slave below it; and, with all the presumption of human pride, sets a distinction between them, immeasurable in extent, and endless in duration! Yet how mis taken is the avarice even of the planters. Are slaves more useful by being thus humbled to the condition of brutes, than they would be if suffered to enjoy the privileges of men? The freedom which diffuses health and prosperity through out Britain answers you—No. When you make men slaves you deprive them of half their virtue, you set them in your own conduct an example of fraud, rapine, and cruelty, and compel them to live with you in a state of war; and yet you complain that they are not honest or faithful! You stupify them with stripes, and think it necessary to keep them in a state of ignorance; and yet you assert that they are incapable of learning; that their minds are such a barren soil or moor, that culture would be lost on them; and that they come from a climate, where nature, though prodigal of her bounties in a degree unknown to yourselves, has left man alone scant and unfinished; and incapable of enjoying the treasures she has poured out for him!—An as sertion at once impious and absurd. Why do you use those instruments of torture? Are they fit to be applied by one rational being to another? And are ye not struck with shame and mortification, to see the partakers of your nature reduced so low? But, above all, are there no dangers attending this mode of treatment? Are you not hourly in dread of an insurrection? Nor would it be surprising: for when "—No peace is given "To us enslav'd, but custody severe; "And stripes and arbitrary punishment "Inflicted—What peace can we return? "But to our power, hostility and hate; "Untam'd reluctance, and revenge, though slow. "Yet ever plotting how the conqueror least "May reap his conquest, and may least rejoice "In doing what we most in suffering feel." But by changing your conduct, and treating your slaves as men, every cause of fear would be banished. They would be faithful, honest, intelligent and vigorous; and peace, prosperity, and happiness, would attend you. CHAP. VI. some account of Brimstone-Hill in Montserrat—Favourable change in the author's situation—He commences merchant with three pence—His various success in dealing in the different islands, and America, and the impositions he meets with in his transactions with Europeans—A cu rious imposition on human nature—Dan ger of the surfs in the West Indies—Remarkable instance of kidnapping a free mulatto—Ths author is nearly murdered by Doctor Perkins in savannah. IN the precedeing chapter I have set before the reader a few of those many instances of oppression, extortion, and cruelty, which I have been a witness to in the West Indies: but, were I to enumerate them all, the catalogue would be tedious and disgusting. The punishments of the slaves on every trifling oc casion are so frequent, and so well known together with the different instruments with which they are tortured, that it cannot any longer afford novelty to recite them; and they are too shocking to yield delight either to the writer or the reader. I shall therefore here after only mention such as incidentally befell myself in the course of my adventures. In the variety of departments in which I was employed by my master, I had an opportunity of seeing many curious scenes in different islands; but, above all, I was struck with a celebrated curiosity called Brimstone-Hill, which is a high and steep mountain, some few miles from the town of Plymouth in Montserrat. I had often heard of some wonders that were to be seen on this hill, and I went once with some white and black people to visit it. When we arrived at the top, I saw under different cliffs great flakes of brimstone, occasioned by the steams of various little ponds, which were then boiling naturally in the earth. some of these ponds were as white as milk, some quite blue, and many others of different colours. I had taken some potatoes with me, and I put them into different ponds, and in a few minutes they were well boiled. I tasted some of them, but they were very sulphurous; and the silver shoe buckles, and all the other things of that metal we had among us, were, in a little time turned as black as lead. some time in the year 1763, kind Providence seemed to appear rather more favourable to me. One of my master's vessels, a Bermudas sloop, about sixty tons burthen was commanded by one Captain Thomas Farmer, an English man, a very alert and active man, who gained my master a great deal of money by his good mangement in carry ing passengers from one island to ano ther; but very often his sailors used to get drunk and run away from the vessel, which hindered him in his business very much. This man had taken a liking to me; and many different times begged of my master to let me go a trip with him as a sailor; but he would tell him he could not spare me, though the vessel sometimes could not go for want of hands, for sailors were generally very scarce in the island. However, at last, from necessity or force, my master was prevailed on, though very reluctantly, to let me go with this captain; but he gave him great charge to take care that I did not run away, for if I did he would make him pay for me. This being the case, the captain had for some time a sharp eye upon me whenever the vessel anchored; and as soon as she returned I was sent for on shore again. Thus was I slaving as it were for life, sometimes at one thing, and sometimes at another; so that the cap tain and I were nearly the most useful men in my master's employment. I also became so useful to the captain on shipboard, that many times, when he used to ask for me to go with him, though it should be but for twenty four hours, to some of the islands near us, my master would answer he could not spare me, at which the captain would swear, and would no go the trip; and tell my master I was better to him on board than any three white men he had; for they used to behave ill in many respects, particularly in getting drunk; and then they frequently got the boat stove, so as to hinder the ves sel from coming back as soon as she might have done. This my master knew very well; and at last, by the captain's constant entreaties, after I had been several times with him, one day to my great joy, told me the captain would not let him rest, and asked whether I would go aboard as a sailor, or stay on shore and mind the stores, for he could not bear any longer to be plagued in this manner. I was very happy at this proposal, for I immediately thought I might in time stand some chance by being on board to get a little money, or possibly make my escape if I should be used ill: I also expected to get better food, and in greater abundance; for I had oftentimes felt much hunger, though my master treated his slaves, as I have observed, uncommonly well. I therefore, with out hesitation, answered him, that I would go and be a sailor if he pleased. Accordingly I was ordered on board directly. Nevertheless, between the vessel and the shore, when she was in port, I had little or no rest, as my master always wished to have me along with him. Indeed he was a very plea sant gentleman, and but for my expec tations on shipboard I should not have thought of leaving him. But the captain liked me also very much, and I was entirely his right-hand man. I did all I could to deserve his favour, and in return I received better treatment from him than any other I believe ever met with in the West Indies in my situation. After I had been sailing for some time with this captain, at length I endea voured to try my luck and commence merchant. I had but a very small capital to begin with; for one single half bit, which is equal to three-pence in England, made up my whole stock. However I trusted to the Lord to be with me; and at one of our trips to St. Eustatia, a Dutch island, I bought a glass tumbler with my half bit, and when I came to Montserrat I sold it for a bit, or six-pence. Luckily we made several successive trips to st. Eustatia (which was a general mart for the West Indies, about twenty leagues from Montserrat) and in our next, finding my tumbler so profitable, with this one bit I bought two tumblers more; and when I came back I sold them for two bits equal to a shilling sterling. When we went again I bought with these two bits four more of these glasses, which I sold for fout bits on our return to Montserrat: and in our next voyage to st. Eustatia, I bought two glasses with one bit, and with the other three I bought a jug of Geneva, nearly about three pints in measure. When we came to Montserrat, I sold the gin for eight bits, and the tumblers for two, so that my capital now amounted in all to a dollar, well husbanded and acquired in the space of a month or six weeks, when I blessed the Lord that I was so rich. As we sailed to different islands, I laid this money out in various things occasionally, and it used to turn to very good account, especially when we went to Guadaloupe, Grenada, and the rest of the French islands. Thus was I going all about the islands upwards of four years, and ever trading as I went, during which I experienced many instances of ill usage, and have seen many injuries done to other negroes in our dealings with whites: and, amidst our recreations, when we have been dancing and merry-making, they, without cause, have molested and insulted us. Indeed I was more than once obliged to look up to God on high, as I had advised the poor fisherman some time before. And I had not been long trading for myself in the manner I have related above, when I experienced the like trial in company with him as follows: This man being used to the water, was upon an emer gency put on board of us by his master to work as another hand, on a voyage to santa Cruz; and at our sailing he had brought his little all for a venture which consisted of six bits' worth of limes and oranges in a bag; I had also my whole stock, which was about twelve bits' worth of the same kind of goods, separate in two bags; for we had heard these fruits sold well in that island. When we came there, in some little convenient time he and I went ashore with our fruits to sell them; but we had scarcely landed when we were met by two white men, who presently took our three bags from us. We could not at first guess what they meant to do; and for some time we thought they were jesting with us; but they too soon let us know otherwise, for they took our ventures immediately to a house hard by, and adjoining the fort, while we followed all the way begging of them to give us our fruits, but in vain. They not only refused to return them but swore at us, and threatened if we did not immediately depart they would flog us well. We told them these three bags were all we were worth in the world, and that we brought them with us to sell when we came from Montserrat, and shewed them the vessel. But this was rather against us, as they now saw we were strangers as well as slaves. They still therefore swore, and desired us to be gone, and even took sticks to beat us; while we, seeing they meant what they said, went off in the greatest confusion and despair. Thus, in the very minute of gaining more by three times than I ever did by any venture in my life before, was I deprived of every farthing I was worth. An insupportable misfortune! but how to help ourselves we knew not. In our consternation we went to the commanding officer of the fort, and told him how we had been served by some of his people; but we obtained not the least redress: he answered our complaints only by a volley of imprecations against us, and immediately took a horse-whip, in order to chastise us, so that we were obliged to turn out much faster than we came in. I now, in the agony of distress and indig nation, wished that the ire of God in his forked lightning might transsix these cruel oppressors among the dead. still however we persevered; went back again to the house, and begged and besought them again and again for our fruits, till at last some other people that were in the house asked if we would be contented if they kept one bag and gave us the other two. We, seeing no remedy whatever, consented to this; and they, observing one bag to have both kinds of fruit in it, which be longed to my companion, kept that; and the other two, which were mine they gave us back. As soon as I got them, I ran as fast as I could, and got the first negro man I could to help me off; my companion, however, stayed a little longer to plead; he told them the bag they had was his, and likewise all that he was worth in the world; but this was of no avail, and he was obliged to return without it. The poor old man wringing his hands, cried bitterly for his loss; and, indeed, he then did look up to God on high, which so moved me with pity for him, that I gave him nearly one third of my fruits. We then proceeded to the markets to sell them; and Providence was more favourable to us than we could have expected, for we sold our fruits uncommonly well; I got for mine about thirty-seven bits. such a surprising reverse of fortune in so short a space of time seemed like a dream, and proved no small encouragement for me to trust the Lord in any situa tion. My captain afterwards frequently used to take my part, and get me my right, when I have been plun dered or used ill by these tender Chris tian depredators; among whom I have shuddered to observe the unceasing blasphemous execrations which are want only thrown out by persons of all ages and conditions, not only without oc casion, but even as if they were indul gences and pleasure. At one of our trips to st. Kitt's, I had eleven bits of my own; and my friendly captain lent me five more, with which I bought a Bible. I was very glad to get this book, which I fcarcely could meet with any where. I think there was none sold in Mont serrat; and, much to my grief, from being forced out of the Aetna in the manner I have related, my Bible, and the Guide to the Indians, the two books I loved above all others, were left behind. While I was in this place, st. Kitt's, a very curious imposition on human nature took place:—A white man wanted to marry in the church a free black woman that had land and slaves in Montserrat: but the clergyman told him it was against the law of the place to marry a white and a black in the church. The man then asked to be married on the water, to which the parson consented, and the two lovers went in one boat, and the parson and clerk in another, and thus the ceremony was performed. After this the loving pair came on board our vessel, and my captain treated them extremely well, and brought them safe to Montserrat. The reader cannot but judge of the irksomeness of this situation to a mind like mine, in being daily exposed to new hardships and impositions, after having seen many better days, and been as it were, in a state of freedom and plenty; added to which, every part of the world I had hitherto been in, seemed to me a paradise in comparison of the West Indies. My mind was therefore hourly replete with inventions and thoughts of being freed, and, if possible, by honest and honourable means; for I always remembered the old adage; and I trust it has ever been my ruling principle, that "Honesty is the best policy;" and likewise that other golden precept—"To do unto all men as I would they should do unto me." However, as I was from early years a predestinarian, I thought whatever fate had determined must ever come to pass; and therefore, if ever it were my lot to be freed nothing could prevent me, although I should at present see no means or hope to obtain my freedom; on the other hand, if it were my fate not to be freed I never should be so, and all my endeavours for that purpose would be fruitless. In the midst of these thoughts I therefore looked up with prayers anxiously to God for my liberty; and at the same time used every honest means, and did all that was possible on my part to obtain it. In process of time I became master of a few pounds, and in a fair way of making more, which my friendly captain knew very well; this occasioned him sometimes to take liberties with me; but whenever he treated me waspishly I used plainly to tell him my mind, and that I would die before I would be imposed upon as other negroes were, and that to me life had lost its relish when liberty was gone. This I said although I foresaw my then well-being or future hopes of freedom (humanly speaking) depended on this man. However, as he could not bear the thoughts of my not failing with him, he always became mild on my threats. I therefore continued with him; and, from my great attention to his orders and his business, I gained him credit, and through his kindness to me I at last procured my liberty. While I thus went on, filled with the thoughts of freedom, and resisting oppression as well as I was able, my life hung daily in suspence, particularly in the surfs I have formerly mentioned, as I could not swim. These are extremely violent throughout the West Indies, and I was ever exposed to their howling rage and devouring fury in all the islands. I have seen them strike and toss a boat right up an end, and maim several on board. Once in the Grenada islands, when I and about eight others were pulling a large boat with two pun cheons of water in it, a surf struck us, and drove the boat and all in it about half a stone's throw, among some trees, and above the high water mark. We were obliged to get all the assistance we could from the nearest estate to mend the boat, and launch it into the water again. At Montserrat one night, in pressing hard to get off the shore on board, the punt was overset with us four times; the first time I was very near being drowned; however the jacket I had on kept me up above water a little space of time, while I called on a man near me who was a good swimmer, and told him I could not swim; he then made haste to me, and, just as I was sinking, he caught hold of me, and brought me to sounding, and then he went and brought the punt also. As soon as we had turned the water out of her, lest we should be used ill for being absent, we attempted again three times more, and as often the horrid surfs served us as at first; but at last, the fifth time we attempted, we gained our point, at the eminent hazard of our lives. One day also, at Old Road in Montserrat, our captain, and three men besides myself, were going in a large canoe in quest of rum and sugar, when a single surf tossed the canoe an amazing distance from the water, and some of us, near a stone's throw from each other: most of us were very much bruised; so that I and many more often said, and really thought, that there was not such another place under the heavens as this. I longed therefore much to leave it, and daily wished to see my master's promise performed of going to Philadelphia. While we lay in this place a very cruel thing happened on board of our sloop which filled me with horror; though I found afterwards such practices were frequent. There was a very clever and decent free young mulatto-man who sailed a long time with us: he had a free woman for his wife, by whom he had a child; and she was then living on shore, and all very happy. Our captain and mate, and other people on board, and several elsewhere, even the natives of Bermudas, all knew this young man from a child that he was always free, and no one had ever claimed him as their property: however, as might too often overcomes right in these parts, it happened that a Bermudas captain, whose vessel lay there for a few days in the road, came on board of us, and seeing the mulatto man, whose name was Joseph Clipson, he told him he was not free, and that he had orders from his master to bring him to Bermudas. The poor man could not believe the captain to be in earnest; but he was very soon undeceived, his men laying violent hands on him; and although he shewed a certificate of his being born free in St. Kitt's, and most people on board knew that he served his time to boat building, and always passed for a free man, yet he was forcibly taken out of our vessel. He then asked to be carried ashore before the secretary or magistrates, and these infernal invaders of human rights promised him he should; but, instead of that, they carried him on board of the other vessel: and the next day, without giving the poor man any hearing on shore, or suffering him even to see his wife or child, he was carried away, and probably doomed never more in this world to see them again. Nor was this the only instance of this kind of barbarity I was a witness to. I have since often seen in Jamaica and other islands, free men, whom I have known in America, thus villainously trepanned and held in bondage. I have heard of two similar practices even in Philadelphia: and were it not for the benevolence of the quakers in that city, many of the sable race, who now breathe the air of liberty, would, I believe, be groaning indeed under some planter's chains. These things opened my mind to a new scene of horror to which I had been before a stranger. Hitherto I had thought only slavery dreadful; but the state of a free negro appeared to me now equally so at least, and in some respects even worse, for they live in constant alarm for their liberty; which is but nominal, for they are universally insulted and plundered without the possibility of redress; for such is the equity of the West Indian laws, that no free negro's evidence will be admitted in their courts of justice. In this situation is it surprising that slaves, when mildly treated, should prefer even the misery of slavery to such a mockery of freedom? I was now completely disgusted with the West Indies, and thought I never should be entirely free until I had left them. "With thoughts like these my anxious boding mind "Recall'd those pleasing scenes I left behind; "Scenes where fair Liberty in bright array "Makes darkness bright, and e'en illumines day; "Where nor complexion, wealth, or station, can "Protect the wretch who makes a slave of man." I determined to make every exertion to obtain my freedom, and to return to Old England. For this purpose I thought a knowledge of navigation might be of use to me; for, though I did not intend to run away unless I should be ill used; yet, in such a case, if I understood navigation, I might attempt my escape in our sloop, which was one of the swiftest sailing vessels in the West Indies, and I could be at no loss for hands to join me: and if I should make this attempt, I had intended to have gone for England; but this, as I said, was only to be in the event of my meeting with any ill usage. I therefore employed the mate of our vessel to teach me navigation, for which I agreed to give him twenty-four dollars, and actually paid him part of the money down; though when the captain, some time after, came to know that the mate was to have such a sum for teaching me, he rebuked him, and said it was a shame for him to take any money from me. However, my progress in this useful art was much retarded by the constancy of our work. Had I wished to run away I did not want opportunities, which frequently presented themselves; and particularly at one time, soon after this. When we were at the island of Gaudaloupe there was a large fleet of merchantmen bound for Old France; and, seamen then being very scarce, they gave from fifteen to twenty pounds a man for the run. Our mate, and all the white sailors, left our vessel on this account, and went on board of the French ships. They would have had me also to go with them, for they regarded me; and swore to protect me, if I would go: and, as the fleet was to sail the next day, I really believe I could have got safe to Europe at that time. However, as my master was kind, I would not attempt to leave him; still remembering the old maxim, that \'honesty is the best policy,' I suffered them to go without me. Indeed my captain was much afraid of my leaving him and the vessel at that time, as I had so fair an opportunity: but, I thank God, this fidelity of mine turned out much to my advantage hereafter, when I did not in the least think of it; and made me so much in favour with the captain, that he used now and then to teach me some parts of navigation himself; but some of our passengers, and others, seeing this, found much fault with him for it, saying it was a very dangerous thing to let a negro know navigation; thus I was hindered again in my pursuits. About the latter end of the year 1764, my master bought a larger sloop, called the Prudence, about seventy or eighty tons, of which my captain had the command. I went with him into this vessel, and we took a load of new slaves for Georgia and Charles Town. My master now left me entirely to the captain, though he still wished for me to be with him; but I, who always much wished to lose sight of the West Indies, was not a little rejoiced at the thoughts of seeing any other country. Therefore, relying on the goodness of my captain, I got ready all the little venture I could; and, when the vessel was ready, we sailed to my great joy. When we got to our destined places, Georgia and Charles Town, I expected I should have an opportunity of selling my little property to advantage: but here, particularly in Charles Town, I met with buyers, white men, who imposed on me as in other places. Notwithstanding, I was resolved to have fortitude; thinking no lot or trial too hard when kind Heaven is the rewarder. We soon got loaded again, and returned to Montserrat; and there, amongst the rest of the islands, I sold my goods well; and in this manner I continued trading during the year 1764; meeting with various scenes of imposition, as usual. After this, my master fitted out his vessel for Philadelphia, in the year 1765; and during the time we were loading her, and getting ready for the voyage, I worked with redoubled alacrity, from the hope of getting money enough by these voyages to buy my freedom, in time, if it should please God; and also to see the town of Philadelphia, which I had heard a great deal about for some years past; besides which, I had always longed to prove my master's promise the first day I came to him. In the midst of these elevated ideas, and while I was about getting my little merchandize in readiness, one Sunday my master sent for me to his house. When I came there I found him and the captain together; and, on my going in, I was struck with astonishment at his telling me he heard that I meant to run away from him when I got to Philadelphia: 'And therefore,' said he, 'I must sell you again: you cost me a great deal of money, no less than forty pounds sterling; and it will not do to lose so much. You are a valuable fellow,' continued he; 'and I can get any day for you one hundred guineas, from many gentlemen in this island.' And then he told me of Captain Doran's brother-in-law, a severe master, who ever wanted to buy me to make me his overseer. My captain also said he could get much more than a hundred guineas for me in Carolina. This I knew to be a fact; for the gentleman that wanted to buy me came off several times on board of us, and spoke to me to live with him, and said he would use me well. When I asked what work he would put me to, he said, as I was a sailor, he would make me a captain of one of his rice vessels. But I refused: and fearing at the same time, by a sudden turn I saw in the captain's temper, he might mean to sell me, I told the gentleman I would not live with him on any condition, and that I certainly would run away with his vessel: but he said he did not fear that, as he would catch him again; and then he told me how cruelly he would serve me if I should do so. My captain, however, gave him to understand that I knew something of navigation: so he thought better of it; and, to my great joy, he went away. I now told my master I did not say I would run away in Philadelphia; neither did I mean it, as he did not use me ill, nor yet the captain: for if they did I certainly would have made some attempts before now; but as I thought that if it were God's will I ever should be freed it would be so, and, on the contrary, if it was not his will it would not happen; so I hoped if ever I were freed, whilst I was used well, it should be by honest means; but as I could not help myself, he must do as he pleased; I could only hope and trust to the God of Heaven; and at that instant my mind was big with inventions and full of schemes to escape. I then appealed to the captain whether he ever saw any sign of my making the least attempt to run away; and asked him if I did not always come on board according to the time for which he gave me liberty; and, more particularly, when all our men left us at Gaudaloupe and went on board of the French fleet, and advised me to go with them, whether I might not, and that he could not have got me again. To my no small surprise, and very great joy, the captain confirmed every syllable that I had said: and even more: for he said he had tried different times to see if I would make any attempt of this kind, both at St. Eustatia and in America, and he never found that I made the smallest; but on the contrary, I always came on board according to his orders; and he did really believe, if I ever meant to run away, that, as I could never have had a better opportunity, I would have done it the night the mate and all the people left our vessel at Guadaloupe. The captain then informed my master, who had been thus imposed on by our mate, (though I did not know who was my enemy,) the reason the mate had for imposing this lie upon him; which was, because I had acquainted the captain of the provisions the mate had given away or taken out of the vessel. This speech of the captain was like life to the dead to me, and instantly my soul glorified God; and still more so on hearing my master immediately say that I was a sensible fellow, and he never did intend to use me as a common slave; and that but for the entreaties of the captain, and his character of me, he would not have let me go from the stores about as I had done: that also, in so doing, he thought by carrying one little thing or other to different places to sell I might make money. That he also intended to encourage me in this, by crediting me with half a puncheon of rum and half a hogshead of sugar at a time; so that, from being careful, I might have money enough, in some time, to purchase my freedom; and, when that was the case, I might depend upon it he would let me have it for forty pounds sterling money, which was only the same price he gave for me. This sound gladdened my poor heart beyond measure; though indeed it was no more than the very idea I had formed in my mind of my master long before, and I immediately made him this reply: 'sir, I always had that very thought of you, indeed I had, and that made me so diligent in serving you.' He then gave me a large piece of silver coin, such as I never had seen or had before, and told me to get ready for the voyage, and he would credit me with a tierce of sugar, and another of rum; he also said that he had two amiable sisters in Philadelphia, from whom I might get some necessary things. Upon this my noble captain desired me to go aboard; and, knowing the African metal, he charged me not to say any thing of this matter to any body; and he promised that the lying mate should not go with him any more. This was a change indeed; in the same hour to feel the most exquisite pain, and in the turn of a moment the fullest joy. It caused in me such sensations as I was only able to express in my looks; my heart was so overpowered with gratitude that I could have kissed both of their feet. When I left the room I immediately went, or rather flew, to the vessel, which being loaded, my master, as good as his word, trusted me with a tierce of rum, and another of sugar, when we sailed, and arrived safe at the elegant town of Philadelphia. I soon sold my goods here pretty well; and in this charming place I found every thing plentiful and cheap. While I was in this place a very extraordinary occurrence befell me. I had been told one evening of a wise woman, a Mrs. Davis, who revealed secrets, foretold events, etc. I put little faith in this story at first, as I could not conceive that any mortal could foresee the future disposals of Providence, nor did I believe in any other revelation than that of the Holy Scriptures; however, I was greatly astonished at seeing this woman in a dream that night, though a person I never before beheld in my life; this made such an impression on me, that I could not get the idea the next day out of my mind, and I then became as anxious to see her as I was before indifferent; accordingly in the evening, after we left off working, I inquired where she lived, and being directed to her, to my inexpressible surprise, beheld the very woman in the very same dress she appeared to me to wear in the vision. she immediately told me I had dreamed of her the preceding night; related to me many things that had happened with a correctness that astonished me; and finally told me I should not be long a slave: this was the more agreeable news, as I believed it the more readily from her having so faithfully related the past incidents of my life. she said I should be twice in very great danger of my life within eighteen months, which, if I escaped, I should afterwards go on well; so giving me her blessing, we parted. After staying here some time till our vessel was loaded, and I had bought in my little traffic, we sailed from this agreeable spot for Montserrat, once more to encounter the raging surfs. We arrived safe at Montserrat, where we discharged our cargo; and soon after that we took slaves on board for St. Eustatia, and from thence to Georgia. I had always exerted myself and did double work, in order to make our voyages as short as possible; and from thus overworking myself while we were at Georgia I caught a fever and ague. I was very ill for eleven days and near dying; eternity was now exceedingly impressed on my mind, and I feared very much that awful event. I prayed the Lord therefore to spare me; and I made a promise in my mind to God, that I would be good if ever I should recover. At length, from having an eminent doctor to attend me, I was restored again to health; and soon after we got the vessel loaded, and set off for Montserrat. During the passage, as I was perfectly restored, and had much business of the vessel to mind, all my endeavours to keep up my integrity, and perform my promise to God, began to fail; and, in spite of all I could do, as we drew nearer and nearer to the islands, my resolutions more and more declined, as if the very air of that country or climate seemed fatal to piety. When we were safe arrived at Montserrat, and I had got ashore, I forgot my former resolutions.—Alas! how prone is the heart to leave that God it wishes to love! and how strongly do the things of this world strike the senses and captivate the soul!—After our vessel was discharged, we soon got her ready, and took in, as usual, some of the poor oppressed natives of Africa, and other negroes; we then set off again for Georgia and Charlestown. We arrived at Georgia, and, having landed part of our cargo, proceeded to Charlestown with the remainder. While we were there I saw the town illuminated; the guns were fired, and bonfires and other demonstrations of joy shewn, on account of the repeal of the stamp act. Here I disposed of some goods on my own account; the white men buying them with smooth promises and fair words, giving me, however, but very indifferent payment. There was one gentleman particularly who bought a puncheon of rum of me, which gave me a great deal of trouble; and, although I used the interest of my friendly captain, I could not obtain any thing for it; for, being a negro man, I could not oblige him to pay me. This vexed me much, not knowing how to act; and I lost some time in seeking after this Christian; and though, when the Sabbath came (which the negroes usually make their holiday) I was much inclined to go to public worship, I was obliged to hire some black men to help to pull a boat across the water to go in quest of this gentleman. When I found him, after much entreaty, both from myself and my worthy captain, he at last paid me in dollars; some of them, however, were copper, and of consequence of no value; but he took advantage of my being a negro man, and obliged me to put up with those or none, although I objected to them. Immediately after, as I was trying to pass them in the market, amongst other white men, I was abused for offering to pass bad coin; and, though I shewed them the man I got them from, I was within one minute of being tied up and flogged without either judge or jury; however, by the help of a good pair of heels, I ran off, and so escaped the bastinadoes I should have received. I got on board as fast as I could, but still continued in fear of them until we sailed, which I thanked God we did not long after; and I have never been amongst them since. We soon came to Georgia, where we were to complete our lading; and here worse fate than ever attended me: for one Sunday night, as I was with some negroes in their master's yard in the town of Savannah, it happened that their master, one Doctor Perkins, who was a very severe and cruel man, came in drunk; and not liking to see any strange negroes in his yard, he and a ruffian of a white man, he had in his service, beset me in an instant, and both of them struck me with the first weapons they could get hold of. I cried out as long as I could for help and mercy; but, though I gave a good account of myself, and he knew my captain, who lodged hard by him, it was to no purpose. They beat and mangled me in a shameful manner, leaving me near dead. I lost so much blood from the wounds I received, that I lay quite motionless, and was so benumbed that I could not feel any thing for many hours. Early in the morning they took me away to the jail. As I did not return to the ship all night, my captain, not knowing where I was, and being uneasy that I did not then make my appearance, he made inquiry after me; and, having found where I was, immediately came to me. As soon as the good man saw me so cut and mangled, he could not forbear weeping; he soon got me out of jail to his lodgings, and immediately sent for the best doctors in the place, who at first declared it as their opinion that I could not recover. My captain on this went to all the lawyers in the town for their advice, but they told him they could do nothing for me as I was a negro. He then went to Doctor Perkins, the hero who had vanquished me, and menaced him, swearing he would be revenged of him, and challenged him to fight.—But cowardice is ever the companion of cruelty—and the Doctor refused. However, by the skilfulness of one Doctor Brady of that place, I began at last to amend; but, although I was so sore and bad with the wounds I had all over me that I could not rest in any posture, yet I was in more pain on account of the captain's uneasiness about me than I otherwise should have been. The worthy man nursed and watched me all the hours of the night; and I was, through his attention and that of the doctor, able to get out of bed in about sixteen or eighteen days. All this time I was very much wanted on board, as I used frequently to go up and down the river for rafts, and other parts of our cargo, and stow them, when the mate was sick or absent. In about four weeks I was able to go on duty; and in a fortnight after, having got in all our lading, our vessel set sail for Montserrat; and in less than three weeks we arrived there safe towards the end of the year. This ended my adventures in 1764; for I did not leave Montserrat again till the beginning of the following year. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. THE LIFE, &c. CHAP. VII. The author's disgust at the West Indies—Forms schemes to obtain his freedom—Ludicrous disappointment he and his Cap tain meet with in Georgia—At last, by several successful voyages, he acquires a sum of money sufficient to purchase it—Applies to his master, who accepts it, and grants his manumission, to his great joy—He afterwards enters as a freeman on board one of Mr. King's ships, and sails for Georgia—Impositions on free negroes as usual—His venture of turkies—sails for Montserrat, and on his passage his friend the Captain, falls ill and dies. EVERY day now brought me nearer my freedom, and I was impatient till we proceeded again to sea, that I might have an opportunity of getting a sum large enough to purchase it. I was not long ungratified; for, in the begin ing of the year 1766, my master bought another sloop, named the Nancy, the largest I had ever seen. She was partly laden, and was to proceed to Philadelphia; our Captain had his choice of three, and I was well pleased he chose this, which was the largest; for, from his having a large vessel, I had more room, and could carry a larger quantity of goods with me. Accordingly, when we had delivered our old vessel, the Prudence, and completed the lading of the Nancy, having made near three hundred per cent, by four barrels of pork I brought from Charlestown, I laid in as large a cargo as I could, trusting to God's providence to prosper my undertaking. With these views I sailed for Philadelphia. On our passage, when we drew near the land, I was for the first time surprised at the sight of some whales, having never seen any such large sea monsters before; and as we sailed by the land, one morning I saw a puppy whale close by the vessel; it was about the length of a wherry boat, and it followed us all the day till we got within the Capes. We arrived safe and in good time at Philadelphia, and I sold my goods there chiefly to the quakers. They always appeared to be a very honest discreet sort of people, and never attempted to impose on me; I therefore liked them, and ever after chose to deal with them in preference to any others. One sunday morning while I was here, as I was going to church, I chanced to pass a meeting-house. The doors being open, and the house full of people, it excited my curiosity to go in. When I entered the house, to my great sur prise, I saw a very tall woman standing in the midst of them, speaking in an audible voice something which I could not understand. Having never seen any thing of this kind before, I stood and stared about me for some time, wondering at this odd scene. As soon as it was over, I took an opportunity to make inquiry about the place and people, when I was informed they were called Quakers. I particularly asked what that woman I saw in the midst of them had said, but none of them were pleased to satisfy me, so I quitted them, and soon after, as I was returning, I came to a church crowded with people; the church-yard was full likewise, and a number of people were even mounted on ladders, looking in at the windows. I thought this a strange sight, as I had never seen churches, either in England or the West Indies crowded in this manner before. I therefore made bold to ask some peo ple the meaning of all this, and they told me the Rev. Mr. George Whitfield was preaching. I had often heard of this gentleman, and had wished to see and hear him; but I had never before had an opportunity. I now therefore resolved to gratify myself with the sight, and pressed in amidst the multitude. When I got into the church I saw this pious man exhorting the people with the greatest fervour and earnestness, and sweating as much as I ever did while in slavery on Montserrat beach. I was very much struck and impressed with this; I thought it strange I had never seen divines exert themselves in this manner before, and was no longer at a loss to account for the thin congregations they preached to. When we had discharged our cargo here, and were loaded again, we left this fruitful land once more, and set sail for Montserrat. My traffic had hitherto succeeded so well with me, that I thought by selling my goods when we arrived at Montserrat, I should have enough to purchase my freedom. But as soon as our vessel arrived there, my master came on board, and gave orders for us to go to St. Eustatia, and discharge our cargo there, and from thence proceed for Georgia. I was much disappointed at this; but, thinking as usual, it was of no use to encounter with the decrees of fate, I submitted without repining, and we went to St. Eustatia. After we had discharged our cargo there, we took in a live cargo, (as we call a cargo of slaves.) Here I sold my goods tolerably well; but, not being able to lay out all my money in this small island to as much advantage as in many other places, I laid out only part, and the re mainder I brought away with me neat. We sailed from hence for Georgia, and I was glad when we got there, though I had not much reason to like the place from my last adventure in Savannah; but I longed to get back to Montserrat and procure my freedom, which I expected to be able to purchase when I returned. As soon as we arrived here I waited on my careful doctor, Mr. Brady, to whom I made the most grate ful acknowledgments in my power for his former kindness and attention during my illness. While we remained here an odd circumstance happened to the captain and me, which disappointed us both a good deal. A silversmith, whom we had brought to this place some voyages before, agreed with the Captain to return with us to the West Indies, and promised at the same time to give the Captain a great deal of money, having pretended to take a liking to him, and being, as we thought, very rich. But while we stayed to load our vessel, this man was taken ill, in a house where we worked, and in a week's time became very bad. The worse he grew the more he used to speak of giving the Captain what he had promised him, so that he expected something considerable from the death of this man, who had no wife or child, and he attended him day and night. I used also to go with the Captain, at his own desire, to attend him: especially when we saw there was no appearance of his recovery: and, in order to recompense me for my trouble, the Captain promised me ten pounds, when he should get the man's property. I thought this would be of great service to me, although I had nearly money enough to purchase my freedom, if I should get safe this voyage to Montserrat. In this expectation I laid out above eight pounds of my money for a suit of superfine clothes to dance in at my freedom, which I hoped was then at hand.--- We still continued to attend this man, being with him the last day he lived till very late at night. After we were got to bed, about one or two o'clock in the morning, the Captain was sent for, and informed the man was dead. On this he came to my bed, and, waking me, informed me of it, and desired me to get up and procure a light, and immediately go with him. I told him I was very sleepy, and wished he would take somebody else with him; or else, as the man was dead, and could want no farther attendance, to let all things remain as they were till the next morn ing. 'No, no,' said he, 'we will have the money to night, I cannot wait till to-morrow; so let us go.' Accordingly I got up and struck a light, and away we both went, and saw the man as dead as we could wish. The Captain said he would give him a grand burial, in gratitude for the promised treasure; and desired that all the things belonging to the deceased might be brought forth. Amongnst others there was a nest of drawers, of which he had kept the keys whilst the man was ill, and we opened them with no small eagerness and expectation; and as there were a great number within one another, with much impatience we took them one out of the other. At last, when we came to the smallest, and had opened it, we perceived it to be full of papers, and supposed to be notes; at the sight of which our hearts leapt for joy; and that instant the Captain clap ping his hands, cried out, 'Thank God here it is.' But when we came to the supposed treasure and long-looked-for bounty, (alas! alas! how uncertain and deceitful are all human affairs!) what had we found? While we thought we were embracing a substance, we grasped an empty nothing. The whole amount in the nest of drawers being only one dollar and a half; and all that the man possessed would not pay for his coffin!. Our sudden and exquisite joy was now succeeded by a sudden and exquisite pain; and my Captain and I exhibited, for some time, most ridiculous figures—pictures of chagrin and disappointment! We returned greatly mor tified, and left the deceased to do as well as he could for himself, as we had taken so good care of him when alive for nothing. We set sail once more for Montserrat, and arrived there safe; but much out of humour with our friend the silversmith. When we had unladen the vessel, and I had sold my venture, finding myself master of about forty-seven pounds, I consulted my true friend, the Captain, how I should proceed in offering my master the money for my freedom. He told me to come on a certain morning, when he and my master would be at breakfast together. Accordingly, on that morning I went, and met the Captain there, as he had appointed. When I went in I made my obeisance to my master, and with my money in my hand, and many fears in my heart, I prayed him to be as good as his offer to me, when he was pleased to promise me my freedom as soon as I could purchase it. This speech seemed to con found him; he began to recoil; and my heart that instant sunk within me. 'What,' said he, 'give you your freedom? Why, where did you get the money? Have you got forty-pounds sterling?' 'Yes, sir,' I answered. 'How did you get it?' replied he. I told him, very honestly. The Captain then said he knew I got the money very honestly and with much in dustry, and that I was particularly careful. On which my master replied, I got money much faster than he did; and said he would not have made me the promise which he did if he had thought I should have got money so soon. 'Come, come,' said my worthy Captain, clapping my master on the back, 'Come, Robert, (which was his name) I think you must let him have his freedom;—you have laid your money out very well; you have received good interest for it all this time, and here is now the principal at last. I know Gustavas has earned you more than an hundred a-year, and he will still save you money, as he will not leave you:—Come, Robert, take the money.' My master then said, he would not be worse than his promise; and, taking the money, told me to go to the secretary at the Register Office, and get my manumission drawn up. These words of my master were like a voice from heaven to me: in an in stant all my trepidation was turned into unutterable bliss, and I most reverently bowed myself with gratitude, unable to express my feelings, but by the overflowing of my eyes, and a heart replete with thanks to God; while my true and worthy friend the Captain, congratulated us both with a peculiar degree of heart-felt pleasure. As soon as the first transports of my joy were over, and that I had expressed my thanks to these my worthy friends in the best manner I was able, I rose with a heart full of affection and reverence, and left the room, in order to obey my master's joyful mandate of going to the Register Of fice. As I was leaving the house I called to mind the words of the Psalmist, in the 126th Psalm, and like him, 'I glorified God in my heart, in whom I trusted.' These words had been impressed on my mind from the very day I was forced from Deptford to the present hour; and I now saw them, as I thought, fulfilled and verified. My imagination was all rapture as I flew to the Register Office; and, in this respect, like the apostle Peter, (whose deliverance from prison was so sudden and ex traordinary, that he thought he was in a vision) I could scarcely believe I was awake. Heavens! who could do justice to my feelings at this moment! Not conquering heroes themselves, in the midst of a triumph—Not the tender mother who has just regained her long lost infant, and presses it to her heart—Not the weary hungry mariner, at the sight of the desired friendly port—Not the lover, when he once more embraces his beloved mistress, after she has been ravished from his arms!—All within my breast was tumult, wildness, and delirium! My feet scarcely touched the ground; for they were winged with joy, and, like Elijah, as he rose to Heaven, they 'were with lightning sped as I went on.' Every one I met I told of Acts xii. 9. [Equiano's note] my happiness and blazed about the virtue of my amiable master and captain. When I got to the office and acquainted the Register with my errand, he congratulated me on the occasion, and told me he would draw up my manumission for half-price, which was a guinea. I thanked him for his kindness; and, having received it and paid him, I hastened to my master to get him to sign it, that I might be fully released. Accordingly he signed the manumission that day; so that, before night I, who had been a slave in the morning, trembling at the will of another, was become my own master and completely free. I thought this was the happiest day I had ever experienced; and my joy was still heightened by the blessings and prayers of many of the sable race, particularly the aged, to whom my heart had ever been attached with reverence. As the form of my manumission has something peculiar in it, and expresses the absolute power and dominion one man claims over his fellow. I shall beg leave to present it before my readers at full length: Montserrat.—To all men unto whom these presents shall come; I Robert King, of the parish of st. Anthony in the said island, merchant, send greeting: Know ye that I the aforesaid Robert King, for and in consideration of the sum of seventy pounds current mo ney of the said island, to me in hand paid, and to the intent that a negro man-slave, named GUSTAVUS VASA, shall and may become free, have manumitted, emancipated, enfranchised, and set free, and by these presents do manumit, emancipate, enfranchise, and set free, the aforesaid negro man-slave, named GUSTAVUS VASA, for ever; hereby giving, granting, and releasing unto him, the said GUSTAVUS VASA, all right, title, dominion, sovereignty, and pro perty, which, as lord and master over the aforesaid Gustavus Vasa, I had, or now have, or by any means whatso ever I may or can hereafter possibly have over him the aforesaid negro, for ever. In witness whereof, I the abovesaid Robert King have unto these presents set my hand and seal, this tenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty six. ROBERT KING. Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of Terry Legay, Montserrat. Registered the within manumission at full length, this eleventh day of July, 1766, in liber D. TERRY LEGAY, Register. In short, the fair as well as black people immediately styled me by a new appellation, to me the most desirable in the world, which was Freeman, and at the dances I gave, my Georgia superfine blue clothes made no indifferent appearance as I thought. Some of the sable females, who formerly stood aloof, now began to relax and appear less coy; but my heart was still fixed on London, where I hoped to be ere long. So that my worthy captain and his owner my late master, finding that the bent of my mind was towards London, said to me, 'We hope you won't leave us, but that you will still be with the vessels.' Here gratitude bowed me down; and none but the generous mind can judge of my feelings, struggling between in clination and duty. However, notwithstanding my wish to be in London, I obediently answered my benefactors that I would go in the vessel, and not leave them; and from that day I was entered on board as an able-bodied seaman, at thirty-six shillings per month, besides what perquisites I could make. My intention was to make a voyage or two entirely to please these my honoured patrons; but I determined that the year following, if it pleased God, I would see Old England, once more, and surprise my old master, Capt. Pascal, who was hourly in my mind; for I still loved him, notwithstanding his usage of me, and I pleased myself with thinking of what he would say when he saw what the Lord had done for me in so short a time, instead of being, as he might perhaps suppose, under the cruel yoke of some planter. With these kind of reveries I used often to entertain my self, and shorten the time till my return; and now, being as in my original free African state, I embarked on board the Nancy, after having got all things ready for our voyage. In this state of serenity we sailed for St. Eustatia; and having smooth seas and calm weather, we soon arrived there; after taking our cargo on board, we proceeded to Savannah in Georgia, in August, 1766. While we were there, as usual, I used to go for the cargo up the rivers in boats; and on this business have been frequently beset by Alligators, which were very numerous on that coast; and shot many of them when they have been near getting into our boats; which we have with great difficulty sometimes prevented, and have been very much frightened at them. I have seen a young one sold in Georgia alive for sixpence. During our stay at this place, one evening a slave belonging to Mr. Read, a merchant of Savannah, came near our vessel, and began to use me very ill. I entreated him to desist, as I knew there was little or no law for a free negro here; but the fellow, instead of taking my advice, persevered in his insults, and even struck me. At this I lost all temper, and fell on him, and beat him soundly. The next morning his master came to our vessel as we lay alongside the wharf, and desired me to come ashore that he might have me flogged all round the town, for beating his negro slave! I told him he had insulted me, and had given the provo cation, by first striking me. I had told my captain also the whole affair that morning, and desired him to go along with me to Mr. Read, to prevent bad consequences: but he said that it did not signify, and if Mr. Read said any thing he would make matters up, and desired me to go to work, which I accordingly did. The Captain be ing on board when Mr. Read came and applied to him to deliver me up, he said he knew nothing of the matter, I was a free man. I was astonished and frightened at this, and thought I had better keep where I was than go ashore and be flogged round the town, with out judge or jury. I therefore refused to stir; and Mr. Read went away, swearing he would bring all the con stables in the town, for he would have me out of the vessel. When he was gone, I thought his threat might prove too true to my sorrow; and I was confirmed in this belief, as well by the many instances I had seen of the treatment of free negroes, as from a fact that had happened within my own knowledge here a short time before. There was a free black man, a carpenter, that I knew, who for asking a gentleman that he worked for, for the money he had earned, was put into gaol; and afterwards this oppressed man was sent from Georgia, with false accusations, of an intention to set the gentleman's house on fire, and run away with his slaves. I was therefore much embarrassed, and very apprehensive of a flogging at least. I dreaded, of all things, the thoughts of being striped, as I never in my life had the marks of any violence of that kind. At that instant a rage seized my soul, and for a little I determined to resist the first man that should offer to lay violent hands on me, or basely use me without a trial; for I would sooner die like a free man, than suffer myself to be scourged by the hands of ruffians, and my blood drawn like a slave. The captain and others, more cautious, advised me to make haste and conceal myself; for they said Mr. Read was a very spiteful man, and he would soon come on board with constables and take me. At first I refused this counsel, being determined to stand my ground; but at length, by the prevailing entreaties of the Captain and Mr. Dixon, with whom he lodged, I went to Mr. Dixon's house, which was a little out of town, at a place called Yea-ma-chra. I was but just gone when Mr. Read, with the constables, came for me, and searched the vessel; but, not finding me there, he swore he would have me dead or alive. I was secreted about five days; however, the good character which my captain always gave me as well as some other gentlemen who also knew me, procured me some friends. At last some of them told my Captain that he did not use me well, in suffering me thus to be imposed upon, and said they would see me redressed, and get me on board some other vessel. My Captain, on this, immediately went to Mr. Read, and told him, that ever since I eloped from the vessel his work had been neglected, and he could not go on with her loading, himself and mate not being well; and, as I had managed things on board for them, my absence must retard his voyage, and consequently hurt the owner; he therefore begged of him to forgive me, as he said he never heard any complaint of me before, during the several years I had been with him. After repeated entreaties, Mr. Read said I might go to hell, and that he would not meddle with me; on which my Captain came immediately to me at his lodging, and, telling me how pleasantly matters had gone on, desired me to go on board. Some of my other friends then asked him if he had got the constable's warrant from them; the Captain said, No. On this I was desired by them to stay in the house; and they said they would get me on board of some other vessel before the evening. When the Captain heard this he became almost distracted. He went immediately for the warrant, and, after using every exertion in his power, he at last got it from my hunters; but I had all the expences to pay. After I had thanked all my friends for their kindness, I went on board again to my work, of which I had always plenty. We were in haste to complete our lading, and were to carry twenty head of cattle with us to the West-Indies, where they are a very profitable article. In order to encourage me in working, and to make up for the time I had lost, my Captain promised me the privilege of carrying two bullocks of my own with me; and this made me work with redoubled ardour. As soon as I had got the vessel loaded, in doing which I was obliged to perform the duty of the mate as well as my own work, and that the bullocks were near coming on board, I asked the Captain leave to bring my two, according to his promise; but, to my great surprise, he told me there was no room for them. I then asked him to permit me to take one; but he said he could not. I was a good deal mortified at this usage, and told him I had no notion that he intended thus to impose on me; nor could I think well of any man that was so much worse than his word. On this we had some disagreement, and I gave him to understand, that I intended to leave the vessel. At this he appeared to be very much dejected; and our mate who had been very sickly, and whose duty had long devolved upon me, advised him to persuade me to stay: in consequence of which he spoke very kindly to me, making many fair promises, telling me, that, as the mate was so sickly, he could not do without me; and that, as the safety of the vessel and cargo depended greatly upon me, he therefore hoped that I would not be offended at what had passed between us, and swore he would make up all matters when we arrived in the West-Indies; so I consented to slave on as before. Soon after this, as the bullocks were coming on board, one of them ran at the Captain, and butted him so furiously in the breast, that he never recovered of the blow. In order to make me some amends for his treatment about the bullocks, the Captain now pressed me very much to take some turkeys, and other fowls, with me, and gave me liberty to take as many as I could find room for: but I told him he knew very well I had never carried any turkeys before, as I always thought they were such tender birds that they were not fit to cross the seas. However, he continued to press me to buy them for once; and, what seemed very surprising to me, the more I was against it, the more he urged my taking them, insomuch that he ensured me from all losses that might happen by them, and I was prevailed on to take them; but I thought this very strange, as he had never acted so with me before. This, and not being able to dispose of my paper-money any other way, induced me at length to take four dozen. The turkeys, however, I was so dissatisfied about that I determined to make no more voyages to this quarter, nor with this captain; and was very apprehensive that my free voyage would be the worst I had ever made. We set sail for Montserrat. The captain and mate had been both complaining of sickness when we sailed, and as we proceeded on our voyage they grew worse. This was about November, and we had not been long at sea before we began to meet with strong northerly gales and rough seas; and in about seven or eight days all the bullocks were near being drowned, and four or five of them died. Our vessel, which had not been tight at first, was much less so now: and, though we were but nine in the whole, including five sailors and myself, yet we were obliged to attend to the pumps every half or three quarters of an hour. The captain and mate came on deck as often as they were able, which was now but seldom; for they declined so fast, that they were not well enough to make observations above four or five times the whole voyage. The whole care of the vessel rested, therefore upon me, and I was obliged to direct her by mere dint of reason, not being able to work a traverse. The captain was now very sorry he had not taught me navigation, and protested, if ever he should get well again, he would not fail to do so; but in about seventeen days his illness increased so much, that he was obliged to keep his bed, continuing sensible, however, till the last, constantly having the owner's interest at heart; for this just and benevolent man ever appeared much concerned about the welfare of what he was intrusted with. When this dear friend found the symptoms of death approaching, he called me by my name; and, when I came to him, he asked (with almost his last breath) if he had ever done me any harm? 'God forbid I should think so,' replied I, 'I should then be the most ungrateful of wretches to the best of benefactors.' While I was thus expressing my affection and sorrow by his bedside, he expired without saying another word; and the day following we committed his body to the deep. Every man on board loved him, and regretted his death; but I was exceedingly affected at it, and found that I did not know, till he was gone, the strength of my regard for him. Indeed I had every reason in the world to be attached to him; for, besides that he was in general mild, affable, generous, faithful, benevolent, and just, he was to me a friend and father; and had it pleased Providence, that he had died about five months before, I verily believe I should not have obtained my freedom when I did; and it is no improbable that I might not have been able to get it at any rate afterwards. The captain being dead, the mate came on the deck, and made such observations as he was able, but to no purpose. In the course of a few days more, the few bullocks that remained were found dead; but the turkies I had, though on the deck, and exposed to so much wet and bad weather, did well, and I afterwards gained near three hundred per cent, on the sale of them; so that in the event it proved a happy circumstance for me that I had not bought the bullocks I intended, for they must have perished with the rest; and I could not help looking on this, otherwise trifling circumstance, as a particular providence of God, and was thankful accordingly. The care of the vessel took up all my time, and engaged my attention entirely. As we were now out of the variable winds, I thought I should not be much puzzled to hit upon the islands. I was persuaded I steered right for Antigua, which I wished to reach, as the nearest to us; and in the course of nine or ten days we made this island, to our great joy; and the day after we came safe to Montserrat. Many were surprised when they heard of my conducting the sloop into the port, and I now obtained a new appellation, and was called Captain. This elated me not a little, and it was quite flattering to my vanity to be thus styled by as high a title as any freeman in this place possessed. When the death of the captain became known, he was much regretted by all who knew him; for he was a man universally respected. At the same time the sable Captain lost no fame; for the success I had met with increased the affection of my friends in no small measure. CHAP. VIII. The author, to oblige Mr. King, once more embarks for Georgia in one of his vessels—A new captain is appointed—They sail, and steer a new course—Three remarkable dreams—The vessel is shipwrecked on the Bahama Bank, but the crew are preserved, principally by means of the author—He sets out from the island with the captain, in a small boat, in quest of a ship—Their distress—Meet with a wrecker—Sail for Providence—Are overiaken again by a terrible storm, and are all near perishing—Arrive at New Providence—The author, after some time, sails from thence to Georgia—Meets with another storm, and is obliged to put back and resit—Arrives at Georgia—Meets new impositions—Two white men attempt to kidnap him—Officiates as a parson at a funeral ceremony—Bids adieu to Georgia, and sails for Martinico. As I had now, by the death of my captain, lost my great benefactor and friend, I had little inducement to remain longer in the West Indies, except my gratitude to Mr. King, which I thought I had pretty well discharged in bringing back his vessel safe, and delivering his cargo to his satisfaction. I began to think of leaving this part of the world, of which I had been long tired, and returning to England, where my heart had always been; but Mr. King still pressed me very much to stay with his vessel; and he had done so much for me that I found myself unable to refuse his requests, and consented to go another voyage to Georgia, as the mate, from his ill state of health, was quite useless in the vessel. Accordingly a new captain was appointed, whose name was William Phillips, an old acquaintance of mine; and, having refitted our vessel, and taken several slaves on board, we set sail for St. Eustatia, where we stayed but a few days: and on the 30th of January 1767, we steered for Georgia. Our new captain boasted strangely of his skill in navigating and conducting a vessel; and in consequence of this he steered a new course, several points more to the westward than we ever did before; this appeared to me very extraordinary. On the fourth of February, which was soon after we had got into our new course, I dreamt the ship was wrecked amidst the surfs and rocks, and that I was the means of saving every one on board; and on the night following I dreamed the very same dream. These dreams however made no impression on my mind; and the next evening, it being my watch below, I was pumping the vessel a little after eight o'clock, just before I went off the deck, as is the custom; and being weary with the duty of the day, and tired at the pump, (for we made a good deal of water) I began to express my impatience, and uttered with an oath, 'Damn the vessel's bottom out.' But my conscience instantly smote me for the expression. When I left the deck I went to bed, and had scarcely fallen asleep when I dreamed the same dream again about the ship as I had dreamt the two preceeding nights. At twelve o'clock the watch was changed; and, as I had always the charge of the captain's watch, I then went upon deck. At half after one in the morning the man at the helm saw something under the lee-beam that the sea washed against, and he immediately called to me that there was a grampus, and desired me to look at it. Accordingly I stood up and observed it for some time; but, when I saw the sea wash up against it again and again, I said it was not a fish but a rock. Being soon certain of this, I went down to the captain, and, with some confusion, told him the danger we were in, and desired him to come upon deck immediately. He said it was very well, and I went up again. As soon as I was upon deck, the wind, which had been pretty high, having abated a little, the vessel began to be carried sideways towards the rock, by means of the current. Still the captain did not appear. I therefore went to him again, and told him the vessel was then near a large rock, and desired he would come up with all speed. He said he would, and I returned to the deck. When I was upon the deck again I saw we were not above a pistol shot from the rock, and I heard the noise of the breakers all around us. I was exceedingly alarmed at this; and the captain having not yet come on the deck I lost all patience; and, growing quite enraged, I ran down to him again, and asked him why he did not come up, and what he could mean by all this? 'The breakers,' said I, 'are round us, and the vessel is almost on the rock.' With that he came on the deck with me, and we tried to put the vessel about, and get her out of the current, but all to no purpose, the wind being very small. We then called all hands up immediately; and after a little we got up one end of a cable, and fastened it to the anchor. By this time the surf was foamed round us, and made a dreadful noise on the breakers, and the very moment we let the anchor go the vessel struck against the rocks. One swell now succeeded another, as it were one wave calling on its fellow; the roaring of the billows increased, and, with one single heave of the swells, the sloop was pierced and transfixed among the rocks! in a moment a scene of horror presented itself to my mind, such as I never had conceived or experienced before. All my sins stared me in the face; and especially, I thought that God had hurled his direful vengeance on my guilty head for cursing the vessel on which my life depended. My spirits at this forsook me, and I expected every moment to go to the bottom: I determined if I should still be saved that I would never swear again. And in the midst of my distress, while the dreadful surfs were dashing with unremitting fury among the rocks, I remembered the Lord, though fearful that I was undeserving of forgiveness, and I thought that as he had often delivered he might yet deliver; and, calling to mind the many mercies he had shewn me in times past, they gave me some small hope that he might still help me. I then began to think how we might be saved; and I believe no mind was ever like mine so replete with inventions and confused with schemes, though how to escape death I knew not. The captain immediately ordered the hatches to be nailed down on the slaves in the hold, where there were above twenty, all of whom must unavoidably have perished if he had been obeyed. When he desired the man to nail down the hatches I thought that my sin was the cause of this, and that God would charge me with these people's blood. This thought rushed upon my mind that instant with such violence, that it quite overpowered me, and I fainted. I recovered just as the people were about to nail down the hatches; perceiving which, I desired them to stop. The captain then said it must be done: I asked him why? He said that every one would endeavour to get into the boat, which was but small, and thereby we should be drowned; for it would not have carried above ten at the most. I could no longer restrain my emotion, and I told him he deserved drowning for not knowing how to navigate the vessel; and I believe the people would have tossed him overboard if I had given them the least hint of it. However the hatches were not nailed down; and, as none of us could leave the vessel then on account of the darkness, and as we knew not where to go, and were convinced besides that the boat could not survive the surfs, we all said we would remain on the dry part of the vessel, and trust to God till daylight appeared, when we should know better what to do. I then advised to get the boat prepared against morning, and some of us began to set about it; but others abandoned all care of the ship and themselves, and fell to drinking. Our boat had a piece out of her bottom near two feet long, and we had no materials to mend her; however, necessity being the mother of invention, I took some pump leather and nailed it to the broken part, and plastered it over with tallow-grease. And, thus prepared, with the utmost anxiety of mind we watched for day-light, and thought every minute an hour till it appeared. At last it saluted our longing eyes, and kind Providence accompanied its approach with what was no small comfort to us; for the dreadful swells began to subside; and the next thing that we discovered to raise our drooping spirits, was a small key or desolate island, about five or six miles off; but a barrier soon presented itself; for there was not water enough for our boat to go over the reefs, and this threw us again into a sad consternation; but there was no alternative, we were therefore obliged to put but few in the boat at once; and, what was still worse, all of us were frequently under the necessity of getting out to drag and lift it over the reefs. This cost us much labour and fatigue; and, what was yet more distressing, we could not avoid having our legs cut and torn very much with the rocks. There were only four people that would work with me at the oars; and they consisted of three black men and a Dutch creole sailor; and, though we went with the boat five times that day, we had no others to assist us. But, had we not worked in this manner, I really believe the people could not have been saved; for not one of the white men did any thing to preserve their lives; indeed they soon got so drunk that they were not able, but lay about the deck like swine, so that we were at last obliged to lift them into the boat, and carry them on shore by force. This want of assistance made our labour intolerably severe; insomuch, that, by going on shore so often that day, the skin was partly stript off my hands. However, we continued all the day to toil and strain our exertions, till we had brought all on board safe to the shore, so that out of thirty-two people we lost not one. My dream now returned upon my mind with all its force; it was fulfilled in every part; for our danger was the same I had dreamt of; and I could not help looking on myself as the principal instrument in effecting our deliverance: for, owing to some of our people getting drunk, the rest of us were obliged to double our exertions; and it was fortunate we did, for in a very little time longer the patch of leather on the boat would have been worn out, and she would have been no longer fit for service. Situated as we were, who could think that men should be so careless of the danger they were in? for, if the wind had but raised the swell as it was when the vessel struck, we must have bid a final farewel to all hopes of deliverance; and though, I warned the people who were drinking, and entreated them to embrace the moment of deliverance, nevertheless they persisted, as if not possessed of the least spark of reason. I could not help thinking, that, if any of these people had been lost, God would charge me with their lives, which, perhaps, was one cause of my labouring so hard for their preservation, and indeed every one of them afterwards seemed so sensible of the service I had rendered them, that while we were on the key I was a kind of chieftian amongst them. I brought some limes, oranges, and lemons a shore; and, finding it to be a good soil where we were, I planted several of them as a token to any one that might be cast away hereafter. This key, as we afterwards found, was one of the Bahama islands, which consist of a cluster of large islands, with smaller ones or keys, as they are called, interspersed among them. It was about a mile in circumference, with a white sandy beach running in a regular order along it. On that part of it where we first attempted to land there stood some very large birds, called slamingoes: these, from the reflection of the sun, appeared to us at a little distance as large as men; and, when they walked backwards and forwards, we could not conceive what they were: our captain swore they were cannibals. This created a great panic among us; and we held a consultation how to act. The captain wanted to go to a key that was within sight, but a great way off; but I was against it, as in so doing we should not be able to save all the people; 'And therefore,'said I, 'let us go on shore here, and perhaps these cannibals may take to the water.' Accordingly we steered toward them; and when we approached them, to our very great joy and no less wonder, they walked off one after the other very deliberately; and at last they took flight and relieved us entirely from our fears. About the key there were turtles and several sorts of fish in such abundance that we caught them without bait, which was a great relief to us after the salt provisions on board. There was also a large rock on the beach, about ten feet high, which was in the form of a punch-bowl at the top; this we could not help thinking Providence had ordained to supply us with rain-water; and it was something singular that, if we did not take the water when it rained, in some little time after it would turn as salt as sea-water. Our first care, after refreshment, was to make ourselves tents to lodge in which we did as well as we could with some sails we had brought from the ship. We then began to think how we might get from this place, which was quite uninhabited; and we determined to repair our boat, which was very much shattered, and to put to sea in quest of a ship or some inhabited island. It took us up however eleven days before we could get the boat ready for sea in the manner we wanted it, with a sail and other necessaries. When we had got all things prepared, the captain wanted me to stay on shore while he went to sea in quest of a vessel to take all the people off the key; but this I refused; and the captain and myself, with five more, set off in the boat towards New Providence. We had no more than two musket load of gun-powder with us if any thing should happen; and our stock of provisions consisted of three gallons of rum, four of water, some salt beef, some biscuit; and in this manner we proceeded to sea. On the second day of our voyage, we came to an island called Abbico, the largest of the Bahama islands. We were much in want of water; for by this time our water was expended, and we were exceedingly fatigued in pulling two days in the heat of the sun; and it being late in the evening, we hauled the boat ashore to try for water and remain during the night: when we came ashore we searched for water, but could find none. When it was dark, we made a fire around us for fear of the wild beasts, as the place was an entire thick wood, and we took it by turns to watch. In this situation we found very little rest, and waited with impatience for the morning. As soon as the light appeared we set off again with our boat, in hopes of finding assistance during the day. We were now much dejected and weakened by pulling the boat; for our sail was of no use, and we were almost famished for want of fresh water to drink. We had nothing left to eat but salt beef, and that we could not use without water. In this situation we toiled all day in sight of the island, which was very long; in the evening, seeing no relief, we made shore again, and fastened our boat. We then went to look for fresh water, being quite faint for the want of it; and we dug and searched about for some all the remainder of the even ing, but could not find one drop, so that our dejection at this period became excessive, and our terror so great, that we expected nothing but death to deliver us. We could not touch our beef, which was salt as brine, without fresh water; and we were in the greatest terror from the apprehension of wild beasts. When unwelcome night came we acted as on the night before; and the next morning we set off again from the island in hopes of seeing some vessel. In this manner we toiled as well as we were able till four o'clock, during which we passed several keys, but could not meet with a ship; and, still famishing with thirst, went ashore on one of those keys again in hopes of finding some water. Here we found some leaves with a few drops of water in them, which we lapped with much eagerness; we then dug in several places, but without success. As we were digging holes in search of water there came forth some very thick and black stuff; but none of us could touch it, except the poor Dutch CreCreole, who drank above a quart of it as eagerly as if had been wine. We tried to catch fish, but could not; and we now began to repine at our fate, and abandon ourselves to despair; when, in the midst of our murmuring, the captain all at once cried out. 'A sail! a sail! a sail!' This gladdening sound was like a reprieve to a convict, and we all instantly turned to look at it; but in a little time some of us began to be afraid it was not a sail. However, at a venture, we embarked and steered after it; and, in half an hour to our unspeakable joy, we plainly saw that it was a vessel. At this our drooping spirits revived, and we made towards her with all the speed imaginable. When we came near to her, we found she was a little sloop about the size of a Gravesend hoy, and quite full or people; a circumstance which we could not make out the meaning of. Our captain, who was a Welchman, swore that they were pirates, and would kill us. I said, be that as it might, we must board her if we were to die by it; and, if they should not receive us kindly, we must oppose them as well as we could; for there was no alternative between their pe rishing and ours. This counsel was immediately taken; and I really believe that the captain, myself, and the Dutchman, would then have faced twenty men. We had two cutlasses and a musquet, that I brought in the boat; and in this situation, we rowed alongside, and immediately boarded her. I believe there were about forty hands on board; but how great was our surprise, as soon as we got on board, to find that the major part of them were in the same predicament as ourselves. They belonged to a whaling schooner that was wrecked two days before us about nine miles to the north of our vessel. When she was wrecked some of them had taken to their boats and had left some of their people and property on a key, in the same manner as we had done; and were going, like us, to New Providence in quest of a ship, when they met with this little sloop, called a wrecker; their employment in those seas being to look after wrecks. They were then going to take the remainder of the people be longing to the schooner; for which the wrecker was to have all things belonging to the vessel, and likewise their people's help to get what they could out of her, and were then to carry the crew to New Providence. We told the people of the wrecker the condition of our vessel, and we made the same agreement with them as the schooner's people; and, on their complying, we begged of them to go to our key directly, because our people were in want of water. They agreed, therefore, to go along with us first; and in two days we arrived at the key, to the inexpressible joy of the people that we had left behind, as they had been reduced to great extremities for want of water in our absence. Luckily for us, the wrecker had now more people on board than she could carry or victual for any moderate length of time; they therefore hired the schooner's people to work on the wreck, and we left them our boat, and embarked for New Providence. Nothing could have been more fortunate than our meeting with this wrecker, for New Providence was at such a distance that we never could have reached it in our boat. The island of Abbico was much longer than we expected; and it was not till after sailing for three or four days that we got safe to the farther end of it, towards New Providence. When we arrived there we watered, and got a good many lobsters and other shellfish; which proved a great relief to us, as our provisions and water were almost exhausted. We then proceeded on our voyage; but the day after we left the Island, late in the evening, and whilst we were yet amongst the Bahama keys, we were overtaken by a violent gale of wind, so that we were obliged to cut away the mast. The vessel was very near foundering; for she parted from her anchors, and struck several times on the shoals. Here we expected every minute that she would have gone to pieces, and each moment to be our last; so much so, that my old captain and sickly useless mate, and several others, fainted; and death stared us in the face on every side. All the swearers on board now began to call on the God of Heaven to assist them: and, sure enough, beyond our comprehension he did assist us, and in a miraculous manner delivered us! In the very height of our extremity the wind lulled for a few minutes; and, although the swell was high beyond expression, two men, who were expert swimmers, attempted to go to the buoy of the anchor, which we still saw on the water, at some distance, in a little punt that belonged to the wrecker, which was not large enough to carry more than two. she filled at different times in their endeavours to get into her alongside of our vessel; and they saw nothing but death before them, as well as we; but they said they might as well die that way as any other. A coil of very small rope, with a little buoy, was put in along with them; and, at last, with great hazard, they got the punt clear from the vessel; and these two intrepid water heroes paddled away for life towards the buoy of the anchor. Our eyes were fixed on them all the time, expecting every minute to be their last: and the prayers of all those that remained in their senses were of fered up to God, on their behalf, for a speedy deliverance, and for our own, which depended on them; and he heard and answered us! These two men at last reached the buoy; and, having fastened the punt to it, they tied one end of their rope to the small buoy that they had in the punt, and sent it adrift towards the vessel. We on board observing this threw out boat-hooks and leads fastened to lines, in order to catch the buoy: at last we caught it, and fastened a hawser to the end of the small rope; we then gave them a sign to pull, and they pulled the hawser to them, and fastened it to the buoy: which being done we hauled for our lives; and, through the mercy of God, we got again from the shoals into deep water, and the punt got safe to the vessel. It is impossible for any to conceive our heart-felt joy at this second deliverance from ruin, but those who have suffered the same hardships. Those whose strength and senses were gone, came to themselves, and were now as elated as they were before depressed. Two days after this the wind ceased, and the water became smooth. The punt then went on shore, and we cut down some trees; and having found our mast and mended it we brought it on board, and fixed it up. As soon as we had done this we got up the anchor, and away we went once more for New Providence, which in three days more we reached safe, after having been above three weeks in a situation in which we did not expect to escape with life. The inhabitants here were very kind to us; and, when they learned our situation, shewed us a great deal of hospitality and friendship. soon after this every one of my old fellow-sufferers that were free parted from us, and shaped their course where their inclination led them. One merchant, who had a large sloop, seeing our condition, and knowing we wanted to go to Georgia, told four of us that his vessel was going there; and, if we would work on board and load her, he would give us our passage free. As we could not get any wages whatever, and sound it very hard to get off the place, we were obliged to consent to his proposal; and we went on board and helped to load the sloop, though we had only our victuals allowed us. When she was entirely loaded, he told us she was going to Jamaica first, where we must go if we went in her. This, however, I refused; but my fellow-sufferers not having any money to help themselves with, necessity obliged them to accept of the offer, and to steer that course, though they did not like it. We stayed in New Providence about seventeen or eighteen days; during which time I met with many friends, who gave me encouragement to stay there with them, but I declined it; though, had not my heart been fixed on England, I should have stayed, as I liked the place extremely, and there were some free black people here who were very happy, and we passed our time pleasantly together, with the melodious sound of the catguts, under the lime and lemon trees. At length Captain Phillips hired a sloop to carry him and some of the slaves that he could not sell to Georgia; and I agreed to go with him in this vessel, meaning now to take my farewel of that place. When the vessel was ready we all embarked; and I took my leave of New Providence, not without regret. We sailed about four o'clock the morning with a fair wind, for Georgia; and about eleven o'clock the same morning, a sudden and short gale sprung up and blew away most of our fails; and, as we were still among the keys, in a very few minutes it dashed the sloop against the rocks. Luckily for us the water was deep; and the sea was not so angry, but that, after having for some time laboured hard, and being many in number, we were saved, through God's mercy: and, by using our greatest exertions, we got the vessel off. The next day we returned to Providence, where we soon got her again refitted. some of the people swore that we had spells set upon us by somebody in Montserrat; and others that we had witches and wizzards amongst the poor helpless slaves; and that we never should arrive safe at Georgia. But these things did not de ter me; I said, 'Let us again face the winds and seas, and swear not, but trust to God, and he will deliver us.' We therefore once more set sail; and, with hard labour in seven days time arrived safe at Georgia. After our arrival we went up to the town of savannah; and the same even ing I went to a friend's house to lodge, whose name was Mosa, a black man. We were very happy at meeting each other; and after supper we had a light till it was between nine and ten o'clock at night. About that time the watch or patrol came by; and, discerning a light in the house, they knocked at the door: we opened it; and they came in and sat down and drank some punch with us: they also begged some limes of me, as they understood I had some, which I readily gave them. A little after this they told me I must go to the watch-house with them: this surprised me a good deal, after our kindness to them; and I asked them, Why so? They said that all negroes who had a light in their houses after nine o'clock were to be taken into custody, and either pay some dollars or be flogged. some of those people knew that I was a free man; but, as the man of the house was not free, and had his master to protect him, they did not take the same liberty with him they did with me. I told them that I was a free man, and just arrived from Providence; that we were not making any noise, and that I was not a stranger in that place, but was very well known there: 'Besides,' said I, 'what will you do with me?'—'That you shall see,'replied they, 'but you must go to the watch-house with us.' Now whether they meant to get money from me or not I was at a loss to know; but I thought immediately of the oranges and limes at santa Cruz: and seeing that nothing would pacify them I went with them to the watch-house, where I remained during the night. Early the next morning these imposing ruffians flogged a negro-man and woman that they had in the watch-house, and then they told me that I must be flogged too. I asked why? and if there was no law for free men? and told them if there was I would have it put in force against them. But this only exasperated them the more, and instantly swore they would serve me as Doctor Perkins had done; and were going to lay violent hands on me; when one of them, more humane than the rest, said that as I was a free man they could not justify stripping me by law. I then immediately sent for Doctor Brady, who was known to be an honest and worthy man; and on his coming to my assistance they let me go. This was not the only disagreeable incident I met with while I was in this place; for, one day, while I was a little way out of the town of savannah, I was beset by two white men, who meant to play their usual tricks with me in the way of kidnapping. As soon as these men accosted me, one of them said to the other, 'This is the very fellow we are looking for, that you lost:' and the other swore immediately that I was the identical person. On this they made up to me, and were about to handle me; but I told them to be still and keep off; for I had seen those kind of tricks played upon other free blacks, and they must not think to serve me so. At this they paused a little, and one said to the other—it will not do; and the other answered that I talked two good English. I replied, I believed I did; and I had also with me a revengeful stick equal to the occasion; and my mind was likewise good. Happily however it was not used; and, after we had talked together a little in this manner, the rogues left me. I stayed in savannah some time, anxiously trying to get to Montserrat once more to see Mr. King, my old master, and then to take a final farewel of the American quarter of the globe. At last I met with a sloop called the speedwell, Captain John Bunton, which be longed to Grenada, and was bound to Martinico, a French island, with a cargo of rice, and I shipped myself on board of her. Before I left Georgia, a black woman who had a child lying dead, being very tenacious of the church burial service, and not able to get any white person to perform it, applied to me for that purpose. I told her I was no parson; and besides, that the service over the dead did not affect the soul. This however did not satisfy her; she still urged me very hard: I therefore complied with her earnest entreaties, and at last consented to act the parson for the sirst time in my life. As she was much respected, there was a great company both of white and black people at the grave. I then accordingly as sumed my new vocation, and performed the funeral ceremony to the satisfaction of all present; after which I bade adieu to Georgia, and sailed sor Martinico. CHAP. IX. The author arrives at Martinico—Meets with new difficulties—Gets to Montserrat, where he takes leave of his old master, and sails for England—Meets Capt. Pascal—Learns the French horn—Hires himself with Doctor Irving, where be learns to freshen sea water—Leaves the doctor, and goes a voyage to Turkey and Portugal; and afterwards goes a voyage to Grenada, and another to Jamaica—Returns to the Doctor, and they embark together on a voyage to the North Pole, with the Hon. Capt. Phipps—some account of that voyage, and the dangers the author was in—He returns to England. I THUs took a final leave of Georgia; for the treatment I had received in it disgusted me very much against the place; and when I left it and sailed for Martinico I determined never more to revisit it. My new captain conducted his vessel safer than my former one; and, after an agreeable voyage, we got safe to our intended port. While I was on this island I went about a good deal, and found it very pleasant: in parti cular I admired the town of st. Pierre, which is the principal one in the island, and built more like an European town than any I had seen in the West Indies. In general also, slaves were better treated, had more holidays, and looked better than those in the English islands. After we had done our business here, I wanted my discharge, which was necessary; for it was then the month of May, and I wished much to be at Montserrat to bid farewel to Mr. King, and all my other friends there, in time to sail for Old England in the July fleet. But, alas! I had put a great stumbling block in my own way, by which I was near losing my passage that season to Eng land. I had lent my captain some money, which I now wanted to enable me to prosecute my intentions. This I told him; but when I applied for it, though I urged the necessity of my occasion, I met with so much shuffling from him, that I began at last to be afraid of losing my money, as I could not recover it by law; for I have already mentioned, that throughout the West Indies no black man's testimony is admitted, on any occasion, against any white person whatever, and therefore my own oath would have been of no use. I was obliged, therefore, to remain with him till he might be disposed to return it to me. Thus we sailed from Martinico for the Grenades. I frequently pressing the captain for my money to no purpose; and, to render my condition worse, when we got there, the captain and his owners quar relled; so that my situation became daily more irksome: for besides that we on board had little or no victuals allowed us, and I could not get my money nor wages, as I could then have gotten my passage free to Montserrat had I been able to accept it. The worst of all was, that it was growing late in July, and the ships in the islands must sail by the 26th of that month. At last, however, with a great many entreaties, I got my money from the captain, and took the first vessel I could meet with for st Eustatia. From thence I went in another to Basseterre in st. Kitts, where I arrived on the 19th of July. On the 22d, having met with a vessel bound to Montserrat, I wanted to go in her; but the captain and others would not take me on board until I should advertise myself, and give notice of my going off the island. I told them of my haste to be in Montserrat, and that the time then would not admit of advertising, it being late in the evening, and the vessel about to sail; but he insisted it was necessary, and otherwise he said he would not take me. This reduced me to great perplexity; for if I should be compelled to submit to this degrading necessity, which every black freeman is under, of advertising himself like a slave, when he leaves an island, and which I thought a gross imposition upon any freeman, I feared I should miss that opportunity of going to Montserrat, and then I could not get to England that year. The vessel was just going off, and no time could be lost; I immediately therefore set about, with a heavy heart, to try who I could get to befriend me in complying with the demands of the captain. Luckily I found, in a few minutes, some gentlemen of Montserrat whom I knew; and, having told them my situation, I requested their friendly assistance in helping me off the island. some of them, on this, went with me to the captain, and satis fied him of my freedom; and, to my very great joy, he desired me to go on board. We then set sail, and the next day, 23d, I arrived at the wished-for place, after an absence of six months, in which I had more than once experienced the delivering hand of Provi dence, when all human means of escap ing destruction seemed hopeless. I saw my friends with a gladness of heart which was increased by my absence and the dangers I had escaped, and I was received with great friendship by them all, but particularly by Mr. King, to whom I related the fate of his floop, the Nancy, and the causes of her being wrecked. I now learned with extreme sorrow, that his house was washed away during my absence, by the bursting of a pond at the top of a mountain that was opposite the town of Plymouth. It swept great part of the town away, and Mr. King lost a great deal of property from the inundation, and nearly his life. When I told him I intended to go to London that season, and that I had come to visit him before my departure, the good man expressed a great deal of affection for me, and sorrow that I should leave him, and warmly advised me to stay there; insisting, as I was much respected by all the gentlemen in the place, that I might do very well, and in a short time have land and slaves of my own. I thanked him for this instance of his friendship; but, as I wished very much to be in London, I declined remaining any longer there, and begged he would excuse me. I then requested he would be kind enough to give me a certificate of my behaviour while in his service, which he very readily comp ied with, and gave me the following: Montserrat, January 26, 1767. The bearer hereof, Gustavus Vasa, was my slave for upwards of three years, during which he has always behaved himsels well, and discharged his duty with honesty and assiduity. ROBERT KING. To all to whom this may concern. Having obtained this, I parted from my kind master, after many sincere professions of gratitude and regard, and prepared for my departure for London. I immediately agreed to go with one Capt. John Hamer, for seven guineas (the passage to London) on board a ship called, the Andromache; and on the 24th and 25th, I had free dances, as they are called, with some of my countrymen, previous to my seeting off; after which I took leave of all my friends, and on the 26th I embarked for London, exceedingly glad to see myself once more on board of a ship; and still more so, in steering the course I had long wished for. With a light heart I bade Montserrat farewell, and never had my feet on it since; and with it I bade adieu to the sound of the cruel whip, and all other dreadful instruments of torture; adieu to the offensive sight of the violated chastity of the sable females, which has too often accosted my eyes; adieu to oppressions (although to me less severe than most of my countrymen); and adieu to the angry howling, dashing surfs. I wished for a grateful and thankful heart to praise the Lord God on high for all his mercies! in this extasy I steered the ship all night. We had a most prosperous voyage, and, at the end of seven weeks, arrived at Cherry-Garden stairs. Thus were my longing eyes once more gratified with a sight of London, after having been absent from it above four years. I immediately received my wages, and I never had earned seven guineas so quick in my life before; I had thirty-seven guineas in all, when I got cleared of the ship. I now entered upon a scene quite new to me, but full of hope. In this situation my first thoughts were to look out for some of my former friends, and amongst the first of those were the Miss Guerins. Assoon, therefore, as I had regaled myself I went in quest of those kind ladies, whom I was very impatient to see; and with some difficulty and perseverance, I found them at May's-hill, Greenwich. They were most agreeably surprised to see me, and I quite overjoyed at meeting with them. I told them my history, at which they expressed great wonder, and freely acknowledged it did their cousin, Capt. Pascal, no honour. He then visited there frequently; and I met him four or five days after in Greenwich park. When he saw me he appeared a good deal surprised, and asked me how I came back? I answered, 'In a ship.' To which he replied dryly, 'I suppose you did not walk back to London on the water.'As I saw, by his manner, that he did not seem to be sorry for his behaviour to me, and that I had not much reason to expect any favour from him, I told him that he had used me very ill, after I had been such a faithful servant to him for so many years; on which, without saying any more, he turned about and went away. A few days after this I met Capt. Pascal at Miss Guerin's house, and asked him for my prize-money. He said there was none due to me; for, if my prize-money had been 10,000l. he had a right to it all. I told him I was informed otherwise: on which he bade me defiance; and in a bantering tone, desired me to commence a law suit against him for it: 'There are lawyers enough,' said he, 'that will take the cause in hand, and you had better try it.' I told him then that I would try it, which enraged him very much; however, out of regard to the ladies, I remained still, and never made any farther demand of my right. some time afterwards these sriendly ladies asked me what I meant to do with myself, and now they could assist me. I thanked them, and said, if they pleased, I would be their servant; but if not, I had thirty-seven gnineas, which would sup port me for some time, I would be much obliged to them to recommend me to some person who would teach me a business whereby I might earn my living. They answered me very politely, that they were sorry it did not suit them to take me as their servant, and asked me what business I should like to learn? I said, hair-dressing. They then promised to assist me in this; and soon after they recommended me to a gentleman whom I had known before, one Capt. O'Hara, who treated me with much kindness, and procured me a master, a hair-dresser, in Coventry-court, Haymarket, with whom he placed me. I was with this man from september till the February following. In that time we had a neighbour in the same court who taught the French-horn. He used to blow it so well that I was charmed with it, and agreed with him to teach me to blow it. Accordingly he took me in hand, and began to instruct me, and I soon learned all the three parts. I took great delight in blowing on this instrument, the evenings being long; and besides that I was fond of it, I did not like to be idle, and it filled up my vacant hours innocently. At this time also I agreed with the Rev. Mr. Gregory, who lived in the same court, where he kept an academy and an evening-school, to improve me in arithmetic. This he did as far as barter and alligation; so that all the time I was there I was entirely employed. In February 1768, I hired myself to Dr. Charles Irving, in Pallmall, so celebrated for his successful experiments in making sea water fresh; and here I had plenty of hair dressing to improve my hand. This gentleman was an excellent master; he was exceed ingly kind and good tempered; and allowed me in the evenings to attend my schools, which I esteemed a great blessing; therefore I thanked God and him for it, and used all my diligence to improve the opportunity. This diligence and attention recommended me to the notice and care of my three preceptors, who on their parts bestowed a great deal of pains in my instruction, and besides were all very kind to me. My wages, however, which were by two thirds less than ever I had in my life (for I had only 12l. per annum) I soon found would not be sufficient to defray this extraordinary expence of masters, and my own necessary ex pences; my old thirty-seven guineas had by this time worn all away to one. I thought it best, therefore, to try the sea again in quest of more money, as I had been bred to it, and had hitherto found the profession of it successful. I had also a very great desire to see Turkey, and I now determined to gratify it. Accordingly, in the month of May, 1768, I told the doctor my wish to go to sea again, to which he made no opposition; and we parted on friendly terms. The same day I went into the city in quest of a master. I was ex tremely fortunate in my inquiry; for I soon heard of a gentleman who had a ship going to Italy and Turkey, and he wanted a man who could dress hair well. I was overjoyed at this, and went immediately on board of his ship, as I had been directed, which I found to be fitted up with great taste, and I already foreboded no small pleasure in sailing in her. Not finding the gentleman on board, I was directed to his lodgings, where I met with him the next day, and gave him a specimen of my dressing. He liked it so well that he hired me immediately, so that I was perfectly happy; for the ship, master, and voyage, were intirely to my mind. The ship was called the Delawar, and my master's name was John Jolly, a neat smart good humoured man, just such an one as I wished to serve. We sailed from England in July following, and our voyage was extremely pleasant. We went to Villa Franca, Nice, and Leghorn; and in all these places I was charmed with the richness and beauty of the countries, and struck with the elegant buildings with which they abound. We had always in them plenty of extraordinary good wines and rich fruits, which I was very fond of; and I had frequent occasions of gratify ing both my taste and curiosity; for my captain always lodged on shore in those places, which afforded me opportunities to see the country around. I also learned navigation of the mate, which I was very sond of. When we left Italy we had delightful sailing among the Archipelago islands, and from thence to smyrna in Turkey. This is a very ancient city; the houses are built of stone, and most of them have graves adjoining to them; so that they sometimes present the appearence of church-yards. Provisions are very plentiful in this city, and good wine less than a penny a pint. The grapes, pomegranates, and many other fruits, were also the richest and largest I ever tasted. The natives are well looking and strong made, and treated me al ways with great civility. In general I believe they are fond of black peo ple; and several of them gave me pressing invitations to stay amongst them, although they keep the franks, or Christians, separate, and do not suffer them to dwell immediately amongst them. I was astonished in not seeing women in any of their shops, and very rarely any in the streets; and when ever I did they were covered with a veil from head to foot, so that I could not see their faces, except when any of them out of curiosity uncovered them to look at me, which they sometimes did. I was surprised to see how the Greeks are, in some measure, kept under by the Turks, as the negroes are in the West Indies by the white people. The less refined Greeks, as I have already hinted, dance here in the same manner as we do in our nation. On the whole, during our stay here, which was about five months, I liked the place and the Turks extremely well. I could not help observing one very remarkable circumstance there: the tails of the sheep are flat, and so very large, that I have known the tail even of a lamb to weigh from eleven to thirteen pounds. The fat of them is very white and rich, and is excellent in puddings, for which it is much used. Our ship being at length richly loaded with silk, and other articles, we sailed for England. In May 1769, soon after our return from Turkey, our ship made a delight ful voyage to Oporto in Portugal, where we arrived at the time of the carnival. On our arrival, there were sent on board of us thirty-six articles to observe with very heavy penalties if we should break any of them; and none of us even dared to go on board any other vessel or on shore, till the Inquisition had sent on board and searched for every thing illegal, especially bibles. such as were produced, and certain other things were sent on shore till the ships were going away; and any person in whose custody a bible was found concealed, was to be imprisoned and flogged, and sent into slavery for ten years. I saw here many very magnificent sights, particularly the garden of Eden, where many of the clergy and laity went in procession in their several orders with the host, and sung Te De um. I had a great curiosity to go into some of their churches, but could not gain admittance without using the ne cessary sprinkling of holy water at my entrance. From curiosity, and a wish to be holy, I therefore complied with this ceremony, but its virtues were lost upon me, for I found myself nothing the better for it. This place abounds with plenty of all kinds of provisions. The town is well built and pretty, and commands a fine prospect. Our ship having taken in a load of wine, and other commodities, we sailed for London, and arrived in July following. Our next voyage was to the Mediterranean. The ship was again got ready, and we sailed in september for Genoa. This is one of the finest cities I ever saw; some of the edifices were of beautiful marble, and made a most noble appearance; and many had very curious fountains before them. The churches were rich and magnificent, and curiously adorned both in the inside and out. But all this grandeur was in my eyes disgraced by the galley slaves, whose condition both there and in other parts of Italy is truly piteous and wretch ed. After we had stayed there some weeks, during which we bought many different things we wanted, and got them very cheap, we sailed to Naples, a charming city, and remarkably clean. The bay is the most beautiful I ever saw; the moles for shipping are excellent. I thought it extraordinary to see grand operas acted here on sunday nights, and even attended by their majesties. I too, like these great ones, went to those sights, and vainly served God in the day while I thus served mammon effectually at night. While we remained here, there happened an eruption of mount Vesuvius, of which I had a perfect view. It was extreme ly awful; and we were so near that the ashes from it used to be thick on our deck. After we had transacted our business at Naples, we sailed with a fair wind once more for smyrna, where we arrived in December. A seraskier or officer, took a liking to me here, and wanted me to stay, and offered me two wives; however I resused the temptation, thinking one was as much as some could manage, and more than others would venture on. The merchants here travel in caravans or large companies. I have seen many cara vans from India, with some hundreds of camels, laden with different goods. The people of these caravans are quite brown. Among other articles, they brought with them a great quantity of locusts, which are a kind of pulse, sweet and pleasant to the palate, and in shape resembling French beans, but longer. Each kind of goods is sold in a street by itself, and I always found the Turks very honest in their dealings. They let no Christians into their mosques or churches, for which I was very sorry; as I was always fond of going to see the different modes of worship of the people wherever I went. The plague broke out while we were in smyrna, and we stopped taking goods into the ship till it was over. she was then richly laden, and we sailed in about March 1770, for England. One day in our passage we met with an accident which was near burning the ship. A black cook, in melting some fat, overset the pan into the fire under the deck, which immediately began to blaze, and the flame went up very high under the foretop. With the fright, the poor cook became almost white, and altoge ther speechless. Happily however we got the fire out without doing much mischief. After various delays in this passage, which was tedious, we arrived in standgate creek in July; and, at the latter end of the year, some new event occurred, so that my noble captain, the ship, and I all separated. In April 1771, I shipped myself as a steward with Capt. Wm. Robertson of the ship Grenada Planter, once more to try my fortune in the West Indies; and we sailed from London for Madeira, Barbados, and the Grenades. A white man, an islander, bought some goods of me to the amount of some pounds, and made me many fair promises as usual, but without any intention of paying me. He had likewise bought goods from some more of our people, whom he intended to serve in the same manner; but he still amused us with promises. However, when our ship was loaded, and near sailing, this honest buyer discovered no intention or sign of paying for any thing he had bought of us; but on the contrary, when I asked him for my money he threatened me and another black man he had bought goods of, so that we found we were like to get more blows than payment. On this we went to complain to one Mr. M'Intosh, a justice of the peace; we told his worship of the man's villainous tricks, and begged that he would be kind enough to see us redressed: but being negroes, although free, we could not get any remedy; and our ship being then just upon the point of sailing, we knew not how to help ourselves, though we thought it hard to lose our property in this manner. Luckily for us however, this man was also indebted to three white sailors, who could not get a farthing from him; they therefore readily joined us, and we all went together in search of him. When we found where he was, I took him out of a house and threatened him with vengeance; on which, finding he was likely to be handled roughly, the rogue offered each of us some small allowance, but nothing near our demands. This exasperated us much more; and some were for cutting his ears off; but he begged hard for mercy, which was at last granted him, after we had entirely stripped him. We then let him go, for which he thanked us, glad to get off so easily, and ran into the bushes, after having wished us a good voyage. We then repaired on board, and shortly after set sail for England. I cannot help remarking here a very narrow escape we had from being blown up, owing to a piece of negligence of mine. Just as our ship was under sail, I went down under the cabin to do some business, and had a lighted candle in my hand, which, in my hurry, without thinking, I held in a barrel of gunpowder. It remained in the powder until it was near catching sire, when fortunately I observed it and snatched it out in time, and providentially no harm happened; but I was so overcome with terror that I immediately fainted at this deliverance. In twenty-eight days time we arrived in England, and I got clear of this ship. But, being still of a roving disposition, and desirous of seeing as many different parts of the world as I could, I shipped myself soon after, in the same year, as steward on board of a fine large ship, called the Jamaica, Captain David Watt; and we sailed from England in December 1771, for Nevis and Jamaica. I found Jamaica to be a very fine large island, well peopled, and the most considerable of the West India islands. There was a vast number of negroes here, whom I found as usual exceedingly imposed upon by the white people, and the slaves punished as in the other islands. There are negroes whose business it is to flog slaves; they go about to different people for employment, and the usual pay is from one to four bits. I saw many cruel punishments inflicted on the slaves in the short time I stayed here. In particular I was present when a poor fellow was tied up and kept hanging by the wrists at some distance from the ground, and then some half hundred weights were fixed to his ankles, in which posture he was flogged most unmercifully. There were also, as I heard, two different masters noted for cruelty on the island, who had staked up two negroes naked, and in two hours the vermin stung them to death. I heard a gentleman, I well knew, tell my captain that he passed sentence on a negro man to be burnt alive for attempting to poison an overseer. I pass over numerous other instances, in order to relieve the reader by a milder scene of roguery. Before I had been long on the island, one Mr. smith at Port Morant, bought goods of me to the amount of twenty-five pounds sterling; but when I demanded payment from him, he was going each time to beat me, and threatened that he would put me in goal. One time he would say I was going to set his house on fire; at another, he would swear I was going to run away with his slaves. I was astonished at this usage from a person who was in the situation of a gentleman, but I had no alternative; and was therefore obliged to submit. When I came to Kingston, I was surprised to see the number of Africans who were assembled together on Sundays; particularly at a large commodious place, called spring Path. Here each different nation of Africa meet and dance after the manner of their own country. They still retain most of their native customs: they bury their dead, and put victuals, pipes and tobacco, and other things, in the grave with the corps, in the same manner as in Africa. Our ship having got her loading we sailed for London, where we arrived in the August following. On my return to London, I waited on my old and good master, Dr. Irving, who made me an offer of his service again. Being now tired of the sea I gladly accepted it. I was very happy in living with this gentleman once more; during which time we were daily employed in reducing old Neptune's dominions by purifying the briny element and making it fresh. Thus I went on till May 1773, when I was roused by the sound of fame, to seek new adventures, and find, towards the north pole, what our Creator never intended we should, a passage to India. An expedition was now fitting out to explore a north-east passage, conducted by the Honourable Constantine John Phipps, since Lord Mulgrave, in his Majesty's sloop of war the Race Horse. My master being anxious for the reputation of this adventure, we therefore prepared every thing for our voyage, and I attended him on board the Race Horse, the 24th day of May, 1773. We proceeded to Sheerness, where we were joined by his Majesty's sloop the Carcass, commanded by Captain Lutwidge. On the 4th of June, we sailed towards our destined place, the pole; and on the 15th of the same month we were off shetland. On this day I had a great and unexpected deliverance from an accident which was near blowing up the ship and destroying the crew, which made me ever after during the voyage uncommonly cautious. The ship was so filled that there was very little room on board for any one, which placed me in a very aukward situation. I had resolved to keep a journal of this singular and interesting voyage; and I had no other place for this purpose but a little cabin, or the doctor's store-room, where I slept. This little place was stuffed with all manner of combustibles, particularly with tow and aquafortis , and many other dangerous things. Unfortunately it happened in the evening as I was writing my journal, that I had occasion to take the candle out of the lanthorn, and a spark having touched a single thread of the tow, all the rest caught the flame, and immediately the whole was in a blaze. I saw nothing but present death before me, and expected to be the first to perish in the flames. In a moment the alarm was spread, and many people who were near, ran to assist in putting out the fire. All this time I was in the very midst of the flames; my shirt, and the handkerchief on my neck, were burnt, and I was almost smothered with the smoke. However, through God's mercy, as I was nearly giving up all hopes, some people brought blankets and mattresses and threw them on the flames, by which means in a short time the fire was put out. I was severely reprimanded and menaced by such of the officers who knew it, and strictly charged never more to go there with a light: and, indeed, even my own fears made me give heed to this command for a little time—but at last, not being able to write my journal in any other part of the ship, I was tempted again to venture by stealth with a light in the same cabin, though not without considerable fear and dread on my mind. On the 20th of June, we began to use Dr. Irving's apparatus for making salt water fresh; I used to attend the distillery: I frequently purified from twenty-six to forty gallons a day. The water thus distilled was perfectly pure, well tasted, and free from salt; and was used on various occasions on board the ship. On the 28th of June, being in lat. 78, we made Greenland, where I was surprized to see the sun did not set. The weather now became extremely cold; and as we sailed between north and east, which was our course, we saw many very high and curious mountains of ice; and also a great number of very large whales, which used to come close to our ship, and blow the water up to a very great height in the air. One morning we had vast quantities of sea-horses about the ship, which neighed exactly like any other horses. We fired some harpoon guns amongst them, in order to take some; but we could not get any. The 30th, the captain of a Greenland ship came on board, and told us of three ships that were lost in the ice; however we still held on our course till July the 11th, when we were stopt by one compact impenetrable body of ice. We ran along it from east to west above ten degrees; and on the 27th we got as far north as 80, 37; and in 19 or 20 degrees; east longitude from London. On the 29th and 30th of July, we saw one continued plain of smooth unbroken ice, bounded only by the horizon; and we fastened to a piece of ice that was eight yards eleven inches thick. We had generally sunshine, and constant daylight; which gave cheerfulness and novelty to the whole of this striking, grand, and uncommon scene; and, to heighten it still more, the reflection of the sun from the ice gave the clouds a most beautiful appearance. We killed many different animals at this time, and among the rest nine bears. Though they had nothing in their paunches but water yet they were all very fat. We used to decoy them to the ship sometimes by burning feathers of skins. I thought them course eating, but some of the ship's company relished them very much. some of our people once, in the boat, fired at and wounded a seahorse, which dived immediately; and in a little time after, brought up with it a number of others. They all joined in an attack upon the boat, and were with difficulty prevented from staving or oversetting her; but a boat from the Carcass having come to assist ours, and joined it, they dispersed, after having wrested an oar from one of the men. One of the ship's boats had before been attacked in the same manner, but happily no harm was done. Though we wounded several of these animals we never got but one. We remained hereabouts until the 1st of August; when the two ships got completely fastened in the ice, occasioned by the loose ice that set in from the sea. This made our situation very dreadful and alarming; so that on the 7th day, we were in very great apprehension of having the ships squeezed to pieces. The officers now held a council to know what was best for us to do in order to save our lives; and it was determined that we should endeavour to escape by dragging our boats along the ice towards the sea; which, however, was farther off than any of us thought. This determination filled us with extreme dejection, and confounded us with despair; for we had very little prospect of escaping with life. However, we sawed some of the ice about the ships, to keep it from hurting them; and thus kept them in a kind of pond. We then began to drag the boats as well as we could towards the sea; but, after two or three days labour, we made very little progress; so that some of our hearts totally failed us, and I really began to give up myself for lost, when I saw our surrounding calamities. While we were at this hard labour, I once fell into a pond we had made amongst some loose ice, and was very near being drowned; but providentially some people were near who gave me immediate assistance, and thereby I escaped drowning. Our deplorable condition, which kept up the constant apprehension of our perishing in the ice, brought me gradually to think of eternity in such a manner as I never had done before. I had the fears of death hourly upon me, and shuddered at the thoughts of meeting the grim king of terrors in the natural state I then was in, and was exceedingly doubtful of a happy eternity if I should die in it. I had no hopes of my life being prolonged for any time; for we saw that our existence could not be long on the ice after leaving the ships, which were now out of sight, and some miles from the boats. Our appearance now became truly lamentable; pale dejection seized every countenance; many, who had been before blasphemers, in this our distress began to call on the good God of heaven for his help; and in the time of our utter need he heard us, and against hope or human probability, delivered us! It was the eleventh day of the ships being thus fastened, and the fourth of our drawing the boats in this manner, that the wind changed to the E. N. E. The weather immediately became mild, and the ice broke towards the sea, which was to the s. W. of us. Many of us on this got on board again, and with all our might we hove the ships into every open water we could find, and made all the sail on them in our power: and now, having a prospect of success, we made signals for the boats and the remainder of the people. This seemed to us like a reprieve from death; and happy was the man who could first get on board of any ship, or the first boat he could meet. We then proceeded in this manner till we got into the open water again, which we accomplished in about thirty hours, to our infinite joy and gladness of heart. As soon as we were out of danger, we came to anchor and refitted; and on the 19th of August, we sailed from this uninhabited extremity of the world, where the inhospitable climate affords neither food nor shelter, and not a tree or shrub of any kind grows amongst its barren rocks; but all is one desolate and expanded waste of ice, which even the constant beams of the sun for six months in the year, cannot penetrate or dissolve. The sun now being on the decline, the days shortened as we sailed to the southward; and, on the 28th, in latitude 73, it was dark by ten o'clock at night. September the 10th, in latitude 58-59, we met a very severe gale of wind and high seas, and shipped a great deal of water in the space of ten hours. This made us work exceedingly hard at all our pumps a whole day; and one sea, which struck the ship with more force than any thing I ever met with of the kind before, laid her under water for some time, so that we thought she would have gone down. Two boats were washed from the booms, and the long-boat from the chucks: all other moveable things on the decks were also washed away, among which were many curious things of different kinds which we had brought from Greenland; and we were obliged, in order to lighten the ship, to toss some of our guns overboard. We saw a ship at the same time, in very great distress, and her masts were gone; but we were unable to assist her. We now lost sight of the Carcass till the 26th, when we saw land about Orfordness, off which place she joined us. From thence we sailed for London, and on the 30th came up to Deptford. And thus ended our Arctic voyage, to the no small joy of all on board, after having been absent four months; in which time, at the imminent hazard of our lives, we explored nearly as far towards the Pole as 81 degrees north, and 20 degrees east longitude; being much farther, by all accounts, than any navigator had ever ventured before; in which we fully proved the impracticability of finding a passage that way to India. CHAP. X. The author leaves Doctor Irving, and engages on board a Turkey ship—Account of a black man's being kidnapped on board and sent to the West Indies, and the author's fruitless endeavours to procure his freedom—some account of the manner of the author's conversion to the faith of Jesus Christ. Our voyage to the North Pole being ended, I returned to London with Doctor Irving, with whom I continued for some time, during which I began seriously to reflect on the dangers I had escaped, particularly those of my last voyage, which made a lasting impression on my mind; and, by the grace of God, proved afterwards a mercy to me; it caused me to reflect deeply on my eternal state, and to seek the Lord with full purpose of heart ere it was too late. I rejoiced greatly; and heartily thanked the Lord for directing me to London, where I was determined to work out my own salvation, and in so doing, procure a title to heaven; being the result of a mind blended by ignorance and sin. In process of time I left my master, Doctor Irving, the purifier of waters. I lodged in Coventry-court, Haymarket, where I was continually oppressed and much concerned about the salvation of my soul, and was determined (in my own strength) to be a first-rate Christian. I used every means for this purpose; and, not being able to find any person amongst those with whom I was then acquainted that acquiesced with me in point of religion, or, in scripture language, that would shew me any good, I was much dejected, and knew not where to seek relief; however, I first frequented the neighbouring churches, st. James's, and others, two or three times a day, for many weeks: still I came away dissatisfied: something was wanting that I could not obtain, and I really found more heart-felt relief in reading my bible at home than in attending the church; and, being resolved to be saved, I pursued other methods. First I went among the quakers, where the word of God was neither read or preached, so that I remained as much in the dark as ever. I then searched into the Roman Catholic principles, but was not in the least edified. I at length had recourse to the Jews, which availed me nothing, as the fear of eternity daily harassed my mind, and I knew not where to seek shelter from the wrath to come. However this was my conclusion, at all events, to read the four evangelists, and whatever sect or party I found adhering thereto, such I would join. Thus I went on heavily without any guide to direct me the way that leadeth to eternal life. I asked different people questions about the manner of going to heaven, and was told different ways. Here I was much staggered, and could not find any at that time more righteous than myself, or indeed so much inclined to devotion. I thought we should not all be saved (this is agreeable to the holy scriptures) nor would all be damned. I found none among the circle of my acquaintance that kept wholly the ten commandments. so righteous was I in my own eyes, that I was convinced I excelled many of them in that point, by keeping eight out of ten; and finding those who in general termed themselves Christians not so honest or so good in their morals as the Turks, I really thought the Turks were in a safer way of salvation than my neighbours: so that between hopes and fears I went on, and the chief comforts I enjoyed were in the musical French horn, which I then practised, and also dressing of hair. Such was my situation some months, experiencing the dishonesty of many people here. I determined at last to set out for Turkey, and there to end my days. It was now early in the spring 1774. I sought for a master, and found a captain John Hughes, commander of a ship called Anglicania, fitting out in the river Thames, and bound to Smyrna in Turkey. I shipped myself with him as a steward; at the same time I recommended to him a very clever black man, John Annis, as a cook. This man was on board the ship near two months doing his duty: he had formerly lived many years with Mr. William Kirkpatrick, a gentleman of the island of St. Kitts, from whom he parted by consent, though he afterwards tried many schemes to inveigle the poor man. He had applied to many captains who traded to St. Kitts to trepan him; and when all their attempts and schemes of kidnapping proved abortive, Mr. Kirkpatrick came to our ship at Union stairs, on Easter Monday, April the fourth, with two wherry boats and six men, having learned that the man was on board; and tied, and forcibly took him away from the ship, in the presence of the crew and the chief mate, who had detained him after he had information to come away. I believe this was a combined piece of business: but, be that as it may, it certainly reflected great disgrace on the mate and captain also, who, although they had desired the oppressed man to stay on board, yet this vile act on the man who had served him, he did not in the least assist to recover or pay me a farthing of his wages, which was about five pounds. I proved the only friend he had, who attempted to regain him his liberty if possible, having known the want of liberty myself. I sent as soon as I could to Gravesend, and got knowledge of the ship in which he was; but unluckily she had sailed the first tide after he was put on board. My intention was then immediately to apprehend Mr. Kirkpatrick, who was about setting off for scotland; and, having obtained a habeas corpus for him, and got a tipstaff to go with me to st. Paul's church-yard, where he lived, he, suspecting something of this kind, set a watch to look out. My being known to them, obliged me to use the following deception: I whitened my face, that they might not know me, and this had the desired effect. He did not go out of his house that night, and next morning I contrived a well plotted stratagem, notwithstanding he had a gentleman in his house to personate him. My direction to the tipstaff, who got admittance into the house, was to conduct him to a judge, accord ing to the writ. When he came there, his plea was, that he had not the body in custody, on which he was admitted to bail. I proceeded immediately to that well known philanthropist, Granville sharp, Esq who received me with the utmost kindness, and gave me every instruction that was needful on the occasion. I lest him in full hope that I should gain the unhappy man his liberty, with the warmest sense of gratitude towards Mr. sharp, for his kindness; but alas! my attor ney proved unfaithful; he took my money, lost me many months employ, and did not do the least good in the cause; and when the poor man arrived at st. Kitts, he was, according to custom, staked to the ground with four pins through a cord, two on his wrists, and two on his ancles, was cut and flogged most unmercifully, and afterwards loaded cruelly with irons about his neck. I had two very moving letters from him, while he was in this situation; and made attempts to go after him at a great hazard, but was sadly disappointed: I also was told of it by some very respectable families now in London, who saw him in st. Kitts, in the same state, in which he remained till kind death released him out of the hands of his ty rants. During this disagreeable busi ness I was under strong convictions of sin, and thought that my state was worse than any man's; my mind was unaccountably disturbed; I often wished for death, though at the same time con vinced I was altogether unprepared for that awful summons. suffering much by villains in the late cause, and being much concerned about the state of my soul, these things (but particularly the latter) brought me very low; so that I became a burden to myself, and viewed all things around me as emptiness and vanity, which could give no satisfaction to a troubled conscience. I was again determined to go to Turkey, and resolved, at that time, never more to return to England. I engaged as steward on board a Turkeyman (the Wester Hall, Capt. Lina) but was prevented by means of my late captain, Mr. Hughes, and others. All this appeared to be against me, and the only comfort I then experienced was, in reading the holy scriptures, where I saw that 'there is no new thing under the sun,' Eccles. i. 9; and what was appointed for me I must submit to. Thus I continued to travel in much heaviness, and fre quently murmured against the Almighty, particularly in his providential dealings; and, awful to think! I be gan to blaspheme, and wished often to be any thing but a human being. In these severe conflicts the Lord answered me by awful 'visions of the night, when deep sleep falleth upon men, in slumberings upon the bed,' Job xxxiii. 15. He was pleased, in much mercy, to give me to see, and in some measure understand, the great and awful scene of the judgment-day, that 'no unclean person, no unholy thing, can enter into the kingdom of God, Eph. v. 5. I would then, if it had been possible, have changed my nature with the meanest worm on the earth; and was ready to say to the mountains and rocks 'fall on me,' Rev. vi. 16; but all in vain. I then in the greatest agony requested the divine Creator, that he would grant me a small space of time to repent of my follies and vile iniquities, which I felt were grievous. The Lord, in his manifold mercies, was pleased to grant my request, and being yet in a state of time the sense of God's mercies were so great on my mind when I awoke, that my strength entirely failed me for many minutes, and I was exceedingly weak. This was the first spiritual mercy I ever was sensible or, and being on praying ground, as soon as I recovered a little strength, and got out of bed and dressed myself, I invoked Heaven from my inmost soul, and servently begged that God would never again permit me to blaspheme his most holy name. The Lord, who is long suffering, and full of compassion to such poor rebels as we are, condescended to hear and answer. I felt that I was al together unholy, and saw clearly what a bad use I had made of the faculties I was endowed with: they were given me to glorify God with; I thought, therefore, I had better want them here, and enter into life eternal, than abuse them and be cast into hell sire. I prayed to be directed, if there were any holier than those with whom I was acquaint ed, that the Lord would point them out to me. I appealed to the searcher of hearts, whether I did not wish to love him more, and serve him better. Notwithstanding all this, the reader may ea sily discern, if a believer, that I was still in nature's darkness. At length I hated the house in which I lodged, because God's most holy name was blasphemed in it; then I saw the word of God verified, viz. 'Before they call, I will answer; and while they are yet speaking, I will hear.' I had a great desire to read the bible the whole day at home; but not having a convenient place for retirement, I left the house in the day, rather than stay amongst the wicked ones; and that day as I was walking, it pleased God to direct me to a house where there was an old sea-faring man, who experienced much of the love of God shed abroad in his heart. He began to discourse with me; and, as I desired to love the Lord, his conversation rejoiced me greatly; and indeed I had never heard before the love of Christ to believers set forth in such a manner, and in so clear a point of view. Here I had more questions to put to the man than his time would permit him to answer: and in that memor able hour there came in a dissenting minister; he joined our discourse, and asked me some few questions; among others, where I heard the gospel preached? I knew not what he meant by hearing the gospel; I told him I had read the gospel: and he asked where I went to church, or whether I went at all or not? To which I replied 'I attended St. James's, St. Martin's, and St. Ann's soho;' 'so,' said he, 'you are a churchman?' I answered, I was. He then invited me to a love feast at his chapel that evening. I ac cepted the offer, and thanked him; and soon after he went away, I had some further discourse with the old Christian, added to some profitable reading, which made me exceedingly happy. When I left him he reminded me of coming to the feast; I assured him I would be there. Thus we parted, and I weighed over the heavenly conversation that had passed between these two men, which cheered my then heavy and drooping spirit more than any thing I had met with for many months. However, I thought the time long in going to my supposed banquet. I also wished much for the company of these friendly men; their company pleased me much; and I thought the gentleman very kind in asking me, a stranger, to a feast; but how singular did it appear to me, to have it in a chapel! When the wished for hour came I went, and happily the old man was there, who kindly seated me, as he belonged to the place. I was much astonished to see the place filled with people, and no signs of eating and drinking. There were many ministers in the company. At last they began by giving out hymns, and between the singing, the ministers engaged in prayer: in short, I knew not what to make of this sight, having never seen any thing of the kind in my life before now. some of the guests began to speak their experience, agreeable to what I read in the scriptures: much was said by every speaker of the providence of God, and his unspeakable mercies, to each of them. This I knew in a great measure, and could most heartily join them. But when they spoke of a future state, they seemed to be altogether certain of their calling and election of God; and that no one could ever seperate them from the love of Christ, or pluck them out of his hands. This filled me with utter consternation, intermingled with admiration. I was so amazed as not to know what to think of the com pany; my heart was attracted, and my affections were enlarged. I wished to be as happy as them, and was persuaded in my mind that they were different from the world 'that lieth in wickedness,' 1 John v. 19. Their language and singing, &c. did well harmonize; I was entirely overcome, and wished to live and die thus. Lastly, some persons in the place produced some neat baskets full of buns, which they distributed about; and each person communicated with his neighbour, and sipped water out of different mugs, which they handed about to all who were present. This kind of Christian fellow ship I had never seen, nor ever thought of seeing on earth; it fully reminded me of what I had read in the holy scrip tures, of the primitive Christians, who loved each other and broke bread; in partaking of it, even from house to house. This entertainment (which lasted about four hours) ended in singing and prayer. It was the first soul feast I ever was present at. This last twenty-four hours produced me things, spiritual and temporal, sleeping and waking, judgment and mercy, that I could not but admire the goodness of God, in directing the blind, blasphem ous sinner in the path that he knew not of, even among the just; and instead of judgment he has shewed mercy, and will hear and answer the prayers and supplications of every returning prodigal: O! to grace how great a debtor Daily I'm constrain'd to be! After this I was resolved to win Heaven if possible; and if I perished I thought it should be at the feet of Jesus, in praying to him for salvation. After having been an eye-witness to some of the happiness which attended those who feared God, I knew not how, with any propriety, to return to my lodgings, where the name of God was continually profaned, at which I felt the greatest horror; I paused in my mind for some time, not knowing what to do; whether to hire a bed elsewhere, or go home again. At last fearing an evil report might arise, I went home, with a farewel to card-playing and vain jesting, &c. I saw that time was very short, eternity long, and very near; and I viewed those persons alone blessed who were found ready at midnight call, or when the judge of all, both quick and dead, cometh. The next day I took courage, and went to Holborn, to see my new and worthy acquaintance, the old man, Mr. C—; he, with his wife, a gracious woman, were at work at silk weaving; they seemed mutually happy, and both quite glad to see me, and I more so to see them. I sat down and we conversed much about soul matters, &c. Their discourse was amazingly delightful, edifying, and pleasant. I knew not at last how to leave this agreeable pair, till time summoned me away. As I was going they lent me a little book, entitled "The conversion of an Indian." It was in questions and answers. The poor man came over the sea to London, to inquire after the Christian's God, who, (through rich mercy) he found, and had not his journey in vain. The above book was of great use to me, and at that time was a means of strengthening my faith; however, in parting, they both invited me to call on them when I pleased. This delighted me, and I took care to make all the improvement from it I could; and so far I thanked God for such com pany and desires. I prayed that the many evils I felt within might be done away, and that I might be weaned from my former carnal acquaintances. This was quickly heard and answered, and I was soon connected with those whom the scripture calls the excellent of the earth. I heard the gospel preached, and the thoughts of my heart and actions were laid open by the preachers, and the way of salvation by Christ alone was evidently set forth. Thus I went on happily for near two months; and I once heard, during this period, a reverend gentleman Mr. G. speak of a man who had departed this life in full assurance of his going to glory I was much asto nished at the assertion; and did very deliberately inquire how he could get at this knowledge. I was answered fully, agreeable to what I read in the oracles of truth; and was told also, that if I did not experience the new birth, and the pardon of my sins, through the blood of Christ, before I died, I could not enter the kingdom of heaven. I knew not what to think of this report, as I thought I kept eight commandments out of ten; then my worthy interpreter told me I did not do it, nor could I; and he added, that no man ever did or could keep the commandments, without offending in one point. I thought this sounded very strange, and puzzled me much for many weeks; for I thought it a hard saying. I then asked my friend Mr. L—d, who was a clerk in a chapel, why the commandments of God were given, if we could not be saved by them? To which he replied, 'The law is a schoolmaster to bring us to Christ,' who alone could and did keep the commandments, and fulfilled all their requirements for his elect people, even those to whom he had given a living faith, and the sins of those chosen vessels were already atoned for and forgiven them whilst living; and if I did not experience the same before my exit, the Lord would say at that great day to me, 'Go, ye cursed,' &c. &c. for God would appear faithful in his judgments to the wicked, as he would be faithful in shewing mercy to those were ordained to it before the world was; therefore Christ Jesus seemed to be all in all to that man's soul. I was much wounded at this discourse, and brought into such a dilemma as I never expected. I asked him, if he was to die that moment, whether he was sure to enter the kingdom of God? and added, 'Do you know that your sins are forgiven you?' He answered in the affirmative. Then confusion, anger, and discontent seized me, and I staggered much at this sort of doctrine; it brought me to a stand, not knowing which to believe, whether salvation by works, or by faith only in Christ. I requested him to tell me how I might know when my sins were forgiven me. He assured me he could not, and that none but God alone could do this. I told him it was very mysterious; but he said it was really matter of fact, and quoted many portions of scripture immediately to the point, to which I could make no reply. He then desired me to pray to God to shew me these things. I answered, that I prayed to God every day? He said, 'I perceive you are a churchman. I answered, I was. He then entreated me to beg of God to shew me what I was, and the true state of my soul. I thought the prayer very short and odd; so we parted for that time. I weighed all these things well over, and could not help thinking how it was possible for a man to know that his sins were forgiven him in this life. I wished that God would reveal this self same thing unto me. In a short time after this I went to Westminster chapel; the Rev. Mr. P— preached from Lam. iii. 39. It was a wonderful sermon; he clearly shewed that a living man had no cause to complain for the punishments of his sins; he evidently justified the Lord in all his dealings with the sons of men; he also shewed the justice of God in the eternal punishment of the wicked and impenitent. The discourse seemed to me like a two-edged sword cutting all ways; it afforded me much joy, intermingled with many fears about my soul; and when it was ended, he gave it out that he intended, the ensuing week, to examine all those who meant to attend the Lord's table. Now I thought much of my good works, and at the same time was doubtful of my being a proper object to re ceive the sacrament; I was full of me ditation till the day of examining. However, I went to the chapel, and, though much distressed, I addressed the reverend gentleman, thinking if I was not right, he would endeavour to convince me of it. When I conversed with him, the first thing he asked me, was, what I knew of Christ? I told him I believed in him, and had been baptized in his name. 'Then,' said he, 'when were you brought to the knowledge of God? and how were you convinced of sin?' I knew not what he meant by these questions; I told him I kept eight commandments out of ten; but that I sometimes swore on board ship, and sometimes when on shore, and broke the sabbath. He then asked me if I could read? I answered, 'Yes.' 'Then,' said he, 'do you not read in the bible he that offends in one point is guilty of all?' I said, 'Yes.' Then he assured me, that one sin unatoned for was as sufficient to damn a soul as one leak was to sink a ship. Here I was struck with awe; for the minister exhorted me much, and reminded me of the shortness of time, and the length of eternity, and that no unregenerate soul, or any thing unclean, could enter the kingdom of Heaven. He did not admit me as a communicant; but recommended me to read the scriptures, and hear the word preached, not to neglect fervent prayer to God, who has promised to hear the suppli cations of those who seek him in godly sincerity; so I took my leave of him, with many thanks, and resolved to follow his advice, so far as the Lord would condescend to enable me. During this time I was out of employ, nor was I likely to get a situation suitable for me, which obliged me to go once more to sea. I engaged as steward of a ship called the Hope, Capt. Richard strange, bound from London to Cadiz in spain. In a short time after I was on board I heard the name of God much blas phemed, and I feared greatly, lest I should catch the horrible infection. I thought if I sinned again, after having life and death set evidently before me, I should certainly go to hell. My mind was uncommonly chagrined, and I murmured much at God's providential dealings with me, and was discontented with the commandments, that I could not be saved by what I had done; I hated all things, and wished I had never been born; confusion seized me, and I wished to be annihilated. One day I was standing on the very edge of the stern of the ship, thinking to drown myself; but this scripture was instantly impressed on my mind—'That no murderer hath eternal life abiding in him,' 1 John iii. 15. Then I paused, and thought myself the unhappiest man living. Again I was convinced that the Lord was better to me than I deserved, and I was better off in the world than many. After this I began to fear death; I fretted, mourned, and prayed, till I became a burden to others, but more so to myself. At length I concluded to beg my bread on shore rather than go again to sea amongst a people who feared not God, and I entreated the captain three different times to discharge me; he would not, but each time gave me greater and greater encouragement to continue with him, and all on board shewed me very great civility: notwithstanding all this I was unwilling to embark again. At last some of my religious friends advised me, by saying it was my lawful calling, consequently it was my duty to obey, and that God was not confined to place, &c. &c. particularly Mr. G. s. the governor of Tothil-fields Bridewell, who pitied my case, and read the eleventh chapter of the Hebrews to me, with exhortations. He prayed for me, and I believed that he prevailed on my behalf, as my burden was then greatly removed, and I found a heartfelt resignation to the will of God. The good man gave me a pocket Bible and Alleine's Alarm to the Unconverted . We parted, and the next day I went on board again. We sailed for Spain, and I found favour with the captain. It was the fourth of the month of September when we sailed from London; we had a delightful voyage to Cadiz, where we arrived the twenty-third of the same month. The place is strong, commands a fine prospect, and is very rich. The Spanish galloons frequent that port, and some arrived whilst we were there. I had many opportunities of reading the scriptures. I wrestled hard with God in fervent prayer, who had declared in his word that he would hear the groanings and deep sighs of the poor in spirit. I found this verified to my utter astonishment and comfort in the following manner: On the morning of the 6th of October, (I pray you to attend) all that day, I thought that I should either see or hear something supernatural. I had a secret impulse on my mind of something that was to take place, which drove me continually for that time to a throne of grace. It pleased God to enable me to wrestle with him, as Jacob did: I prayed that if sudden death were to happen, and I perished, it might be at Christ's feet. In the evening of the same day, as I was reading and meditating on the fourth chapter of the Acts, twelfth verse , under the solemn apprehensions of eternity, and reflecting on my past actions, I began to think I had lived a moral life, and that I had a proper ground to believe I had an interest in the divine favour; but still meditating on the subject, not knowing whether salvation was to be had partly for our own good deeds, or solely as the sovereign gift of God;—in this deep consternation the Lord was pleased to break in upon my soul with his bright beams of heavenly light; and in an instant as it were, removing the veil, and letting light into a dark place, I saw clearly with the eye of faith the crucified Saviour bleeding on the cross on mount Calvary: the scriptures became an unsealed book, I saw myself a condemned criminal under the law, which came with its full force to my conscience, and when 'the commandment came sin revived, and I died.' I saw the Lord Jesus Christ in his humiliation, loaded and bearing my reproach, sin, and shame. I then clearly perceived that by the deeds of the law no flesh living could be justified. I was then convinced that by the first Adam sin came, and by the second Adam (the Lord Jesus Christ) all that are saved must be made alive. It was given me at that time to know what it was to be born again, John iii. 5. I saw the eighth chapter to the Romans, and the doctrines of God's decrees, verified agreeable to his eternal, everlasting, and unchangeable purposes. The word of God was sweet to my taste, yea sweeter than honey and the honeycomb. Christ was revealed to my soul as the chiefest among ten thousand. These heavenly moments were really as life to the dead, and what John calls an earnest of the spirit*. This was indeed unspeakable, and I firmly believe undeniable by many. Now every leading providential circumstance that happened to me, from the day I was taken from my parents to that hour, was then in my view, as if it had but just then occurred. I was sensible of the invisible hand of God, which guided and protected me when in truth I knew it not: still the Lord pursued me although I slighted and disregarded it; this mercy melted me down. When I considered my poor wretched state I wept, seeing what a great debtor I was to sovereign free grace. Now the Ethiopian was willing to be saved by Jesus Christ, the sinner's only surety, and also to rely on none other person or thing for salvation. * John xvi. 13, 14. &c. [Equiano's note] Self was obnoxious, and good works he had none, for it is God that worketh in us both to will and to do. Oh! The amazing things of that hour can never be told—it was joy in the Holy Ghost! I felt an astonishing change; the burden of sin, the gaping jaws of hell, and the fears of death, that weighed me down before, now lost their horror; indeed I thought death would now be the best earthly friend I ever had. Such were my grief and joy as I believe are seldom experienced. I was bathed in tears, and said, What am I that God should thus look on me the vilest of sinners? I felt a deep concern for my mother and friends, which occasioned me to pray with fresh ardour, and in the abyss of thought, I viewed the unconverted people of the world in a very awful state, being without God and without hope. It pleased God to pour out on me the Spirit of prayer and the grace of supplication, so that in loud acclamations I was enabled to praise and glorify his most holy name. When I got out of the cabin, and told some of the people what the Lord had done for me, alas, who could understand me or believe my report!—None but to whom the arm of the Lord was revealed. I became a barbarian to them in talking of the love of Christ: his name was to me as ointment poured forth; indeed it was sweet to my soul, but to them a rock of offence. I thought my case singular, and every hour a day until I came to London, for I much longed to be with some to whom I could tell of the wonders of God's love towards me, and join in prayer to him whom my soul loved and thirsted after. I had uncommon commotions within, such as few can tell aught about. Now the bible was my only companion and comfort; I prized it much, with many thanks to God that I could read it for myself, and was not left to be tossed about or led by man's devices and notions. The worth of a soul cannot be told.—May the Lord give the reader an understanding in this. Whenever I looked in the bible I saw things new, and many texts were immediately applied to me with great comfort, for I knew that to me was the word of salvation sent. Sure I was that the spirit which indited the word opened my heart to receive the truth of it as it is in Jesus—that the same spirit enabled me to act faith upon the promises that were precious to me, and enabled me to believe to the salvation of my soul. By free grace I was persuaded that I had a part in the first resurrection, and was enlightened with the 'light of the living,' Job xxxiii. 30. I wished for a man of God with whom I might converse: my soul was like the chariots of Aminadab, Canticles vi. 12. These among others, were the precious promises that were so powerfully applied to me: 'All things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer, believing, ye shall receive,' Matt. xxi. 22. 'Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you,' John xiv. 27. I saw the blessed Redeemer to be the fountain of life, and the well of salvation. I experienced him to be all in all; he had brought me by a way that I knew not, and he had made crooked paths straight. Then in his name I set up my Ebenezer, saying, Hitherto he hath helped me: and could say to the sinners about me, Behold what a saviour I have! Thus I was, by the teaching of that all-glorious Deity, the great One in Three, and Three in One, confirmed in the truths of the bible, those oracles of everlasting truth, on which every soul living must stand or fall eternally, agreeable to Acts iv. 12. 'Neither is there salvation in any other, for there is none other name under heaven given among men whereby we must be saved, but only Christ Jesus.' May God give the reader a right understanding in these facts! 'To him that believeth, all things are possible, but to them that are unbelieving nothing is pure, Titus i. 15. During this period we remained at Cadiz until our ship got laden. We sailed about the fourth of November; and, having a good passage, we arrived in London the month following, to my comfort, with heartfelt gratitude to God for his rich and unspeakable mercies. On my return I had but one text which puzzled me, or that the devil endeavoured to buffet me with, viz. Rom. xi. 6. and, as I had heard of the Reverend Mr. Romaine, and his great knowledge in the scriptures, I wished much to hear him preach. One day I went to Blackfriars church, and, to my great satisfaction and surprise, he preached from that very text. He very clearly shewed the difference between human works and free election, which is according to God's sovereign will and pleasure. These glad tidings set me entirely at liberty, and I went out of the church rejoicing, seeing my spots were those of God's Children. I went to Westminster Chapel, and saw some of my old friends, who were glad when they perceived the wonderful change that the Lord had wrought in me, particularly Mr. G— s—, my worthy acquaintance, who was a man of a choice spirit, and had great zeal sor the Lord's service. I enjoyed his correspondence till he died in the year 1784. I was again examined at that same chapel, and was received into church-fellowship amongst them: I rejoiced in spirit, making melody in my heart to the God of all my mercies, Now my whole wish was to be dissolved, and to be with Christ—but, alas! I must wait mine appointed time. MISCELLANEOUS VERSES, OR, Reflections on the state of my Mind during my first Convictions, of the Necessity of believing the Truth, and experiencing the inestimable Benefits of Christianity. Well may I say my life has been One scene of sorrow and of pain; From early days I griefs have known, And as I grew my griefs have grown: Dangers were always in my path; And fear of wrath, and sometimes death; While pale dejection in me reign'd I often wept, by grief constrain'd. When taken from my native land, By an unjust and cruel band, How did uncommon dread prevail! My sighs no more I could conceal. To ease my mind I often strove, And tried my trouble to remove: I sung, and utter'd sighs between— Assay'd to stifle guilt with sin. But O' not all that I could do Would stop the current of my woe; Conviction still my vileness shew'd; How great my guilt—how lost to good! ' Prevented, that I could not die, ' Nor could to one sure refuge fly; ' An orphan state I had to mourn,— ' Forsook by all, and left forlorn.' Those who beheld my downcast mein, Could not guess at my woes unseen: They by appearance could not know The troubles that I waded through. Lust, anger, blasphemy, and pride, With legions of such ills beside, ' Troubled my thoughts,' while doubts and fears Clouded and darken'd most my years. 'Sighs now no more would be confin'd— 'They breath'd the trouble of my mind:' I wish'd for death, but check'd the word, And often pray'd unto the Lord. Unhappy, more than some on earth, I thought the place that gave me birth— strange thoughts oppress'd—while I replied " Why not in Ethiopia died?" And why thus spar'd when nigh to hell?— God only knew—I could not tell! ' A tott ring fence a bowing wall,' ' I thought myself ere since the fall.' Oft times I mus'd, and nigh despair, While birds melodious fill'd the air: ' Thrice happy songsters, ever free,' How blest were they, compar'd to me! Thus all things added to my pain, While grief compell'd me to complain; When sable clouds began to rise My mind grew darker than the skies. The English nation call'd to leave, How did my breast with sorrows heave! I long'd for rest—cried "Help me, Lord! " some mitigation, Lord, afford!" Yet on, dejected, still I went— Heart-throbbing woes within me pent; Nor land, nor sea, could comfort give, Nor aught my anxious mind relieve. Weary with troubles yet unknown To all but God and self alone, Numerous months for peace I strove, Numerous foes I had to prove. Inur'd to dangers, griefs, and woes, Train'd up midst perils, death, and foes, said, "Must it thus ever be?— " No quiet is permitted me." Hard hap, and more than heavy lot! I pray'd to God "Forget me not— " What thou ordain'st help me to bear; " But O! deliver from despair!" strivings and wrestling seem'd in vain; Nothing I did could ease my pain: Then gave I up my work and will, Consess'd and own'd my doom was hell! Like some poor pris'ner at the bar, Conscious of guilt, of sin and fear, Arraign'd, and self-condemn'd, I stood— ' Lost in the world and in my blood!' Yet here, 'midst blackest clouds confin'd, A beam from Christ, the day-star shin'd; surely, thought I, if Jesus please, He can at once sign my release. I, ignorant of his righteousness, set up my labours in its place; ' Forgot for why his blood was shed, ' And pray'd and fasted in its stead.' He dy'd for sinners—I am one! Might not his blood for me atone? Tho' I am nothing else but sin, Yet surely he can make me clean! Thus light came in, and I believ'd; Myself forgot, and help receiv'd! My saviour then I know I found, For, eas'd from guilt no more I groan'd. O, happy hour, in which I ceas'd To mourn, for then I found a rest! My soul and Christ were now as one— Thy light, O Jesus, in me shone! Bless'd be thy name, for now I know I and my works can nothing do; "The Lord alone can ransom man— "For this the spotless Lamb was slain!" When sacrifices, works, and pray'r, Prov'd vain, and ineffectual were, " Lo, then I come!" the savior cry'd, And bleeding, bow'd his head and dy'd! He dy'd for all who ever saw No help in them, nor by the law:— I this have seen; and gladly own "Salvation is by Christ alone*!" * Act. iv. 12. [Equiano's Note] CHAP. XI. The author embarks on board a ship bound for Cadiz—Is near being shipwrecked—Goes to Malaga—Remarkable fine cathedral there—The author disputes with a popish priest—Picking up eleven miserable men at sea in returning to England—Engages again with Doctor Irving to accompany him to Jamaica and the Musquito shore—Meets with an Indian prince on board—The author attempts to instruct him in the truths of the Gospel—Frustrated by the bad example of some in the ship—They arrive on the Musquito shore with some slaves they purchased at Jamaica, and begin to cultivate a plantation—some account of the manners and customs of the Musquito Indians—successful device of the author's to quell a riot among them—Curious entertainment given by them to Doctor Irving and the author, who leaves the shore and goes for Jamaica—Is barbarously treated by a man with whom he engaged for his passage—Escapes and goes to the Musquito admiral, who treats him kindly—He gets another vessel and goes on board—Instances of bad treatment—Meets Doctor Irving—Gets to Jamaica—Is cheated by his captain—Leaves the Doctor and goes for England. WHEN our ship was got ready for sea again, I was intreated by the captain to go in her once more; but, as I felt myself now as happy as I could with to be in this life, I for some time refused; however, the advice of my friends at last prevailed; and, in full resignation to the will of God, I again embarked for Cadiz in March 1775. We had a very good passage, without any material accident, until we arrived off the Bay of Cadiz; when one Sunday, just as we were going into the harbour, the ship struck against a rock and knocked off a garboard plank, which is the next to the keel. In an instant all hands were in the greatest confusion, and began with loud cries to call on God to have mercy on them. Although I could not swim, and saw no way of escaping death, I felt no dread in my then situation, having no desire to live. I even rejoiced in spirit, thinking this death would be sudden glory. But the fulness of time was not yet come. The people near to me were much astonished in seeing me thus calm and resigned; but I told them of the peace of God, which through sovereign grace I enjoyed, and these words were that instant in my mind: "Christ is my pilot wise, my compass is his word; "My soul each storm desies, while I have such a Lord. "I trust his faithfulness and power, "To save me in the trying hour. "Though rocks and quicksands deep through all my passage lie, "Yet Christ shall safely keep and guide me with his eye, "How can I sink with such a prop, "That bears the world and all things up?" At this time there were many large Spanish flukers or passage-vessels full of people crossing the channel; who seeing our condition, a number of them came alongside of us. As many hands as could be employed began to work; some at our three pumps, and the rest unloading the ship as fast as possible. There being only a single rock called the Porpus on which we struck, we soon got off it, and providentially it was then high water, we therefore run the ship ashore at the nearest place to keep her from sinking. After many tides, with a great deal of care and industry, we got her repaired again. When we had dispatched our business at Cadiz, we went to Gibraltar, and from thence to Malaga, a very pleasant and rich city, where there is one of the finest cathedrals I had ever seen. It had been above fifty years in building, as I heard, though it was not then quite finished; great parts of the inside, however, was completed and highly decorated with the richest marble columns and many superb paintings; it was lighted occasionally by an amazing number of wax tapers of different sizes, some of which were as thick as a man's thigh; these, however, were only used on some of their grand festivals. I was very much shocked at the custom of bull-baiting, and other diversions which prevailed here on Sunday evenings, to the great scandal of Christianity and morals. I used to express my abhorrence of it to a priest whom I met with. I had frequent contests about religion with the reverend father, in which he took great pains to make a proselyte of me to his church; and I no less to convert him to mine. On these occasions I used to produce my Bible, and shew him in what points his church erred. He then said he had been in England, and that every person there read the Bible, which was very wrong; but I answered him that Christ desired us to search the scriptures. In his zeal for my conversion, he solicited me to go to one of the universities in Spain, and declared that I should have my education free; and told me, if I got myself made a priest, I might in time become even pope; and that Pope Benedict was a black man. As I was ever desirous of learning, I paused for some time upon this temptation; and thought by being crafty I might catch some with guile; but I began to think that it would be only hypocrisy in me to embrace his offer, as I could not in conscience conform to the opinions of his church. I was therefore enabled to regard the word of God, which says, 'Come out from amongst them,' and refused Father Vincent's offer. so we parted without conviction on either side. Having taken at this place some fine wines, fruits, and money, we proceeded to Cadiz, where we took about two tons more of money, &c. and then sailed for England in the month of June. When we were about the north latitude 42, we had contrary wind for several days, and the ship did not make in that time above six or seven miles strait course. This made the captain exceeding fretful and peevish: and I was very sorry to hear God's most holy name often blasphemed by him. One day, as he was in that impious mood, a young gentleman on board, who was a passenger, reproached him, and said he acted wrong; for we ought to be thankful to God for all things, as we were not in want of any thing on board; and though the wind was contrary for us, yet it was fair for some others, who, perhaps, stood in more need of it than we. I immediately seconded this young gentleman with some boldness, and said we had not the least cause to murmur, for that the Lord was better to us than we deserved, and that he had done all things well. I expected that the captain would be very angry with me for speaking, but he replied not a word. However, before that time on the following day, being the 21st of June, much to our great joy and astonishment, we saw the providential hand of our benign Creator, whose ways with his blind creatures are past finding out. The preceding night I dreamed that I saw a boat immediately off the starboard main shrouds; and exactly at half past one o'clock, the following day at noon, while I was below, just as we had dined in the cabin, the man at the helm cried out, A boat! which brought my dream that instant into my mind. I was the first man that jumped on the deck; and looking from the shrouds onward, according to my dream, I descried a little boat at some distance; but, as the waves were high, it was as much as we could do sometimes to discern her; we however stopped the ship's way, and the boat, which was extremely small, came alongside with eleven miserable men, whom we took on board immediately. To all human appearance, these people must have perished in the course of one hour or less, the boat being small, it barely contained them. When we took them up they were half drowned, and had no victuals, compass, water, or any other necessary whatsoever, and had only one bit of an oar to steer with, and that right before the wind; so that they were obliged to trust entirely to the mercy of the waves. As soon as we got them all on board, they bowed themselves on their knees, and, with hands and voices lifted up to heaven, thanked God for their deliverance; and I trust that my prayers were not wanting amongst them at the same time. This mercy of the Lord quite melted me, and I recollected his words, which I faw thus verified in the 107th Psalm, 'O give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, for his mercy endureth for ever. Hungry and thirsty, their souls fainted in them. They cried unto the Lord in their trouble, and he delivered them out of their distressess. And he led them forth by the right way, that they might go to a city of habitation. O that men would praise the Lord for his goodness and for his wonderful works to the children of men! For he satisfieth the longing soul, and silleth the hungry soul with goodness. 'Such as sit in darkness and in the shadow of death: 'Then they cried unto the Lord in their trouble, and he saved them out of their distresses. They that go down to the sea in ships; that do business in great waters: these see the works of the Lord, and his wonders in the deep. Whoso is wise and will observe these things, even they shall understand the loving kindness of the Lord.' The poor distressed captain said, 'that the Lord is good; for, seeing that I am not fit to die, he there fore gave me a space of time to repent.' I was very glad to hear this expression, and took an opportunity when convenient of talking to him on the providence of God. They told us they were Portuguese, and were in a brig loaded with corn, which shifted that morning at five o'clock, owing to which the vessel sunk that instant with two of the crew; and how these eleven got into the boat (which was lashed to the deck) not one of them could tell. We provided them with every necessary, and brought them all safe to Lon don: and I hope the Lord gave them repentance unto life eternal. I was happy once more amongst my friends and brethren, till November, when my old friend, the celebrated Doctor Irving, bought a remarkable sine sloop, about 150 tons. He had a mind for a new adventure in cultivating a plantation at Jamaica, and the Musquito shore; asked me to go with him, and said that he would trust me with his estate in preference to any one. By the advice, therefore, of my friends, I accepted of the offer, knowing that the harvest was fully ripe in those parts, and hoped to be an in strument under God, of bringing some poor sinner to my well beloved master, Jesus Christ. Before I embarked, I found with the Doctor four Masquito Indians, who were chiefs in their own country, and were brought here by some English traders for some selfish ends. One of them was the Musquito king's son; a youth of about eighteen years of age; and whilst he was here he was baptized by the name of George. They were going back at the government's expense, after having been in England about twelve months, during which they learned to speak pretty good English. When I came to talk to them about eight days before we sailed, I was very much mortified in finding that they had not frequented any churches since they were here, to be baptized, nor was any attention paid to their morals. I was very sorry for this mock Christianity, and had just an opportunity to take some of them once to church before we sailed. We embarked in the month of Novem ber 1776, on board of the sloop Morning star, Captain David Miller, and sailed for Jamaica. In our passage, I took all the pains that I could to instruct the Indian prince in the doctrines of Christianity, of which he was entirely ignorant; and, to my great joy, he was quite attentive, and received with gladness the truths that the Lord enabled me to set forth to him. I taught him in the compass of eleven days all the let ters, and he could put even two or three of them together and spell them. I had Fox's Martyrology with cuts, and he used to be very fond of looking into it, and would ask many questions about the papal cruelties he saw depicted there, which I explained to him. I made such progress with this youth, especially in religion, that when I used to go to bed at different hours of the night, if he was in his bed, he would get up on purpose to go to prayer with me, without any other clothes than his shirt; and before he would eat any of his meals amongst the gentlemen in the cabin, he would sirst come to me to pray as he called it. I was well pleased at this, and took great delight in him, and used much supplication to God for his conversion. I was in full hope of seeing daily every appearance of that change which I could wish; not knowing the devices of satan, who had many of his emissaries to sow his tares as fast as I sowed the good seed, and pull down as fast as I built up. Thus we went on nearly four fifths of our passage, when satan at last got the upper hand. some of his messengers, seeing this poor heathen much advanced in piety, began to ask him whether I had converted him to Christianity, laughed and made their jest at him, for which I rebuked them as much as I could; but this treatment caused the prince to halt between two opinions. some of the true sons of Belial, who did not believe that there was any hereafter, told him never to fear the devil, for there was none existing; and if ever he came to the prince, they desired he might be sent to them. Thus they teazed the poor innocent youth, so that he would not learn his book any more! He would not drink nor carouse with these ungodly actors, nor would he be with me, even at prayers. This grieved me very much. I endeavoured to persuade him as well as I could, but he would not come; and entreated him very much to tell me his reasons for acting thus. At last he asked me, 'How comes it that all the white men on board who can read and write, and observe the sun, and know all things, yet swear, lie, and get drunk, only excepting yourself?' I answered him, the reason was, that they did not fear God; and that if any one of them died so they could not go to, or be happy with God. He replied, that if these persons went to hell he would go to hell too. I was sorry to hear this; and, as he sometimes had the tooth-ach, and also some other persons in the ship at the same time, I asked him if their tooth-ach made his easy: he said, No. Then I told him if he and these people went to hell together, their pains would not make his any lighter. This answer had great weight with him: it depressed his spirits much; and he became ever after, during the passage, fond of being alone. When we were in the latitude of Martinico, and near making the land, one morning we had a brisk gale of wind, and, carrying too much sail, the main-mast went over the side. Many people were then all about the deck, and the yards, masts, and rigging, came tumbling all about us, yet there was not one of us in the least hurt, although some were within a hair's breadth of being killed: and, particularly, I saw two men who, by the providential hand of God, were most miraculously preserved from being smashed to pieces. On the fifth of January we made Antigua and Montserrat, and ran along the rest of the islands: and on the fourteenth we arrived at Jamaica. One sunday while we were there I took the Musquito Prince George to church, where he saw the sacrament administered. When we came out we saw all kinds of people, almost from the church door for the space of half a mile down to the waterside, buying and selling all kinds of commodities: and these acts afforded me great matter of exhortation to this youth, who was much astonished. Our vessel being ready to sail for the Musquito shore, I went with the Doctor on board a Guinea-man, to purchase some slaves to carry with us, and cul tivate a plantation; and I chose them all my own countrymen. On the twelfth of February we sailed from Jamaica, and on the eighteenth arrived at the Musquito shore, at a place called Du peupy. All our Indian guests now, after I had admonished them and a few cases of liquor given them by the Doctor, took an affectionate leave of us, and went ashore, where they were met by the Musquito king, and we never saw one of them afterwards. We then sailed to the southward of the shore, to a place called Cape Gracias a Dios, where there was a large lagoon or lake, which received the emptying of two or three very fine large rivers, and abounded much in fish and land tortoise. some of the native Indians came on board of us here; and we used them well, and told them we were come to dwell amongst them, which they seemed pleased at. so the Doctor and I, with some others, went with them ashore; and they took us to different places to view the land, in order to choose a place to make a plantation of. We fixed on a spot near a river's bank, in a rich soil; and, having got our necessaries out of the sloop, we began to clear away the woods, and plant different kinds of vegetables, which had a quick growth. While we were employed in this manner, our vessel went northward to Black River to trade. While she was there, a spanish guarda costa met with and took her. This proved very hurtful, and a great embarrassment to us. However, we went on with the culture of the land. We used to make fires every night all around us, to keep off wild beasts, which, as soon as it was dark, set up a most hideous roaring. Our habitation being far up in the woods, we frequently saw different kinds of animals; but none of them ever hurt us, except poisonous snakes, the bite of which the Doctor used to cure by giving to the patient as soon as possible, about half a tumbler of strong rum, with a good deal of Cayenne pepper in it. In this manner he cured two natives and one of his own slaves. The Indians were exceedingly fond of the Doctor, and they had good reason for it; for I believe they never had such an useful man amongst them. They came from all quarters to our dwelling; and some woolwow or flat-headed Indians, who lived fifty or sixty miles above our river, and this side of the south sea, brought us a good deal of silver in exchange for our goods. The principal articles we could get from our neighbouring Indians, were turtle oil, and shells, little silk grass, and some provisions; but they would not work at any thing for us, except fishing; and a few times they assist ed to cut some trees down, in order to build us houses; which they did exactly like the Africans, by the joint labour of men, women, and children. I do not recollect any of them to have had more than two wives. These always accompanied their husbands when they came to our dwelling, and then they generally carried whatever they brought to us, and always squatted down behind their husbands. Whenever we gave them any thing to eat, the men and their wives eat seperate. I never saw the least sign of incontinence amongst them. The women are ornamented with beads, and fond of painting themselves; the men also paint, even to excess, both their faces and shirts: their favourite colour is red. The women generally cultivate the ground, and the men are all fishermen and canoe makers. Upon the whole, I never met any nation that were so simple in their manners as these people, or had so little ornament in their houses. Neither had they, as I ever could learn, one word expressive of an oath. The worst word I ever heard amongst them when they were quarrelling, was one that they had got from the English, which was 'you rascal.' I never saw any mode of worship among them; but in this they were not worse than their European brethren or neighbours, for I am sorry to say that there was not one white person in our dwelling, nor any where else, that I saw, in different places I was at on the shore, that was better or more pious than those unenlightened indians; but they either worked or slept on sundays: and, to my sorrow, working was too much sun day's employment with ourselves; so much so, that in some length of time we really did not know one day from another. This mode of living laid the foundation of my decamping at last. The natives are well made and warlike; and they particularly boast of having never been conquered by the spaniards. They are great drinkers of strong liquors when they can get them. We used to distil rum from pine apples, which were very plentiful here; and then we could not get them away from our place. Yet they seemed to be sin gular, in point of honesty, above any other nation I was ever amongst. The country being hot, we lived under an open shed, where we had all kinds of goods, without a door or a lock to any one article; yet we slept in safety, and never lost any thing, or were disturbed. This surprised us a good deal; and the Doctor, myself, and others, used to say if we were to lie in that manner in Europe we should have our throats cut the first night. The Indian governor goes once in a certain time all about the province or district, and has a number of men with him as attendants and assistants. He settles all the differences among the people, like the judge here, and is treated with very great respect. He took care to give us timely notice before he came to our habitation, by sending his stick as a token, for rum, sugar, and gunpowder, which we did not refuse sending; and at the same time we made the utmost preparation to receive his honour and his train. When he came with his tribe, and all our neighbouring chieftians, we expected to sind him a grave reverend judge, solid and sagacious; but instead of that, before he and his gang came in sight, we heard them very clamorous; and they even had plundered some of our good neighbouring Indians, having intoxi cated themselves with our liquor. When they arrived we did not know what to make of our new guests, and would gladly have dispensed with the honour of their company. However, having no alternative, we feasted them plentifully all the day till the evening; when the governor, getting quite drunk, grew very unruly, and struck one of our most friendly chiefs, who was our nearest neighbour, and also took his gold-laced hat from him. At this a great commotion taken place; and the Doctor interfered to make peace, as we could all understand one another, but to no purpose; and at last they became so outrageous that the Doctor, fearing he might get into trouble, left the house, and made the best of his way to the nearest wood, leaving me to do as well as I could among them. I was so enraged with the Governor, that I could have wished to have seen him tied fast to a tree and flogged for his behaviour; but I had not people enough to cope with his party. I therefore thought of a stratagem to appease the riot. Recollecting a passage I had read in the life of Columbus, when he was amongst the Indians in Mexico or Peru, where on some occasion, he frightened them, by telling them of certain events in the heavens, I had recourse to the same expedient; and it succeeded beyond my most sanguine expectations. When I had formed my determination. I went in the midst of them; and, tak ing hold of the Governor, I pointed up to the heavens. I menaced him and the rest: I told them God lived there, and that he was angry with them, and they must not quarrel so; that they were all brothers, and if they did not leave off, and go away quietly, I would take the book (pointing to the Bible) read, and tell God to make them dead. This operated on them like magic.—The clamour im mediately ceased, and I gave them some rum and a few other things; after which they went away peaceably; and the Governor afterwards gave our neighbour, who was called Captain Plasmyah, his hat again. When the Doctor returned, he was exceedingly glad at my success in thus getting rid of our troublesome guests. The Musquito people within our vicinity, out of respect to the Doctor, myself, and his people, made entertainments of the grand kind, called in their tongue tourrie or dryckbot. The English of this expression is, a feast of drinking about, of which it seems a corruption of lan guage. The drink consisted of pine apples roasted, and casades chewed or beaten in mortars; which, after lying some time, ferments, and becomes so strong as to intoxicate, when drank in any quantity. We had timely notice given to us of the entertainment. A white family, whithin five miles of us, told us how the drink was made, and I and two others went before the time to the village, where the mirth was appointed to be held, and there we saw the whole art of making the drink, and also the kind of animals that were to be eaten there. I cannot say the sight of either the drink or the meat were enticing to me. They had some thousands of pine apples roasting, which they squeezed dirt and all, into a canoe they had there for the purpose. The casade drink was in beef barrels, and other vessels, and looked exactly like hog-wash. Men, women, and children, were thus employed in roasting the pine apples, and squeezing them with their hands. For sood they had many land torpins or tortoises, some dried turtle, and three large alligators alive, and tied fast to the trees. I asked the people what they were going to do with these alligators; and I was told they were to be eaten. I was much surpris ed at this, and went home, not a little disgusted at the preparations. When the day of the feast was come, we took some rum with us, and went to the appointed place, where we found a great assemblage of these people, who received us very kindly. The mirth had begun before we came; and they were dancing with music: and the musical instruments were nearly the same as those of any other sable people; but, as I thought much less melodious than any other nation I ever knew. They had many curious gestures in dancing, and a variety of motions and postures of their bodies, which to me were in no wise attracting. The males danced by themselves, and the females also by themselves, as with us. The Doctor shewed his people the example, by immediately joining the women's party, though not by their choice. On per ceiving the women disgusted, he joined the males. At night there were great illuminations, by setting fire to many pine trees, while the dryckbot went round merrily by calabashes or gourds: but the liquor might more justly be called eating than drinking. One Owden, the oldest father in the vicinity, was dressed in a strange and terrifying form. Around his body were skins adorned with different kinds of feathers, and he had on his head a very large and high head-piece, in the form of a grenadier's cap, with prickles like a porcupine: and he made a certain noise which resembled the cry of an alligator. Our people skipped amongst them out of complaisance, though some could not drink of their tourrie; but our rum met with customers enough, and was soon gone. The alligators were killed and some of them roasted. Their manner of roasting is by digging a hole in the earth, and filling it with wood, which they burn to coal, and then they lay sticks across, on which they set the meat. I had a raw piece of the alligator in my hand: it was very rich: I thought it looked like fresh salmon, and it had a most fragrant smell, but I could not eat any of it. This merry-making at last ended without the least discord in any person in the company, although it was made up of different nations and complexions. The rainy season came on here about the latter end of May, which continued till August very heavily; so that the rivers were overflowed, and our provisions then in the ground were washed away. I thought this was in some measure a judgment upon us for working on sundays, and it hurt my mind very much. I often wished to leave this place and sail for Europe; for our mode of procedure and living in this heathenish form was very irksome to me. The word of God saith, 'What does it avail a man if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?' This was much and hea vily impressed on my mind; and though I did not know how to speak to the Doctor for my discharge, it was disagreeable for me to stay any longer. But about the middle of June I took courage enough to ask him for it. He was very unwilling at sirst to grant my request; but I gave him so many reasons for it, that at last he consented to my going, and gave me the follow ing certificate of my behaviour: The bearer, Gustavus Vassa, has served me several years with strict honesty, sobriety, and fidelity. I can, therefore with justice recommend him for these qualifications; and indeed in every respect I consider him as an ex cellent servant. I do hereby certify that he always behaved well, and that he is perfectly trust-worthy. CHARLES IRVING. Musquito shore, June 15, 1776. Though I was much attached to the Doctor, I was happy when he consented. I got every thing ready for my departure, and hired some Indians, with a large canoe, to carry me off. All my poor countrymen, the slaves, when they heard of my leaving them, were very sorry, as I had always treated them with care and affection, and did every thing I could to comfort the poor creatures, and render their condition easy. Having taken leave of my old friends and companions, on the 18th of June, accompanied by the Doctor, I left that spot of the world, and went southward above twenty miles along the river. There I found a sloop, the captain of which told me he was going to Jamaica. Having agreed for my passage with him and one of the owners, who was also on board, named Hughes, the Doctor and I parted, not without shed ding tears on both sides. The vessel then sailed along the river till night, when she stopped in a lagoon within the same river. During the night a schooner belonging to the same owners came in, and, as she was in want of hands, Hughes, the owner of the sloop asked me to go in the schooner as a sailor, and said he would give me wages. I thanked him; but I said I wanted to go to Jamaica. He then immediately changed his tone, and swore, and abused me very much, and asked how I came to be freed. I told him, and said that I came into that vicinity with Dr. Irving; whom he had seen that day. This account was of no use; he still swore exceedingly at me, and cursed the master for a fool that sold me my freedom, and the doctor for another in letting me go from him. Then he desired me to go in the schooner, or else I should not go out of the sloop as a free-man. I said this was very hard, and begged to be put on shore again; but he swore that I should not. I said I had been twice amongst the Turks, yet had never seen any such usage with them, and much less could I have expected any thing of this kind among the Christians. This incensed him exceedingly; and, with a volley of oaths and imprecations, he replied, >'Christians! damn you, you are one of st. Paul's men; but by G—, except you have st. Paul's or st. Peter's faith, and walk upon the water to the shore, you shall not go out of the vessel;' which I now learnt was going amongst the spaniards towards Carthagena, where he swore he would sell me. I simply asked him what right he had to sell me? but, without another word, he made some of his people tie ropes round each of my ancles, and also to each wrist, and another rope round my body, and hoisted me up without letting my feet touch or rest upon any thing. Thus I hung, without any crime committed, and without judge or jury; merely because I was a free man, and could not by the law get any redress from a white person in those parts of the world. I was in great pain from my situation, and cried and begged very hard for some mercy; but all in vain. My tyrant, in a great rage brought a mus quet out of the cabin and loaded it before me and the crew, and swore that he would shoot me if I cried any more. I had now no alternative; I therefore remained silent, seeing not one white man on board who said a word on my behalf. I hung in that manner from between ten and eleven o'clock at night till about one in the morning; when, finding my cruel abuser fast asleep, I begged some of his slaves to slack the rope that was round my body, that my feet might rest on something. This they did at the risk of being cruelly used by their master, who beat some of them severely at first for not tying me when he commanded them. Whilst I remained in this condition, till between five and six o'clock next morning, I trust I prayed to God to forgive this blasphemer, who cared not what he did, but when he got up out of his sleep in the morning was of the very fame temper and disposition as when he left me at night. When they got up the anchor, and the vessel was getting under way, I once more cried and begged to be released; and now, being fortunately in the way of their hoisting the sails, they released me. When I was let down, I spoke to one Mr. Cox, a carpenter, whom I knew on board, on the impropriety of this conduct. He also knew the doctor, and the good opinion he ever had of me. This man then went to the captain, and told him not to carry me away in that manner? that I was the doctor's steward, who regarded me very highly, and would resent this usage when he should come to know it. On which he desired a young man to put me ashore in a small canoe I brought with me. This sound gladdened my heart, and I got hastily into the canoe and set off, whilst my tyrant was down in the cabin; but he soon spied me out, when I was not above thirty or forty yards from the vessel, and running upon the deck with a loaded musket in his hand, he presented it at me, and swore heavily and dreadfully, that he would shoot me that instant, if I did not come back on board. As I knew the wretch would have done as he said, without hesitation, I put back to the vessel again; but, as the good Lord would have it, just as I was alongside he was abusing the captain for letting me go from the vessel; which the captain returned, and both of them soon got into a very great heat. The young man that was with me now got out of the canoe; the vessel was sailing on fast with a smooth sea: and I then thought it was neck or no thing, so at that instant I set off again, for my life, in the canoe, towards the shore; and fortunately the confusion was so great amongst them on board, that I got out of the reach of the mus ket shot unnoticed, while the vessel sailed on with a fair wind a different way; so that they could not overtake me without tacking: but even before that could be done I should have been on shore, which I soon reached, with many thanks to God for this unexpected deliverance. I then went and told the other owner, who lived near that shore (with whom I had agreed for my passage) of the usage I had met with. He was very much astonished and appeared very sorry for it. After treating me with kindness, he gave me some refreshment, and three heads of roasted Indian corn, for a voyage of about eighteen miles south, to look for another vessel. He then directed me to an Indian chief of a district, who was also the Musquito admiral, and had once been at our dwelling; after which I set off with the canoe across a large lagoon alone (for I could not get any one to assist me), though I was much jaded, and had pains in my bowels, by means of the rope I had hung by the night before. I was therefore at different times unable to manage the canoe, for the paddling was very laborious. However, a little before dark I got to my destined place, where some of the Indians knew me, and received me kindly. I asked for the admiral; and they conducted me to his dwelling. He was glad to see me, and refreshed me with such things as the place afforded; and I had a hammock to fleep in. They acted towards me more like Christians than those whites I was amongst the last night, though they had been baptised. I told the admiral I wanted to go to the next port to get a vessel to carry me to Jamaica; and requested him to send the canoe back which I then had, for which I was to pay him. He agreed with me, and sent five able Indians with a large canoe to carry my things to my intended place, about fifty miles; and we set off the next morning. When we got out of the lagoon and went along shore, the sea was so high that the canoe was oftentimes very near being filled with water. We were obliged to go ashore and drag across different necks of land; we were also two nights in the swamps, which swarmed with musquito flies, and they proved troublesome to us. This tiresome journey of land and water ended, however, on the third day, to my great joy; and I got on board of a sloop commanded by one Captain Jenning. she was then partly loaded, and he told me he was expecting daily to sail for Jamaica; and having agreed with me to work my passage, I went to work accordingly. I was not many days on board before we sailed; but to my sorrow and disappointment, though used to such tricks, we went to the southward along the Musquito shore, instead of steering for Jamaica. I was compelled to assist in cutting a great deal of mahogany wood on the shore as we coasted along it, and load the vessel with it, before she sailed. This fretted me much; but, as I did not know how to help myself among these deceivers, I thought patience was the only remedy I had left, and even that was forced. There was much hard work and little victuals on board, except by good luck we happened to catch turtles. On this coast there was also a particular kind of fish called manatee, which is most excellent eating, and the flesh is more like beef than fish; the scales are as large as a shilling, and the skin thicker than I ever saw that of any other fish. Within the brackish waters along shore there were likewise vast numbers of alligators, which made the fish scarce. I was on board this sloop sixteen days, during which, in our coasting, we came to another place, where there was a smaller sloop called the Indian Queen, commanded by one John Baker. He also was an Englishman, and had been a long time along the shore trading for turtle shells and silver, and had got a good quantity of each on board. He wanted some hands very much; and, understanding I was a freeman, and wanted to go to Jamaica, he told me if he could get one or two, that he would sail immediately for that Island: he also pretended to shew me some marks of at tention and respect, and promised to give me forty-five shillings sterling a a month if I would go with him. I thought this much better than cutting wood for nothing. I therefore told the other captain that I wanted to go to Jamaica in the other vessel; but he would not listen to me; and, seeing me resolved to go in a day or two, he got the vessel to sail, intending to carry me away against my will. This treatment mortified me extremely. I immediately, according to an agreement I had made with the captain of the Indian Queen, called for her boat, which was lying near us, and it came alongside; and, by the means of a north-pole shipmate which I met with in the sloop I was in, I got my things into the boat, and went on board of the Indian Queen, July the 10th. A few days after I was there, we got all things ready and sailed: but again, to my great mortification, this vessel still went to the south, nearly as far as Carthagena, trading along the coast, instead of going to Jamaica, as the captain had promised me: and, what was worst of all, he was a very cruel and bloody-minded man, and was a horrid blasphemer. Among others, he had a white pilot, one stoker, whom he beat often as severely as he did some negroes he had on board. One night in particular, after he had beaten this man most cruelly, he put him into the boat, and made two negroes row him to a desolate key, or small island; and he loaded two pistols, and swore bitterly that he would shoot the negroes if they brought stoker on board again. There was not the least doubt but that he would do as he said, and the two poor fellows were obliged to obey the cruel mandate; but, when the captain was asleep, the two negroes took a blanket and carried it to the unfortunate stoker, which I believe was the means of saving his life from the annoyance of insects. A great deal of entreaty was used with the captain the next day, before he would consent to let stoker come on board; and when the poor man was brought on board he was very ill, from his situation during the night, and he remained so till he was drowned a little time after. As we sailed southward we came to many uninhabited islands, which were overgrown with fine large cocoa nuts. As I was very much in want of provisions, I brought a boat load of them on board, which lasted me and others for several weeks, and afforded us many a delicious repast in our scarcity. One day, before this, I could not help ob serving the providential hand of God, that ever supplied all our wants, though in the ways and manner we know not. I had been a whole day without food, and made signals for boats to come off, but in vain. I therefore earnestly prayed to God for relief in my need; and at the close of the evening I went off the deck. Just as I laid down I heard a noise on the deck; and, not knowing what it meant, I went directly on the deck again, when what should I see but a fine large fish about seven or eight pounds, which had jumped aboard! I took it, and admired, with thanks, the good hand of God; and, what I con sidered as not less extraordinary, the captain, who was very avaricious, did not attempt to take it from me, there being only him and I on board; for the rest were all gone ashore trading. sometimes the people did not come off for some days: this used to fret the captain, and then he would vent his fury on me by beating me, or making me feel in other cruel ways. One day especially, in his wild, wicked, and mad career, after striking me several times with different things, and once across my mouth, even with a red burning stick out of the fire, he got a barrel of gunpowder on the deck, and swore that he would blow up the vessel. I was then at my wit's end, and earnestly prayed to God to direct me. The head was out of the barrel; and the captain took a lighted stick out of the fire to blow himself and me up, because there was a vessel then in sight coming in, which he supposed was a spaniard, and he was afraid of falling into their hands. seeing this I got an axe, unnoticed by him, and placed myself between him and the powder, having resolved in myself as soon as he attempted to put the fire in the barrel to chop him down that instant. I was more than an hour in this situation; during which he struck me often, still keeping the fire in his hand for this wicked purpose. I really should have thought myself justifiable in any other part of the world if I had killed him, and prayed to God, who gave me a mind which rested solely on himself. I prayed for resignation, that his will might be done: and the following two portions of his holy word, which oc cured to my mind, buoyed up my hope, and kept me from taking the life of this wicked man. 'He hath determined the times before appointed, and set bounds to our habitations,' Acts xvii. 26. And, 'Who is there among you that feareth the Lord, that obeyeth the voice of his servant, that walketh in darkness and hath no light? let him trust in the name of the Lord, and stay upon his God,' Isaiah l. 20. And thus by the grace of God I was enabled to do. I found him a present help in the time of need, and the captain's fury began to sub side as the night approached: but I found, " That he who cannot stem his anger's tide " Doth a wild horse without a bridle ride." The next morning we discovered that the vessel which had caused such a fury in the captain was an English sloop. They soon came to an anchor where we were, and, to my no small surprise, learned that Doctor Irving was on board of her on his way from the Musquito shore to Jamaica. I was for going immediately to see this old master and friend, but the captain would not suffe me to leave the vessel. I then informe the Doctor, by letter, how I was treated and begged that he would take me out of the sloop: but he informed me that it was not in his power, as he was a passenger himself; but he sent me some rum and sugar for my own use. I now learned that after I had left the estate which I managed for this gentleman on the Musquito shore, during which the slaves were well fed and comfortable, a white overseer had supplied my place: this man through inhumanity and ill-judged avarice, beat and cut the poor slaves most unmercifully; and the consequence was, that every one got into a large Puriogua canoe, and endeavoured to escape; but not knowing where to go, or how to manage the canoe, they were all drowned; in consequence of which the Doctor's plantation was left uncultivated, and he was now returning to Jamaica to purchase more slaves, and stock it again. On the 14th of October, the Indian Queen arrived at Kingston in Jamaica. When we were unloaded I demanded my wages, which amounted to eight pounds five shillings sterling; but Captain Baker refused to give me one farthing, although it was the hardestearned money I ever worked for in my life. I found out Doctor Irving upon this, and acquainted him of the cap tain's knavery. He did all he could to help me to get my money; and we went to every magistrate in Kingston (and there were nine) but they all refused to do any thing for me, and said my oath could not be admitted against a white man. Nor was this all; for Baker threatened that he would beat me severely if he could catch me for attempting to demand my money; and this he would have done, but that I got, by means of Doctor Irving, under the protection of Captain Douglas, of the squirrel man of war. I thought this exceeding hard usage; though indeed I found it to be too much the practice there to pay free negro men for their labour in this manner. One day I went with a free negroe taylor, named Joe Diamond, to one Mr. Cochran, who was indebted to him some trifling sum; and the man, not being able to get his money, be gan to murmur. The other immediately took a horse-whip to pay him with it, but, by the help of a good pair of heels, the taylor got off. such oppressions as these made me seek for a vessel to get off the island as fast as I could: and by the mercy of God, I found a ship in November bound for England, when I embarked with a con voy, after having taken a last farewell of Doctor Irving. When I left Jamaica he was employed in refining sugars; and some months after my arrival in England I learned, with much sorrow, that this my amiable friend was dead, owing to his having eaten some poisoned fish. We had many very heavy gales of wind in our passage; in the course of which no material incident occurred, except that an American privateer, falling in with the fleet, was captured and set sire to by his Majesty's ship the squirrel. On January the seventh, 1777, we arrived at Plymouth. I was happy once more to tread upon English ground; and, after passing some little time at Plymouth and Exeter, among some pious friends, whom I was happy to see, I went to London with a heart replete with thanks to God for past mercies. CHAP. XII. Different transactions of the author's life till the present time—His application to the late Bishop of London to be appointed a missionary to Africa—some account of his share in the conduct of the late expedition to Sierra Leone—Petition to the Queen—Conclusion. SUCH were the various scenes which I was a witness to, and the fortune I experienced until the year 1777. Since that period, my life has been more uniform, and the incidents of it fewer, than in any other equal number of years preceding; I therefore hasten to the conclusion of a narrative, which I fear the reader may think already sufficiently tedious. I had suffered so many impositions in my commercial transactions in different parts of the world, that I became heartily disgusted with the seafaring life, and was determined not to return to it, at least for some time. I therefore once more engaged in service shortly after my return, and continued for the most part in this situation until 1784. Soon after my arrival in London, I saw a remarkable circumstance relative to African complexion, which I thought so extraordinary, that I beg leave just to mention it: A white negro woman, that I had formerly seen in London and other parts, had married a white man, by whom she had three boys, and they were every one mullattoes, and yet they had fine light hair. In 1779, I served Governor Macnamara, who had been a considerable time on the coast of Africa. In the time of my service, I used to ask frequently other servants to join me in family prayer; but this only excited their mockery. However, the Governor, understanding that I was of a religious turn, wished to know what religion I was of; I told him I was a Protestant of the Church of England, agreeable to the thirty nine articles of that church; and that whomsoever I found to preach according to that doctrine, those I would hear. A few days after this, we had some more discourse on the same subject; when he said he would, if I chose, as he thought I might be of service in converting my countrymen to the Gospel faith, get me sent out as missionary to Africa. I at first refused going, and told him how I had been served on a like occasion by some white people the last voyage I went to Jamaica, when I attempted (if it were the will of God) to be the means of converting the Indian prince; and said I supposed they would serve me worse than Alexander the coppersmith did St. Paul, if I should attempt to go amongst them in Africa. He told me not to fear, for he would apply to the Bishop of London to get me ordained. On these terms I consented to the Governor's proposal to go to Africa in hope of doing good, if possible, amongst my countrymen; so, in order to have me sent out properly, we immediately wrote the following letters to the late Bishop of London: To the Right Reverend Father in God, ROBERT, Lord Bishop of London: The MEMORIAL of Gustavus Vassa SHEWETH, THAT your memorialist is a native of Africa, and has a knowledge of the manners and customs of the inhabitants of that country. That your memorialist has resided in different parts of Europe for twenty-two years last past, and embraced the Christian faith in the year 1759. That your memorialist is desirous of returning to Africa as a missionary, if encouraged by your Lordship, in hopes of being able to prevail upon his countrymen to become Christians; and your memorialist is the more induced to undertake the same, from the success that has attended the like undertakings when encouraged by the Portugeuse through their different settlements on the coast of Africa, and also by the Dutch: both governments encouraging the blacks, who, by their education are qualified to undertake the same, and are found more proper than European clergymen, unacquainted with the language and customs of the country. Your memorialist's only motive for soliciting the office of a missionary is, that he may be a means, under God, of reforming his countrymen and persuading them to embrace the Christian religion. Therefore your memorialist humbly prays your Lordship's encouragement and support in the undertaking. Gustavus Vassa. At Mr. Guthrie's, Taylor, No. 17, Hedge-lane. MY LORD, I have resided near seven years on the coast of Africa, for most part of the time as commanding officer. From the knowledge I have of the country and its inhabitants, I am inclined to think that the within plan will be attended with great success, if countenanced by your Lordship. I beg leave further to represent to your Lordship, that the like attempts, when encouraged by other governments, have met with uncommon success; and at this very time I know a very respectable character a black priest at Cape Coast Castle. I know the within named Gustavus Vassa, and believe him a moral good man. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's Humble and obedient servant, MATT. MACNAMARA. Grove, 11th March 1779. This letter was also accompanied by the following from Doctor Wallace, who had resided in Africa for many years, and whose sentiments on the subject of an African mission were the same with Governor Macnamara's. March 13, 1779. MY LORD, I have resided near five years on Senegambia on the coast of Africa, and have had the honour of silling very considerable employments in that province. I do approve of the within plan, and think the undertaking very laudable and proper, and that it deserves your Lordship's protection and encouragement, in which case it must be attended with the intended success. I am, my Lord, Your Lordships Humble and obedient servant, THOMAS WALLACE. With these letters, I waited on the Bishop by the Governor's desire, and presented them to his Lordship. He received me with much condescension and politeness; but, from some certain scruples of delicacy, and saying the Bishops were not of opinion of sending a new missionary to Africa, he declined to ordain me. My sole motive for thus dwelling on this transaction, or inserting these papers, is the opinion which gentlemen of sense and education, who are acquainted with Africa, entertain of the probability of converting the inhabitants of it to the faith of Jesus Christ, if the attempt were countenanced by the legislature. shortly after this I left the Governor, and served a nobleman in the Dorsetshire militia, whith whom I was encamped at Coxheath for some time; but the operations there were too minute and uninteresting to make a detail of. In the year 1783, I visited eight counties in Wales, from motives of curiosity. While I was in that part of the country I was led to go down into a coal-pit in shropshire, but my curiosity nearly cost me my life; for while I was in the pit the coals fell in, and buried one poor man, who was not far from me: upon this I got out as fast as I could, thinking the furface of the earth the safest part of it. In the spring of 1784, I thought of visiting old ocean again. In consequence of this I embarked as steward on board a fine new ship called the London, commanded by Martin Hopkin, and sailed for New-York. I admired this city very much; it is large and well-built, and abounds with provisions of all kinds. While we lay here a circumstance happened which I thought extremely singular:—One day a malefactor was to be executed on a gallows; but with a condition that if any woman, having nothing on but her shift, married the man under the gallows, his life was to be saved. This extraordinary privilege was claimed; a woman presented herself; and the marriage ceremony was performed. Our ship having got laden were turned to London in January 1785. When she was ready again for another voyage, the captain being an agreeable man, I sailed with him from hence in the spring, March 1785, for Philadelphia. On the 5th of April, we took our departure from the land's-end, with a pleasant gale; and about nine o'clock that night the moon shone bright, and the sea was smooth, while our ship was going free by the wind, at the rate of about four or five miles an hour.—At this time another ship was going nearly as fast as we on the opposite point, meeting us right in the teeth, yet none on board observed either ship until we struck each other forcibly head and head, to the astonishment and consternation of both crews. she did us much damage, but I believe we did her more; for when we passed by each other, which we did very quickly, they called to us to bring to, and hoist out our boat, but we had enough to do to mind ourselves; and in about eight minutes we saw no more of her. We refitted as well as we could the next day, and proceeded on our voyage, and in May arrived at Philadelphia. I was very glad to see this favorite old town once more; and my pleasure was much increased in seeing the worthy Quakers freeing and easing the burthens of many of my oppressed African brethren. It rejoiced my heart when one of these friendly people took me to see a free-school they had erected for every denomination of black people, whose minds are cultivated here, and forwarded to virtue; and thus they are made useful members of the community. Does not the success of this practice say loudly to the planters, in the language of scripture—"Go ye and do likewise!" In October 1585, I was accompanied by some of the Africans, and presented this address of thanks to the gentlemen called Friends or Quakers, in Gracechurch-Court, Lombard-street: GENTLEMEN, By reading your book, entitled a Caution to Great Britain and her Colonies, concerning the Calamitous state of the enslaved Negroes: We part of the poor, oppressed, needy, and much degraded negroes, desire to approach you with this address of thanks, with our inmost love and warmest acknowledgment; and with the deepest sense of your benevolence, unwearied labour, and kind interposition, towards breaking the yoke of slavery, and to administer a little comfort and ease to thousands and tens of thousands of very grievously afflicted, and too heavy burthened negroes. Gentlemen, could you, by perseverance, at last be enabled under God, to lighten in any degree the heavy burthen of the afflicted, no doubt it would in some measure, be the possible means, under God, of saving the souls of many of the oppressors; and if so, sure we are that the God, whose eyes are ever upon all his creatures, and always rewards every true act of virtue, and regards the prayers of the oppressed, will give to you and yours those blessings which it is not in our power to express or conceive, but which we as a part of those captivated, oppressed, and afflicted people, most earnestly wish and pray for. These gentlemen received us very kindly, with a promise to exert themselves on behalf of the oppressed Africans, and we parted. While in town, I chanced once to be invited to a Quaker's wedding. The simple and yet expressive mode used at their solemnizations is worthy of note. The following is the true form of it: After the company have met, they have seasonable exhortations by several of the members; the bride and bridegroom stand up, and, taking each other by the hand in a solemn manner,the man declares to this purpose: "Friends, in the fear of the Lord, and in the presence of this assembly, whom I desire to be my witnesses, I take this my friend, M. N. to be my wife; promising, through divine assistance, to be unto her a loving and faithful husband till death separate us:" and the woman makes the like declaration. Then the two first sign their names to the record, and as many more witnesses as have a mind. I had the honour to subscribe mine to a register in Gracechurch-Court, Lombard-street.—My hand is ever free—if any female Debonair wishes to obtain it, this mode I recommend. We returned to London in August; and our ship not going immediately to sea, I shipped as a steward in an American ship called the Harmony, Captain John Willet, and left London in March 1786, bound to Philadelphia. Eleven days after sailing, we carried our foremast away. We had a nine weeks passage, which caused our trip not to succeed well, the market for our goods proving bad; and to make it worse, my commander began to play me the like tricks as others too often practise on free negroes in the West Indies. But I thank God I found many friends here, who in some measure prevented him. On my return to London in August, I was very agreeably surprised to find that the benevolence of government had adopted the plan of some philanthropic individuals to send the Africans from hence to their native quarter; and that some vessels were then engaged to carry them to sierra Leona; an act which redounded to the honour of all concerned in its promotion, and filled me with prayers and much rejoicing. There was then in the city, a select committee of gentlemen for the black poor, to some of whom I had the honour of being known; and, as soon as they heard of my arrival, they sent for me to the committee. When I came there, they informed me of the intention of government; and as they seemed to think me qualified to superintend part of the undertaking, they asked me to go with the black poor to Africa. I pointed out to them many objections to my going; and particularly I expressed some difficulties on the account of the slave dealers, as I would certainly oppose their traffic in the human species by every means in my power. However these objections were over-ruled by the gentlemen of the committee, who prevailed on me to consent to go; and recommended me to the honourable Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy, as a proper person to act as commissary for government in the intended expedition; and they accordingly appointed me in November 1786, to that office, and gave me sufficient power to act for the government in the capacity of commissary, having received my warrant and the following order. By the principal Officers and Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy. WHEREAs you were directed, by our warrant of the 4th of last month, to receive into your charge from Mr. Joseph Irwin, the surplus provisions remaining of what was provided for the voyage, as well as the provisions for the support of the black poor, after the landing at Sierra Leone, with the cloathing, tools, and all other articles provided at government's expence; and as the provisions were laid in at the rate of two months for the voyage, and for four months afrer the landing, but the number embarked being so much less than we expected, whereby there may be a considerable surplus of provisions, cloathing, &c. These are, in addition to former orders, to direct and require you to appropriate or dispose of such surplus to the best advantage you can for the benefit of government, keeping and rendering to us a faithful account of what you do herein. And for your guidance in preventing any white persons going, who are not intended to have the indulgence of being carried thither, we send you herewith a list of those recommended by the Committee for the balck poor, as proper persons to be permitted to embark, and acquaint you that you are not to suffer any others to go who do not produce a certificate from the committee for the black poor, of their having their permission for it. For which this shall be your warrant. Dated at the Navy-Office, January 16, 1787. J.HINSLOW, GEO. MARSH, W. PALMER. To Mr. Gustavus Vassa, Commissary of Provisions and stores for the Black Poor going to sierra Leona. I proceeded immediately to the executing of my duty on board the vessels destined for the voyage, where I continued till the March following. During my continuanee in the employment of government, I was struck with the flagrant abuses committed by the agent, and endeavoured to remedy them, but without effect. One instance, among many which I could produce, may serve as a specimen. Government had ordered to be provided all necessaries (slops, as they are called, included) for 750 persons; however, not being able to muster more than 426, I was ordered to send the superfluous slops, &c. to the king's stores at Portsmouth; but, when I demanded them for that purpose from the agent, it appeared they had never been bought, though paid for by government. But that was not all, government were not the only objects of peculation; these poor people suffered infinitely more; their accommodations, were most wretched; many of them wanted beds, and many more cloathing and other necessaries. For the truth of this, and much more, I do not seek credit from my own assertion. I appeal to the testimony of Capt. Thompson, of the Nautilus, who convoyed us, to whom I applied in February 1787, for a remedy, when I had remonstrated to the agent in vain, and even brought him to be a witness of the injustice and oppression I complained of. I appeal also to a letter written by these wretched people, so early as the beginning of the preceding January, and published in the Morning Herald, on the 4th of that month, signed by twenty of their chiefs. I could not silently suffer govern>ment to be thus cheated, and my countrymen plundered and oppressed, and even lest destitude of the necessaries for almost their existence. I therefore informed the Commissioners of the Navy of the agent's proceeding; but my dismission was soon after procured, by means of a gentleman in the city, whom the agent, conscious of his peculation, had deceived by letter, and who, moreover, empowered the same agent to receive on board, at the government expence, a number of persons as passengers, contrary to the orders I received. By this I suffered a considerable loss in my property: however, the commissioners were satisfied with my conduct, and wrote to Capt. Thompson, expressing their opprobation of it. Thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage; and at last, worn out by treatment, perhaps not the most mild, and wasted by sickness, brought on by want of medicine, cloaths, bedding, &c. they reached sirrea Leona just at at the commencement of the rains. At that season of the year it is impossible to cultivate the lands; their provisions therefore were exhausted before they could derive any benefit from agriculture; and it is not surprising that many, especially the lascars, whose constitutions are very tender, and who had been cooped up in ships from October to June, and accommodated in the manner I have mentioned, should be so wasted by their confinement as not long to survive it. Thus ended my part of the long-talked of expedition to sierra Leona; an expedition which, however unfortunate in the event, was humane and politic in its design, nor was its failure owing to government: every thing was done on their part; but there was evidently sufficient mismanagement attending the conduct and execution of it to defeat its success. I should not have been so ample in my account of this transaction, had not the share I bore in it been made the subject of partial animadversion, and even my dismission from my employment thought worthy of being made by some a matter of public triumph*. The motives which might influence any person to descend to a petty contest with an obscure African, and to seek gratification by his depression, perhaps it is not proper here to inquire into or relate, even if its detection were necessary to my vindication; but I thank Heaven it is not. I wish to stand by my own integrity, and not to shelter myself under the impropriety of another; and I trust the behaviour of the Commissioners of the Navy to me entitle me to make this assertion; for after I had been dismissed, March 24, I drew up a memorial thus: * See the Public Advertiser, July 14, 1787. [Equiano's Note] To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury: The Memorial and Petition of GUSTAVUS VASSA a black Man, late Commissary to the black Poor going to AFRICA. HUMBLY SHEWETH, THAT your Lordships memorialist was, by the Honourable the Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy on the 4th of December last, appointed to the above employment by warrant from that board; That he accordingly proceeded to the execution of his duty on board of the Vernon, being one of the ships appointed to proceed to Africa with the above poor; That your memorialist, to his great grief and astonishment, received a letter of dismission from the Honourable Commissioners of the Navy, by your Lordships orders; That, conscious of having acted with the most perfect fidelity and the greatest assiduity in discharging the trust reposed in him, he is altogether at a loss to conceive the reasons of your Lordships having altered the favourable opinion you were pleased to conceive of him, sensible that your Lordships would not proceed to so severe a measure without some apparent good cause; he therefore has every reason to believe that his conduct has been grossly misrepresented to your Lordships, and he is the more confirmed in his opinion, because, by opposing measures of others concerned in the same expedition, which tended to defeat your Lordships humane intentions, and to put the government to a very considerable additional expence, he created a number of enemies, whose misrepresentations, he has too much reason to believe, laid the foundation of his dismission. Unsupported by friends; and unaided by the advantages of a liberal education, he can only hope for redress from the justice of his cause, in addition to the mortification of having been removed from his employment, and the advantage which he reasonably might have expected to have derived therefrom. He has had the misfortune to have sunk a considerable part of his lit tle property in fitting himself out, and in other expences arising out of his situation, an account of which he here annexes. Your memorialist will not trouble your Lordships with a vindication of any part of his conduct, because he knows not of what crimes he is accused; he, however, earnestly entreats that you will be pleased to direct an inquiry into his behaviour during the time he acted in the public service; and, if it be found that his dismission arose from salse representations, he is confident that in your Lordships justice he shall find redress. Your petitioner therefore humbly prays that your Lordships will take his case into consideration, and that you will be pleased to order payment of the above referred-to account, amounting to 32l. 4s. and also the wages intended, which is most humbly submitted. London, May 12, 1787. The above petition was delivered into the hands of their Lordships, who were kind enough, in the space of some few months afterwards, without hearing, to order me 50l. sterling—that is, 18l. wages for the time (upwards of four months) I acted a faithful part in their service. Certainly the sum is more than a free negro would have had in the western colonies!!! From that period, to the present time, my life has passed in an even tenor, and great part of my study and attention has been to assist in the cause of my much injured countrymen. March the 21st, 1788, I had the honour of presenting the Queen with a petition on behalf of my African brethren, which was received most graciously by Her Majesty*: To the QUEEN's most Excellent Majesty. MADAM, YOUR Majesty's well known benevolence and humanity emboldens * At the request of some of my most particular friends, I take the liberty of inserting it here. [Equiano's note] me to approach your royal presence, trusting that the obscurity of my situa tion will not prevent your Majesty from attending to the sufferings for which I plead. Yet I do not solicit your royal pity, for my own distress; my sufferings, although numerous, are in a measure forgotten. I supplicate your Majesty's compassion for millions of my African countrymen, who groan under the lash of tyranny in the West Indies. The oppression and cruelty exercised to the unhappy negroes there, have at length reached the British legislature, and they are now deliberating on its redress; even several persons of pro perty in slaves in the West Indies, have petitioned parliament against its continuance, sensible that it is as impolitic as it is unjust—and what is inhuman must ever be unwise. Your Majesty's reign has been hitherto distinguished by private acts of benevolence and bounty; surely the more extended the misery is, the greater claim it has to your Majesty's com passion, and the greater must be your Majesty's pleasure in administering to its relief. I presume, therefore, gracious Queen, to implore your interposition with your royal consort, in favour of the wretch ed Africans; that, by your Majesty's benevolent influence, a period may now be put to their misery; and that they may be raised from the condition of brutes, to which they are at present degraded, to the rights and situation of freemen, and admitted to partake of the blessings of your Majesty's happy government; so shall your Majesty enjoy the heart-felt pleasure of procuring happiness to millions, and be rewarded in the grateful prayers of themselves, and of their posterity. And may the all-bountiful Creator shower on your Majesty, and the Royal Family, every bleffing that this world can afford, and every fulness of joy which divine revelation has promised us in the next. I am your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted servant to command, GUSTAVUS VASSA, The Oppressed Ethiopian. No. 53. Baldwin's Gardens. The negro consolidated act, made by the assembly of Jamaica last year, and the new act of amendment now in agitation there, contain a proof of the existence of those charges that have been made against the planters relative to the tratment of their slaves. I hope to have the satisfaction of seeing the renovation of liberty and justice, resting on the British government, to vindicate the honour of our common nature. These are concerns which do not perhaps belong to any particular office: but, to speak more seriously to every man of sentiment, actions like these are the just and sure foundation of future fame; a reversion, though remote, is coveted by some noble minds as a substantial good. It is upon these grounds that I hope and expect the attention of gentlemen in power. These are designs consonant to the elevation of their rank, and the dignity of their stations: they are ends suitable to the nature of a free and ge nerous government; and, connected with views of empire and dominion, suited to the benevolence and solid merit of the legislature. It is a pursuit of substantial greatness.—May the time come—at least the speculation to me is pleasing—when the sable people shall gratefully commemorate the au spicious aera of extensive freedom. Then shall those persons* particularly be named with praise and honour, who generously proposed and stood forth in the cause of humanity, liberty, and good policy; and brought to the car of the legislature designs worthy of royal patronage and adoption. May Heaven make the British senators the dispersers of light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost parts of the earth: * Granville Sharp, Esq the Reverend Thomas Clarkson; the Reverend James Ramsay; our approved friends, men of virtue, are an honour to their country, ornamental to human nature, happy in themselves, and benefactors to mankind! [Equiano's note] then will be glory to God on the highest, on earth peace, and good-will to men:—Glory, honour, peace, &c. to every soul of man that worketh good, to the Britons first, (because to them the Gospel is preached) and also to the nations. 'Those that honour their Maker have mercy on the poor.' 'It is righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people; destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity, and the wicked shall fall by their own wickedness.' May the blessings of the Lord be upon the heads of all those who commiserated the cases of the oppressed negroes, and the fear of God prolong their days; and may their expectations be filled with gladness! 'The liberal devise liberal things, and by liberal things shall stand,' Isaiah xxxii. 8. They can say with pious Job, 'Did not I weep for him that was in trouble? was not my soul grieved for the poor?' Job xxx. 25. As the inhuman traffic of slavery is to be taken into the consideration of the British legislature, I doubt not, if a system of commerce was established in Africa, the demand for manufactures will most rapidly augment, as the na tive inhabitants will insensibly adopt the British fashions, manners, customs, &c. In proportion to the civilization, so will be the consumption of British manufactures. The wear and tear of a continent, nearly twice as large as Europe, and rich in vegetable and mineral productions, is much easier conceived than calculated. A case in point.—It cost the Aborigines of Britain, little or nothing in clothing, &c. The difference between their forefathers and the present generation, in point of consumption, is literally infinite. The supposition is most obvious. It will be equally im mense in Africa—The same cause, viz. civilization, will ever have the same effect. It is trading upon safe grounds. A commercial intercourse with Africa opens an inexhaustible source of wealth to the manufacturing interests of Great Britain, and to all which the slave trade is an objection. If I am not misinformed, the manufacturing interest is equal, if not superior, to the landed interest, as to the value, for reasons which will soon appear. The abolition of slavery, so diabolical, will give a most rapid extension of manufactures, which is totally and diametrically opposite to what some interested people assert. The manufactures of this country must and will, in the nature and reason of things, have a full and constant employ by supplying the African mar kets. Population, the bowels and surface of Africa, abound in valuable and use ful returns; the hidden treasures of cen turies will be brought to light and into circulation. Industry, enterprize, and mining, will have their full scope, pro portionably as they civilize. In a word, it lays open an endless field of commerce to the British manufactures and merchant adventurer. The manufacturing interest and the general inte rests are synonymous. The abolition of slavery would be in reality an universal good. Tortures, murder, and every other imaginable barbarity and iniquity, are practised upon the poor slaves with impunity. I hope the slave trade will be abolished. I pray it may be an event at hand. The great body of manusac turers, uniting in the cause, will con siderably facilitate and expedite it; and, as I have already stated, it is most substantially their interest and advantage, and as such the nation's at large, (except those persons concerned in the manufacturing neck-yokes, collars, chains, hand-cuffs, leg-bolts, drags, thumbscrews, iron muzzles, and coffins; cats, scourges, and other instruments of torture used in the slave trade). In a short time one sentiment alone will prevail, from motives of interest as well as justice and humanity. Europe contains one hundred and twenty millions of inhabitants. Query—How many millions doth Africa contain? supposing the Africans, collectively and individually, to expend 5l. a head in raiment and furniture yearly when civilized, &c. an immensity beyond the reach of imagination! This I conceive to be a theory founded upon facts, and therefore an infallible one. If the blacks were permitted to remain in their own country, they would double themselves every fifteen years. In proportion to such increase will be the demand for manufactures. Cotton and indigo grow spontaneously in most parts of Africa; a consideration this of no small consequence to the manufacturing towns of Great Britain. It opens a most immense, glorious, and happy prospect—the clothing, &c. of a continent ten thousand miles in circumference, and immensely rich in productions of every denomination in return for manufac tures. I have only therefore to request the reader's indulgence and conclude. I am far from the vanity of thinking there is any merit in this narrative: I hope censure will be suspended, when it is considered that it was written by one who was as unwilling as unable to adorn the plainness of truth by the colouring of imagination. My life and fortune have been extremely chequered, and my adventures various. Even those I have related are considerably abridged. If any incident in this little work should appear uninteresting and trifling to most readers, I can only say, as my excuse for mentioning it, that almost every event of my life made an impression on my mind, and influenced my conduct. I early accus tomed myself to look for the hand of God in the minutest occurrence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality and religion; and in this light, every circumstance I have related was to me of importance. After all, what makes any event important, unless by its observation we become better and wiser, and learn 'to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before God?' To those who are possessed of this spirit, there is scarcely any book or incident so trifling that does not afford some profit, while to others the experience of ages seems of no use; and even to pour out to them the treasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of instruction away. THE END. Thomson, James and James Thomson. "An Ode [Rule, Britannia]". Alfred: A Masque, A. Millar, 1740 , pp 42-43 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [TP for Alfred: A Masque] 42 An ODE. [Rule, Britannia] 1. 1 When Britain first, at heaven's command, 2 Arose from out the azure main; According to the OED (main, n.5a), the "main" is the open sea--the azure or blue sea, in this case. 3 This was the charter of the land, A charter is a founding document, but more specifically, a document from a sovereign source "granting privileges to, or recognizing the rights of,...certain classes" or groups of people (OED, n.1a). What entity grants these rights in the poem? 4 And guardian Angels sung this strain: 5 "Rule Britannia, rule the waves; Britannia is a figurative, allegorical representation of Britain as a female warrior carrying a trident and a sheild, often accompanied by a lion. The trident is the weapon of Neptune, the ancient Roman god of the sea, and in the 19th century, she became a vivid symbol of empire. We might keep in mind the role that white femininity might play in "civilizing" others. In the 1778 painting shown here, we see an unhelmeted Britannia accepting offerings from "the East" (The East Offering its Richest to Britannia, via Wikipedia). 6 "Britons never will be slaves." 2. 7 The nations, not so blest as thee, 8 Must, in their turns, to tyrants fall: 9 While thou shalt flourish great and free, 10 The dread and envy of them all. 11 "Rule, &c. 3. 12 Still more majestic shalt thou rise, 13 More dreadful, from each foreign stroke: 14 As the loud blast that tears the skies, 15 Serves but to root thy native oak.The native English oak tree (quercus robur) has long been a symbol of strength and justice ("Oak Symbolism in the Light of Genomics"). 16 "Rule, &c. 4. 17 Thee haughty tyrants ne'er shall tame: 18 All their attempts to bend thee down, 19 Will but arrouse thy generous flame; 20 But work their woe, and thy renown. 21 "Rule, &c. 43 5. 22 To thee belongs the rural reign; 23 Thy cities shall with commerce shine: 24 All thine shall be the subject main, 25 And every shore it circles thine. 26 "Rule, &c. 6. 27 The Muses, still with freedom found, 28 Shall to thy happy coast repair: 29 Blest isle! with matchless beauty crown'd, 30 And manly hearts to guard the fair. 31 "Rule, Britannia, rule the waves: 32 "Britons never will be slaves. O'Brien, John. "Headnote for Alexander Pope." Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z Alexander Pope (1688-1744) was the greatest English poet of the eighteenth century, and one of the greatest of all the poets who have written in the English language. Poets, critics, and general readers since Pope’s own day have recognized just how spectacularly talented he was as a crafter of verse, his sheer skill with the language. And from the start, people also noticed how ambitious he was, how fully he willed himself into becoming a great poet. From his early twenties, when poems like An Essay on Criticism and The Rape of the Lock established him as the most vibrant and interesting young poet of the era, Pope has been considered to be a great writer and the most representative poet of the entire literary period between the works of John Milton and the emergence of the movement called Romanticism at the end of the eighteenth century. What, exactly, does it mean, though, to say that Pope was great and significant? What is “greatness,” anyway? This is not an easy question to answer, because it gets at questions of taste that are always going to be to some degree subjective, and to some degree determined by where you are in history. Works believed to be great in one era or context may seem trite in another, and it is fair to say that the kind of poetry that Pope wrote, with tightly-controlled rhymed heroic couplets, has not been in fashion with readers or critics for a couple of hundred years. And because of that fact, Pope and the poetry of this entire period is less accessible to us than it ought to be. We read less poetry than did eighteenth-century readers and even those who do read poetry in our times are simply not used to verse like this. The end result is that it is hard for us to see what contemporaries recognized in Pope, what they found so striking, and what caused them to admire his works. Unlike us, eighteenth-century readers were used to reading lots of poetry in heroic couplets–it was the dominant form of poetry in English throughout the century. And no writer in English was better at writing heroic couplets than Pope. Again and again, Pope startles the reader by coming up with a wholly original way of composing his lines, of setting up his rhymes, of ordering his words perfectly such that the crucial words seem to fall into place as if there were no other way that they could be arranged. For all that Pope’s heroic couplets are artificial–no one speaks this way, after all–Pope consistently makes it feel as though the words could only be arranged in the order in which he puts them; sound follows sense to an extent that very few other poets of the period were able to achieve. We know from the surviving manuscripts of his poems that this effect–of making a very artificial form seem entirely natural, as if you’re listening to conversation rather than declamation–took a great deal of work. Pope revised his poems again and again, often keeping them in manuscript form, circulating among friends who offered advice, rewriting and recasting over and over, until he was satisfied enough to have them printed. And even then, Pope continued to revise almost all of his poems once they had been issued in print; most of his works were never “finished” in the sense of reaching a final, definitive state. Pope saw composing poetry as a process that never had an end, an ongoing dialogue in poetry between himself, his readers, and the age that they both lived in. Pope was enormously ambitious–-he sought fame, recognition, and the wealth that would give a man like him--middle class, well-educated, but without the kind of family wealth or connections that he could rely upon to provide a steady income--the independence that he needed for his art. He also had a significant physical disability. Pope contracted what is called Pott's disease--essentially a form of tuberculosis that affects the spine--at the age of 12. The condition arrested his growth (in adulthood Pope was well under five feet tall), and was painful and degenerative, weakening his spine to the point where he eventually had to be laced into a corset to stand upright. It also rankled Pope that he could not be the official poet laureate because, as a Roman Catholic, he was barred from holding that kind of state-sponsored post. (And, as a Roman Catholic in a period when English people were in general prejudiced against Catholics, he had to put up with many writers who could not help but make jokes about the fact that this Catholic poet happened to be named “Pope.”) But Pope saw himself as becoming in effect, the real poet laureate of his age, speaking to contemporary events while also tailoring his career according to the careers of classical writers. He started, as the Roman poet Virgil did, writing pastoral poetry, then moved on to translating epics: Pope’s versions of Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey were his most popular works in his own lifetime and were the standard translations of both poems for the rest of the century. Pope is the rare case of a person whose skills and ambition matched up. Overcoming his era's prejudices against Catholics as well as a disability that he once referred to as "this long disease, my life," Alexander Pope willed himself into the poet who dominated the verse of his own era, and who would be remembered long after that era was over. O'Brien, John and John O'Brien. "Headnote for Olaudah Equiano." Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano is the first example in English of the slave narrative, the autobiography written by one of the millions of persons from Africa or of African descent who were enslaved in the Atlantic world between the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries. Equiano’s is an extraordinary memoir, telling the author’s life story from his birth in west Africa, in what was then known as Essaka (in what is now the nation of Nigeria), his kidnapping, the middle passage across the Atlantic ocean in a slave ship, the brutality of the slave system in the American colonies in the Caribbean, the mainland of North America, and at sea. Equiano also tells the story of his life as a free man of color; after he was finally able to purchase his freedom in 1766, he was a merchant, a seaman, a musician, a barber, a civil servant, and, finally, a writer who took to the pages of London newspapers to argue on behalf of his fellow Afro-Britons before publishing this account of his life. Equiano’s book offered the first full description of the middle passage, a description harrowing in its sensory vividness: The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome, that it was dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that the whole ship’s cargo were confined together, it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for myself I was soon reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep much more happy than myself. I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wished I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumstance I met with served only to render my state more painful, and heighten my apprehensions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. Equiano’s book is both a personal story and a powerful item of testimony about the larger system of slave-trading that supported the economic system through which Britain developed a global empire. Spanning the transatlantic world, Equiano’s story powerfully captures the lived experience of slavery in the eighteenth century through the eyes of an observer with almost unbelievable resourcefulness and resilience. The book is also interesting as a literary document. Equiano is clearly familiar with the genre of the spiritual autobiography, the Puritan form of self-examination and life writing that shaped works such as Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, and he also cites English poets such as John Milton and Alexander Pope, demonstrating his mastery of the canon of great English literature. Equiano’s Interesting Narrative is one of the most absorbing, indeed interesting first-person stories of the entire century, a work that both narrates a remarkable set of experiences and shrewdly shapes it through the forms available to its author to make the case for the abolition of the slave trade. It is important to note, however, that in the last two decades, scholars have raised doubts about the truth of some parts of Equiano’s Interesting Narrative. Vincent Carretta, probably the leading scholar in the United States on Equiano’s work and life, has discovered documents such as Royal Navy muster rolls where Equiano (who was identified for much of his adult life as “Gustavus Vassa,” the name given to him by Michael Pascal, his first owner) is recorded as having been born in colonial South Carolina. So too does the record of his baptism into Christianity in 1759 at St. Margaret’s Church in London. It is possible, then, that Equiano is misrepresenting his place of birth, perhaps because he believed that his story would be more compelling if he were able to describe himself as a native-born African. Other scholars have suggested that there may be other reasons to account for the discrepancy; Equiano was not responsible for creating these records, and there may be all sorts of reasons why the people who were in charge of these documents, or he, might have decided not to have identified him as having born in Africa, some of which we probably cannot reconstruct from this distance. The question of where Equiano was born will probably remain unresolved until better documentary evidence or new ways of understanding the evidence that we already have become available. What no one has ever questioned is that Equiano’s Interesting Narrative is extremely accurate in its depiction of the way that the eighteenth-century slave system worked, the horrors of the middle passage, and the constant threats to their freedom and well-being experienced by free people of color, particularly in the American colonies. The publication of the Interesting Narrative was an important event in its own right. First issued in the spring of 1789, the book was timed to coincide with a Parliamentary initiative to end Britain’s participation in the international slave trade. This was the goal of the first abolitionist movement, a movement originating largely with Quakers that was adopted and secularized by a combination of evangelical and more secular writers in the 1780s and that found its institutional centers of gravity in the largely white Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade, founded in 1787, and in the Sons of Africa, a society of free persons of African descent in Great Britain in which Equiano had a leadership role. This generation of abolitionists focused on ending the slave trade rather than for the ending of slavery as an institution and the emancipation of all enslaved people in large part because they believed it to be unviable politically. Rather, they focused on ending the slave trade, arguing that if slave owners were unable to purchase new slaves kidnapped and transported from Africa, they would be forced to be more benevolent to their own slaves, and the institution would be forced to reform itself. Equiano was active in these abolitionist circles, and his book in part serves the function of a petition to Parliament to end the slave trade, with the names of the book’s subscribers identifying themselves as allies and co-petitioners in the cause. The first edition begins by including the names of 311 people who subscribed to it and thereby subsidized its printing, and later editions (nine in all in Equiano’s lifetime, a testimony to the great demand for his book) added more, eventually totalling over a thousand, as more people wanted both to own the book and to ally themselves with the abolitionist cause. Subscribers were thus taking an interest in this book in the financial sense, publicly advancing resources to support Equiano and the movement that the book was published to support. The Interesting Narrative was first printed in the United States in New York in 1791 (without Equiano’s permission, as was typical for books reprinted from Britain in the early decades of the new republic), and was widely reprinted throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. Equiano toured throughout the British Isles in the early 1790s, making speaking engagements to promote the abolitionist cause, and also to support sales of his book, for which he had retained copyright. This turned out to be a smart business decision; he made a fair amount of money from sales of the Interesting Narrative. Equiano married a woman named Susannah Cullen in 1792; they had two daughters, only one of whom survived to adulthood. But neither Olaudah or Susannah was able to enjoy their married life for very long. Susanna died in 1796 and Olaudah died in 1797. The abolitionist cause to which the Interesting Narrative was a major contributor succeeded only after his death, as Britain ended its participation in the slave trade in 1807, and finally abolished slavery in its colonial holdings in 1833. Slavery in the United States continued until the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. Pope, Alexander and Alexander Pope. "The Rape of the Lock", B. Lintott, 1714 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [Frontispiece] Frontispiece The frontispiece was designed by Louis du Guernier (1677-1716) a well-known illustrator of the period; he also designed the images that appear before each of the five cantos. They were engraved by Claude du Bosc (1682-1745?); both men had been born in France but moved to London, probably in pursuit of the good opportunities for skilled engravers in the London book trade, and worked together on a number of projects for London patrons and booksellers in these years. Illustrations as detailed as these were very time-consuming and therefore expensive to produce, and the presence of six custom-engraved images was a sign that Pope and his publisher Bernard Lintot were trying to create a particularly impressive and beautiful object. Pope, who was a talented amateur painter in his own right, almost certainly had a role in designing the images, although we do not know exactly how he participated. The frontispiece is a composite of major events in the poem to follow. The "sylphs," spirits of vanity and erotic desire, float around Belinda, the heroine of the poem, as she puts on her makeup; they also drop playing cards, alluding to the card game in Canto III, and point to the shooting star that ascends at the end of Canto V. In the front lower right of the image, a satyr, with pointed ears and cloven hoofs, holds the kind of mask that women in the period sometimes wore in public; like many authors in the period, Pope is playing on the homophone between "satyr," the sexually-aggressive half-human, half-animals of Greek mythology, and "satire," the literary form of which "The Rape of the Lock" is an example. Behind the characters is the facade of Hampton Court Palace, the royal home down the Thames from London where much of the action of the poem takes place. Pope clearly intended the images and the poem to be read together, a feature that is not possible in most modern reproductions of the poem, which rely on the poetic text alone. [Title Page] The Rape of the LockAlexander Pope’s "The Rape of the Lock" is the most famous poem written in English in the eighteenth century. Chances are, if a modern reader knows only one poem from the period, this is the one. Which is a strange thing. The poem’s subject matter is unusual, even unique: the cutting off of a lock of hair from the head of a young woman and the aftermath of that event. And the poem is written in a form, the heroic couplet, that is rarely used today. But "The Rape of the Lock" has endured because it so fully captured, while also satirizing, an image of a particular world, a world of aristocratic ease, but also great anxiety. And it is also an astonishing accomplishment simply as a poem. No poet of the eighteenth century used the heroic couplet more deftly than Alexander Pope (depicted here in a contemporary painting by Charles Jervis; National Portrait Gallery, London), and perhaps nowhere in his career did he craft couplets and the larger units he built from them—verse paragraphs, cantos, the entire poem itself—with greater verve and delicacy. The poem is based on a true story. At a party one day in 1710 or 1711, Robert Petre, a young man from an aristocratic family, crept up behind Arabella Fermor, a young woman also from a prosperous household, and cut off a lock of her hair. Petre may have thought of this as an amusing, or even a flirtatious prank, but she was angry, and the two families started snubbing and sniping at each other. Years later, Pope described what happened next: “The stealing of Miss Belle Fermor’s hair was taken too seriously, and caused an estrangement between the two families, though they had lived long in great friendship before. A common acquaintance and well-wisher to both desired me to write a poem to make a jest of it, and laugh them together again. It was in this view that I wrote my Rape of the Lock, which was well received and had its effect in the two families.” The “common acquaintance” was John Caryll, a friend of Pope’s who was also close to both the Fermor and Petre families. Like all of them, Caryll was also a Catholic who faced persecution in an era when the government of Britain continued to suspect that Catholics were potentially a subversive force whose loyalties to the Protestant monarchy could not be assured. And sometimes with reason; Caryll was a Jacobite, a supporter of the exiled Pretender, the Stuart James III, then living in exile in France. James continued to claim that he was the true king of Britain, and there were Jacobites who called for the restoration of the Stuart monarchy until the movement was finally defeated at the Battle of Culloden in Scotland in 1745. Caryll never joined in any of the conspiracies that took place in the early part of the century to restore the Stuart monarchy, but he did secretly give financial support to a Catholic church in his neighborhood, which was itself illegal. Caryll may have felt that Catholics in Britain had enough problems without feuding among themselves. Pope, who was at this point starting work on a massive translation of Homer’s poem The Iliad, seems quickly to have seen the possibility of re-imagining the incident in epic terms, creating what has been called a “mock epic” for the way in which it uses the conventions of epic poetry to describe what is by comparison a trivial event. Pope’s memory of the happy outcome of the poem was, however, a little rose colored from time. Pope wrote the first version of "The Rape of the Lock" quickly—he said it took two weeks; he may have been exaggerating—and it then circulated among the families and their friends in manuscript for a while. That version of the poem, which was much shorter than the one that has ultimately been most read, was published anonymously in 1712, and at this point things got more complicated. As more and more people read the poem now that it was in print, the double entendres and erotic implications of Pope’s work became clearer, and Arabella Fermor—who had initially agreed with letting the poem be printed—was embarrassed as friends started pointing out to her where the dirty jokes were. Sir Charles Brown, the original for the “Sir Plume” of the poem, was also angry at the way he was portrayed (as an idiot). Pope went back to work, and over the course of the next couple of years, added the elaborate “machinery” of the poem, the sylphs and fairies that hover around the action, embedding the original story in a framework of fantasy that deflects some of the agency of the central characters. (Robert Petre’s response to the publication of the first version of the poem is, by the way, unrecorded. Petre married Catherine Walsmeley in 1712, but he died only a few months later from smallpox.) Pope included a letter of dedication to Arabella Fermor that aimed to defuse some of her anger. That new edition, handsomely printed with engravings accompanying each canto, was published as a separate volume in 1714, and immediately became a best-seller, selling around 3,000 copies in four days, which even now would be an extraordinary total for any book, much less a poem in rhyming couplets. It has been admired, critiqued, and argued with ever since. AN HEROI-COMICAL Pope is the inventor of this term, which first appeared here at the opening of The Rape of the Lock. He is indicating that he will emulate such epics as Homer's Iliad or Milton's Paradise Lost, but in a comic register. POEM. In Five Canto's Written by Mr. POPE. —A tonso est hoc nomen adepta capillo. The full quote, which comes from Book VIII of Ovid's Metamorphoses, should read, "Ciris et, a tonso est hoc nomen adepta capillo": "She acquired the name from the cutting of the hair." Ovid's story, first published in 8 CE, goes like this. Nisus was the King of Alcathous and he had a lock of purple hair on his crown that (somehow) guaranteed the safety of his kingdom. Scylla, his daughter, fell in love with King Minos, who was conquering the kingdom, and in order to gain his favor, Scylla cut off the lock of her father's hair. But, disgusted with her disloyalty, Minos left by ship. As Scylla swam after Minos, King Nisos, having been transformed into a sea eagle, attempted to drown her. Instead of drowning, Scylla was turned to a sea bird and called Ciris, (i.e. "cutter"), being named after the lock that she cut off. See Ovid's Metamorphoses, translated by Anthony S. Kline, http://ovid.lib.virginia.edu/trans/Metamorph8.htm OVID. LONDON Printed for Bernard Lintott, at the Cross-keys in Fleetstreet. 1714. [Epistle.1] TO Mrs. ARABELLA FERMOUR. Arabella Fermor (1696-1737; image credit: Victoria and Albert Museum) was from a prominent Catholic family. She came to public attention in an unwelcome way when Robert Petre, from another prominent Catholic family, surreptitiously cut off a lock of her hair at a party. He may have thought it was a good prank, but she was (justifiably) angry, and the Fermor and Petre families (who may have been in negotiations to marry the two), became estranged. John Caryll, a friend of Pope's who was also Robert Petre's guardian, asked Pope to write about the incident in such a way as to make a joke of it and smooth relations. The Rape of the Lock is Pope's effort to heal the breach. He did not, however, ask Arabella Fermor for her approval before publishing the first version of the poem in 1712, and she was initially unhappy at the poem's double-entendre and the way that it seemed to compare her situation to raped heroines of antiquity like Helen of Troy or Lucrece. This letter, published with the much-enlarged 1714 edition of the poem, can be read in part as Pope's attempt to mollify her. MADAM, It will be in vain to deny that I have some value for this piece, since I dedicate Pope is probably referring to the Latin epigraph that appeared with the first edition of the poem: "Nolueram, Belinda, tuos violare capillos, / Sed juvat hoc precibus me tribuisse tuis," by the Roman poet Martial, in his Epigrams xii, 84, translates as, "I was loathe, Belinda, to violate your locks, but I am pleased to have granted that much to your prayers." Pope is insinuating that Arabella Fermor asked for the poem to be written. This was not the case. it to you. Yet you may bear me witness, it was intended only to divert a few young [Epistle.2] Ladies, who have good sense and good Humour enough, to laugh not only at their sex's little unguarded Follies, but at their own. But as it was communicated with the Air of a Secret, it soon found its Way into the World. An imperfect Copy having been offer'd to a Bookseller, You had the Good-Nature for my Sake to consent to the publication of one more correct: This I was forc'd to before I had executed half my Design, for the Machinery Refers to the fairy-like creatures in the poem: the sylphys, the nymphs, the gnomes, the salamanders. As he explains in the next line, they are the portrayals of what we would call in the real world, deities, angels or demons. was entirely wanting to compleat it. The Machinery Madam, is a Term invented by the Critiks, to signify that Part which the Deities, Angels, or Dæmons, are made to act in a poem: For the ancient Poets are in one respect like [Epistle.3] many modern Ladies; Let an Action be never so trivial in it self, they always make it appear of the utmost Importance. These Machines I determin'd to raise on a very new and odd Foundation, the Rosicrucian The Rosicrusians were an occult movement that emerged in the early seventeenth century in Europe. It was an odd combination of Christian mysticism and other kinds of esoteric teaching, such as the Kabbala, which comes out of the Jewish tradition. There were several Rosicrucian manifestos that laid out theories of mystical knowledge, and the movement had adherents and drew curious thinkers to it throughout Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Pope does not seem to have been a serious adherent, but is here using some of the supernatural apparatus associated with Rosicrucianism to frame his story. Doctrine of Spirits. I know how disagreeable it is to make use of hard Words before a Lady It seems unlikely that Pope is aware how unctuous and condescending he sounds here; or perhaps he is aware and does not mind. It's hard to say with Pope.; but 'tis so much the Concern of a Poet to have his Works understood, and particularly by your Sex, that You must give me leave to explain two or three difficult Terms. The Rosicrucians are the People I must bring You acquainted with. The best Account I know of them is in the French Book call'd Le Comte de Gabalis, The Count of Gabala was written by Nicolas-Pierre-Henri of Montfaucon de Villars, a French cleric, and published in 1670. It is an odd book. In it, an anonymous narrator encounters the Comte de Gabalis, who teaches the narrator about the occult, including various beliefs associated with the Rosicrucians. The Count introduces such things as the Sylphs of the Air, the Undines of the Water, the Gnomes of the Earth and the Salamanders of Fire. It is entirely possible that de Villars is satirizing occult sciences, which had a vogue in seventeenth century Europe, as absurd or incompatible with orthodox religion. But it is hard to be sure; this may be an example of a satire that does not make its intentions clear enough. which [Epistle.4] both in its Title and Size is so like a Novel, that many of the fair Sex have read it for one by Mistake. To an English reader of 1714, the word "novel" still sounded like a French import, and it would have denoted a short, perhaps slightly scandalous, love story. The novel was not understood to be a serious genre, a form of literature. Any reading of a novel for more than entertainment is a "mistake." According to these Gentlemen, the four Elements are inhabited by Spirits, which they call Sylphs, Gnomes, Nymphs, and Salamanders. The Gnomes, or Dæmons of Earth, delight in Mischief; but the Sylphs, whose Habitation is Air, are the best-condition'd Creatures imaginable. For the say, any Mortals may enjoy the most intimate Fa miliarities with these gentle Spirits, upon a Condition very easie to all true Adepts, an involate Preservation of Chastity. As to the following Canto's, all the Passages of them are as Fabulous, as the Vision at the beginning, or the Transformation at the End; (except the Loss of your [Epistle.5] Hair, which I always name with Reverence.) The Human Persons are as Fictitious as the Airy ones; and the Character of Belinda, as it is now manag'd, resembles You in nothing but in Beauty. If this Poem had as many Graces as there are in Your Person, or in Your Mind, yet I could never hope it should pass thro' the World half so Uncensured as You have done. But let its Fortune be what it will, mine is happy enough, to have given me this Occasion of assuring You that I am. with the truest Esteem, Madam, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant. A. POPE. [Engraving] Figure 1 1 THE RAPE of the LOCK. CANTO I. 1 WHAT dire Offence from am'rous Causes springs, 2 What mighty Quarrels rise from Trivial Things, 3 I sing -- This Verse to C---l John Caryll, the mutual friend of Pope and the two families involved in the dispute; he seems to have attempted to mediate between them, in part suggesting that Pope write this poem., Muse! is due; 6 This, ev'n Belinda The heroine of the poem, inspired by Arabella Fermor. may vouchsafe to view: 7 Slight is the Subject, but not so the Praise, 8 If She inspire, and He approve my Lays. 2 1 Say what strange Motive, Goddess! cou'd compel 2 A well-bred Lord t'assault a gentle Belle? 3 Oh say what stranger Cause, yet unexplor'd, 4 Cou'd make a gentle Belle reject a Lord ? 5 And dwells such Rage in softest Bosoms then? 6 And lodge such daring Souls in Little Men? 7 Sol Sol is Latin for the Sun. thro' white Curtains did his Beams display, 8 And op'd those Eyes which brighter shine than they; 9 Now Shock Belinda's lapdog. had giv'n himself the rowzing Shake, 10 And Nymphs prepar'd their Chocolate Chocolate, served in this period only as a drink, was enormously popular, especially among those who could afford it as well as the sugar to cut the bitterness. to take; 11 Thrice the wrought Slipper knock'd against the Ground, Belinda stomps her slippered foot on the ground to call for her maid. 12 And striking Watches Striking watches indicate the hour and quarter-hour by means of hammers hitting bells or gongs. The watch rang, announcing that it was 10 o'clock.the tenth Hour resound. 13 Belinda still her downy Pillow prest, 14 Her Guardian Sylph sylphs here are imagined as feminine spirits that stand guard over young women prolong'd the balmy Rest. 15 'Twas he Ariel, Belinda's guardian Sylph, created the dream that she was having.had summon'd to her silent Bed 16 The Morning Dream that hover'd o'er her Head. 17 A Youth more glitt'ring than a Birth-night Beau a young man dressed up for the Queen's birthday, one of highlights of the social calendar in this period., 18 (That ev'n in Slumber caus'd her Cheek to glow) 3 19 Seem'd to her Ear his winning Lips to lay, 20 And thus in Whispers said, or seem'd to say. 21 Fairest of Mortals, thou distinguish'd Care 22 Of thousand bright Inhabitants of Air! 23 If e'er one Vision touch'd thy infant Thought, 24 Of all the Nurse and all the Priest have taught, 25 Of airy Elves by Moonlight Shadows seen, 26 The silver TokenFolklore that says that fairies and elves left silver tokens in rings of dark coarse grass that were supposed to be where fairies danced. The tokens were supposedly left for humans who were favored by fairies. Pat Rogers attributes the use to Jonathan Swift's Dryades: Or, the Nymphs Prophesy, although that probably comes from ancient folklore as well. Rogers, Pat. "Faery Lore and The Rape of the Lock." Essays on Pope. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1993. Print., and the circled Green, 27 Or Virgins visited by Angel-Pow'rs, 28 With Golden Crowns and Wreaths of heav'nly Flowers, 29 Hear and believe! thy own Importance know, 30 Nor bound thy narrow Views to Things below. 31 Some secret Truths from Learned Pride conceal'd, 32 To Maids alone and Children are reveal'd: 33 What tho' no Credit doubting Wits may give? 34 The Fair and Innocent shall still believe. 35 Know then, unnumbered Spirits round thee fly, 36 The light Militiafairy creatures, imagined here as soldiers of the lower Sky; 4 37 These, tho' unseen, are ever on the WingThe creatures are always present (on the wing meaning in flight) in the places where London's society is found., 38 Hang o'er the BoxA ‘box’ in a theatre or opera-house. , and hover round the RingRing - Charles I created a circular track called the Ring in Hyde Park where members of the royal court could drive their carriages. The park was opened to the public in 1637 and it soon became a fashionable place to visit.. 39 Think what an EquipageHere it refers to a carriage with horses and attendants, but can also just mean carriage alone. thou hast in Air, 40 And view with scorn Two Pages and a Chairtwo servants carrying a woman in a sedan chair. 41 As now your own, our Beings were of old, 42 And once inclos'd in Woman's beauteous MoldThe fairy creatures used to be beautiful women like Belinda.; 43 Thence, by a soft TransitionPossibly death, or some (magical) means by which they are transformed from their human selves in to the fairy creatures., we repair 44 From earthly Vehicles to those of Air. 45 Think not, when Woman's transient Breath is fled, 46 That all her Vanities at once are dead: 47 Succeeding Vanities she still regards, 48 And tho' she plays no more, o'erlooks the Cards. After the "transition" spoken of earlier, a former coquette now turned into a sylph still can see and look at the cards although she does not play..\ 49 Her Joy in gilded Chariots, when alive, 50 And Love of Ombre A trick-taking card game for three people using forty cards. A game of ombre is played later on and is described in detail in Canto III. It is almost certainly no coincidence that the word ombre is archaic Spanish for "man"; Belinda is literally and figuratively playing the game of man."ombre,, after Death survive. 51 For when the Fair in all their Pride expire, 52 To their first Elements the Souls retire; 53 The Sprights of fiery Termagants in Flame Different kinds of women became transformed into different kinds of spirits. The fiery boisterous women became Salamanders. The mild demure women became Nymphs. The prudish women became Gnomes. The flirty girlish women became Sylphs. 54 Mount up, and take a Salamander's Name. 55 Soft yielding Minds to Water glide away, 56 And sip with Nymphs, their Elemental Tea. 5 57 The graver Prude sinks downward to a Gnome , 58 In search of Mischief still on Earth to roam. 59 The light Coquettes in Sylphs aloft repair, 60 And sport and flutter in the Fields of Air. 61 Know farther yet; Whoever fair and chaste 62 Rejects Mankind, is by some Sylph embrac'd: 63 For Spirits, freed from mortal Laws, with ease 64 Assume what Sexes and what Shapes they please. 65 What guards the Purity of melting Maids, 66 In Courtly Balls, and Midnight Masquerades, 67 Safe from the treach'rous Friend, and daring Spark, 68 The Glance by Day, the Whisper in the Dark; 69 When kind Occasion prompts their warm Desires, 70 When Musick softens, and when Dancing fires? 71 'Tis but their Sylph, the wise Celestials know, 72 Tho' Honour That is, women's chastity only seems to be governed by honour; it is really the intervention of the sylphs that sustains chastity. is the Word with Men below. 73 Some Nymphs there are, too conscious of their Face, 74 For Life predestin'd to the Gnomes Embrace 6 75 Who swell their Prospects and exalt their Pride, 76 When Offers are disdain'd, and Love deny'd. 77 Then gay Ideas crowd the vacant Brain; 78 While Peers and Dukes, and all their sweeping Train, 79 And Garters, Stars, and Coronets appear, 80 And in soft Sounds, Your Grace salutes their Ear. 81 'Tis these that early taint the Female Soul, 82 Instruct the Eyes of young Coquettes to roll, 83 Teach Infants Cheeks a bidden Blush to know, 84 And little Hearts to flutter at a Beau. 85 Oft when the World imagine Women stray, 86 The Sylphs thro' mystick Mazes guide thier Way, 87 Thro' all the giddy Circle they pursue, 88 And old Impertinence expel by new. 89 What tender Maid but must a Victim fall 90 To one Man's Treat, but for another's Ball? 91 When Florio Not a reference to any specific men. Florio, along with Damon, were common names used in early epic poetry to refer to men in general, the way we use, Tom, Dick, and Harry, today. "The aristocratic young men of the time were, like the ladies, lacking in any serious purpose or morality. Florio and Damon are representatives of those gallants and fops who vie with one another to capture the hearts of the ladies. speaks, what Virgin could withstand, 92 If gentle Damon did not squeeze her Hand? 7 93 With varying Vanities, from ev'ry Part, 94 They shift the moving Toyshop of their Heart; 95 Where Wigs with Wigs, with Sword-knots Sword-knots strive, 96 Beaus banish Beaus, and Coaches Coaches drive. 97 This erring Mortals Levity may call, 98 Oh blind to Truth! the Sylphs contrive it all. 99 Of these am I, who thy Protection claim, 100 A watchful Sprite, and Ariel is my Name. 101 Late, as I rang'd the Crystal Wilds of Air, 102 In the clear Mirror of thy ruling Star 103 I saw, alas! some dread Event impend, 104 E're to the Main the open sea this Morning's Sun descend. 105 But Heav'n reveals not what, or how, or where: 106 Warn'd by thy Sylph, oh Pious Maid beware! 107 This to disclose is all thy Guardian can. 108 Beware of all, but most beware of Man! 109 He said; when Shock, who thought she slept too long, 110 Leapt up, and wak'd his Mistress with his Tongue. 8 111 'Twas then Belinda! if Report say true, 112 Thy Eyes first open'd on a Billet-doux a love letter; 113 Wounds, Charms, and Ardors, were no sooner read 114 But all the Vision vanish'd from thy Head. 114 And now, unveil'd, the Toilet a small dressing table stands display'd, 116 Each Silver Vase in mystic Order laid. 117 First, rob'd in White, the Nymph intent adores 118 With Head uncover'd, the cosmetic Pow'rs. 119 A heav'nly Image in the Glass mirror appears, 120 To that she bends, to that her Eyes she rears; 121 Th' inferior Priestess, at her Altar's Belinda's "toilet" is likened to an "altar" at which Belinda and her maid are now left to worship the priestess, or Belinda's "heav'nly image" as mentioned two lines above this line. By this point, it has become clear that the vanity nurtured by the Gnomes has set in, leaving the mortal human beings to worship a new priestess, Belinda's reflection.side, 122 Trembling, begins the sacred Rites of Pride 123 Unnumber'd Treasures ope at once, and here 124 The various Off'rings of the World During the 18th century, Britain became the dominant empire among European trading empires as it became the first western nation to industrialize. During this time, merchants began trading with both North America and the West Indies, where colonies had been established. This granted Britain access to parts of the world and their amenities that had previously been unbeknownst to them. The ability to interact with far-off countries such as India and Arabia yielded new luxuries and a new understanding of the world outside of Europe. The ability for Belinda to have access to these luxuries further exemplifies her wealth. appear; 125 From each she nicely culls with curious Toil, 126 And decks the Goddess with the glitt'ring Spoil"Glitt'ring spoil" refers directly to the spoils of war, "valuables seized by violence, especially in war," most likely as a result of the colonization of these foreign lands in pursuit of broadening trade opportunities. . 127 This Casket a. A small box or chest for jewels, letters, or other things of value, itself often of valuable material and richly ornamented. India's glowing Gems Since before recorded history, India has been a leading source for precious gems, producing some of the finest gemstones. unlocks, 128 And all Arabia Refers to scented oils or perfumes from the Arabian Peninsula or the middle east. as it is now known. They came in elaborate and ornate containers and were very expensive. breaths from yonder Box. 9 129 The Tortoise here and Elephant Hair combs made from tortoise shell and ivory from elephant tusks.unite, 130 Transform'd to Combs, the speckled and the white. 131 Here Files of Pins extend their shining Rows, 132 Puffs, Powders, Patches"a small disk of black silk attached to the face, especially as worn by women in the 17th and 18th centuries for adornment" (OED) This is essentially an artificial beauty mark. , Bibles, Billet-doux. 133 Now awful Beauty puts on all its ArmsArms: (n.) weapons With the use of militaristic diction as seen in "puts in all its Arms", Pope has Belinda preparing for battle just as Achilles prepared for the Trojan War in Homer's Iliad.; 134 The Fair each moment rises in her Charms, 135 Repairs her Smiles, awakens ev'ry Grace, 136 And calls forth all the Wonders of her Face; 137 Sees by Degrees a purer Blush arise, 138 And keener Lightnings quicken in her Eyes. 139 The busy Sylphs surround their darling Care; 140 These set the Head, and those divide the Hair, 141 Some fold the Sleeve, while others plait the Gown; 142 And Betty her maid.'s prais'd for Labours not her own. [Engraving] Figure 2 10 THE RAPE of the LOCK. CANTO II. 1 NOT with more Glories, in th' Etherial Of or relating to heaven, God, or the gods; heavenly, celestial. Oxford English DictionaryPlain, 2 The Sun first rises o'er the purpled Main, 3 Than issuing forth, the Rival that is, Belinda of his Beams 4 Lanch'd on the Bosom of the Silver Thames. 5 Fair NymphsThe other women traveling with her (here not the nymphs who are the protectors of her chastity)., and well-drest Youths around her shone, 6 But ev'ry Eye was fix'd on her alone. 7 On her white Breast a sparkling Cross she wore, 8 Which Jews The cross here is stripped of its Christian meaning; it is Belinda who people are now worshipping might kiss, and Infidels adore. 11 9 Her lively Looks a sprightly Mind disclose, 10 Quick as her Eyes, and as unfix'd as those: 11 Favours to none, to all she Smiles extends, 12 Oft she rejects, but never once offends. 13 Bright as the Sun, her Eyes the Gazers strike, 14 And, like the sun,they shine on all alike. 15 Yet graceful Ease, and Sweetness void of Pride, 16 Might hide her Faults, if Belles had faults to hide: 17 If to her share some Female Errors fall, 18 Look on her Face, and you'll forget 'em all. 19 This NymphBelinda, to the Destruction of Mankind, 20 Nourish'd two Locks, which graceful hung behind 21 In equal Curls, and well conspir'd to deck 22 With shining Ringlets her smooth Iv'ry In likening Belinda's neck to ivory, imported from Africa, the narrator again associates her beauty with the products of emergent colonialism and global commerce.Neck. 23 Love in these Labyrinths his Slaves detains, 24 And mighty Hearts are held in slender Chains. 25 With hairy Sprindges a snare used for bird-catching we the Birds betray, 26 Slight Lines of Hair surprize the Finny Prey Finny, adj., "Provided with or having fins; finned." The "Finny Prey> refers to fish, which are also caught with a hair-like line, reiterating the comparison of beauty as a deadly trap. "finny, adj.1." Oxford English Dictionary, 12 27 Fair Tresses " A plait or braid of the hair of the head, usually of a woman. A long lock of hair (esp. that of a woman), without any sense of its being plaited or braided; mostly in pl. tresses." "tress, n." Oxford English Dictionary Man's Imperial Race insnare, 28 And Beauty draws us with a single Hair. 29 Th' Adventrous Baron the bright Locks admir'd, 30 He saw, he wish'd, and to the Prize aspir'd: 31 Resolv'd to win, he meditates the way, 32 By Force to ravish, or by Fraud betray; 33 For when Success The "Success" of a "Lover's Toil" in this era would be marriage. a Lover's Toil attends, 34 Few ask, if Fraud or Force attain'd his Ends. 35 For this, e're Phaebus Variant spelling of Phoebus, a common name for Apollo, god of the sun. Oxford English Dictionary rose, he had implor'd 36 Propitious Heav'n, and ev'ry Pow'r ador'd, 37 But chiefly Love ---to Love an Altar built, 38 Of twelve vast French Romances, neatly gilt. 39 There lay the Sword-knot "n. a ribbon or tassel tied to the hilt of a sword (originating from the thong or lace with which the hilt was fastened to the wrist, but later used chiefly as a mere ornament or badge)." "sword-knot, n." Oxford English Dictionary Sylvia's Hands had sown, 40 With Flavia's Busk "A strip of wood, whalebone, steel, or other rigid material attached vertically to the front section of a corset so as to stiffen and support it." "busk, n.3." Oxford English Dictionary that oft had rapp'd his own: 41 A Fan, a Garter, half a Pair of Gloves; 42 And all the Trophies of his former Loves. 43 With tender Bilet-doux love letters he lights the Pyre, 44 And breaths three am'rous Sighs to raise the Fire. 13 45 Then prostrate "Of a person: lying with the face to the ground, in token of submission or humility, as in adoration, worship, or supplication; (hence more generally) lying stretched out on the ground, typically with the face downwards. Freq. in predicative or quasi-adverbial use, as in to fall prostrate, to lie prostrate, etc." Oxford English Dictionary falls, and begs with ardent Eyes 46 Soon to obtain, and long possess the Prize "The Prize" refers to Belinda's lock of hair.: 47 The Pow'rs gave Ear "Gave Ear" means that they (the ambiguous supernatural entities) listened to the Baron., and granted half his Pray'r, 48 The rest, the Winds dispers'd in empty Air. 49 But now secure the painted Vessel The "painted Vessel" refers to the boat gliding across the river Thames, carrying Belinda to Hampton Court.glides, 50 The Sun-beams trembling on the floating Tydes, 51 While melting Musick steals upon the Sky, 52 And soften'd Sounds along the Waters die. 53 Smooth flow the Waves, the Zephyrs "The west wind, esp. as personified, or the god of the west wind." Oxford English Dictionary gently play 54 Belinda smil'd, and all the World was gay. 55 All but the Sylph ----With careful Thoughts opprest, 56 Th' impending Woe sate heavy on his Breast. 57 He summons strait his Denizens That is, the other sylphs.of Air; 58 The lucid "Bright, shining, luminous, resplendent." Oxford English DictionarySquadrons round the Sails repair: 59 Soft o'er the Shrouds Aerial Whispers breath, 60 That seem'd but Zephyrs to the Train beneath. 61 Some to the Sun their Insect-Wings unfold, 62 Waft on the Breeze, or sink in Clouds of Gold. 14 63 Transparent Forms, too fine for mortal Sight, 64 Their fluid Bodies half dissolv'd in Light. 65 Loose to the Wind their airy Garments flew, 66 Thin glitt'ring Textures of the filmy Dew; 67 Dipt in the richest Tincture "A colouring matter, dye, pigment; spec. a dye used as a cosmetic." Oxford English Dictionaryof the Skies, 68 Where Light disports in ever-mingling Dies Variant spelling of "dyes.", 69 While ev'ry Beam new transient Colours flings, 70 Colours that change whene'er they wave their Wings. 71 Amid the Circle, on the gilded Mast, 72 Superior by the Head, was Ariel plac'd; 73 His Purple Pinions "A bird's wing; esp. (chiefly poet. and rhetorical) the wing of a bird in flight. Also: the terminal segment of a bird's wing, bearing the primary flight feathers." Oxford English Dictionary.opening to the Sun, 74 He rais'd his Azure bright blue Wand, and thus begun. 75 Ye Sylphs and Sylphids, to your Chief That is, Arial, who goes on to give a speech to the other spirits.give Ear, 76 Fays, Fairies, Genii, Elves, and Daemons hear! 77 Ye know the Spheres and various Tasks assign'd, 78 By Laws Eternal, to th' Aerial Kind. 79 Some in the Fields of purest AEther play, 80 And bask and whiten in the Blaze of Day. 15 81 Some guide the Course of wandring Orbs Celestial bodies not in a regular orbit, such as comets. on high, 82 Or roll the Planets thro' the boundless Sky. 83 Some less refin'd, beneath the Moon's pale Light 84 Hover, and catch the shooting stars by Night; 85 Or suck the Mists in grosser Air below, 86 Or dip their Pinions in the painted Bow Rainbow, 87 Or brew fierce Tempests on the wintry Main. 88 Or on the Glebe Soil distill the kindly Rain. 89 Others on Earth o'er human Race preside, 90 Watch all their Ways, and all their Actions guide: 91 Of these the Chief the Care of Nations own, 92 And guard with Arms Divine the British Throne. 93 Our humbler Province is to tend the Fair Young women, such as Belinda, 94 Not a less pleasing, tho' less glorious Care. 95 To save the Powder Face-powder from too rude a Gale, 96 Nor let th' imprison'd Essences exhale, 97 To draw fresh Colours from the vernal "Of, pertaining or belonging to, the springtime; appropriate to the spring; spring-like: Of weather, scenery, etc." Oxford English Dictionary Flow'rs, 98 To steal from Rainbows ere they drop in Show'rs 16 99 A brighter Wash; to curl their waving Hairs, 100 Assist their Blushes, and inspire their Airs; 101 Nay oft, in Dreams, Invention we bestow, 102 To change a Flounce "An ornamental appendage to the skirt of a lady's dress, consisting of a strip gathered and sewed on by its upper edge around the skirt, and left hanging and waving.’ Oxford English Dictionary, or add a Furbelo Variant spelling of "furbelow: "A piece of stuff pleated and puckered on a gown or petticoat; a flounce; the pleated border of a petticoat or gown." Oxford English Dictionary.. 103 This Day, black Omens threat the brightest Fair That is, Belinda. 104 That e'er deserv'd a watchful Spirit's Care; 105 Some dire Disaster, or by Force, or Slight, 106 But what, or where, the Fates have wrapt "Concealed, covered, hidden." "wrapped, adj." Oxford English Dictionaryin Night. 107 Whether the Nymph shall break Diana "An ancient Roman female divinity, the moon-goddess, patroness of virginity and of hunting." Oxford English Dictionary "Diana's" law would be the law of chastity or virginity, so to break the law would be to have pre-marital sex.'s Law, 108 Or some frail China Jar receive a Flaw, 109 Or stain her Honour, or her new Brocade "A textile fabric woven with a pattern of raised figures, originally in gold or silver." Oxford English Dictionary, 110 Forget her Pray'rs, or miss a Masquerade, 111 Or lose her Heart, or Necklace, at a Ball; 112 Or whether Heav'n has doom'd that Shock must fall. 113 Haste then ye Spirits! to your Charge repair; 114 The flutt'ring Fan be Zephyretta The nymphs' names are invented, each derived from a word related to the object entrusted to it. "Zephyretta," from "zypher" has care of the breeze-producing fan.'s Care; 115 The Drops to thee, Brillante "Brillante," from 'brilliant', is entrusted with Belinda's shining earrings., we consign; 116 And Momentilla "Momentilla" is the nymph in charge of the pocket-watch., let the Watch be thine; 17 117 Do thou, Crispissa "Crispissa," from "crisp," has charge of the two precise curls of hair., tend her fav'rite Lock; 118 Ariel himself shall be the Guard of Shock. 119 To Fifty chosen Sylphs, of special Note, 120 We trust th' important Charge, the Petticoat : 121 Oft have we known that sev'nfold Fence to fail; 122 Tho' stiff with Hoops, and arm'd with Ribs of Whale Whalebone was used to form the ribs in women's corsets and skits.. 123 Form a strong Line about the Silver Bound, 124 And guard the wide Circumference around. 125 Whatever spirit, careless of his Charge, 126 His Post neglects, or leaves the Fair at large, 127 Shall feel sharp Vengeance soon o'ertake his Sins, 128 Be stopt "That is, stopped or blocked. in Vials "A vessel of a small or moderate size used for holding liquids; in later use spec., a small glass bottle" Oxford English Dictionary, or transfixt with Pins; 129 Or plung'd in Lakes of bitter Washes lie, 130 Or wedg'd whole Ages in a Bodkin's "A needle-like instrument with a blunt knobbed point, having a large (as well as a small) eye, for drawing tape or cord through a hem, loops, etc." Oxford English Dictionary. Eye: 131 Gums and Pomatums "An ointment for the skin or hair; = pomade" "pomatum, n." Oxford English Dictionary shall his Flight restrain, 132 While clog'd he beats his silken Wings in vain; 133 Or Alom- Stypticks A "styptic" is a kind of medicine used to contract organic tissue (for example, to stop a cut bleeding), frequently made out of "alum," a type of mineral salt. Oxford English Dictionary with contracting Power 134 Shrink his thin Essence like a rivell'd Flower. 18 135 Or as Ixion "Ixion, in Greek legend, murdered his father-in-law and could find no one to purify him until Zeus did so. Ixion abused his pardon by trying to seduce Zeus’s wife, Hera. Zeus, to punish him, bound him on a fiery wheel, which rolled unceasingly through the air or, according to the more common tradition, in the underworld." "Ixion | Greek Mythology." Encyclopedia Britannica Online fix'd, the Wretch shall feel 136 The giddy Motion of the whirling Mill Compares being trapped in the grinder of a coffee mill to the mythological figure Ixion, who was fixed to a fire wheel spinning in the air of the underworld forever. 137 Midst Fumes of burning Chocolate shall glow, 138 And tremble at the Sea This is referring to the hot coffee in the grinder/pot.that froaths below! 139 He That is, Arial, the leader of the spirits.spoke; the Spirits from the Sails descend; 140 Some, Orb in Orb, around the Nymph That is, Belinda.extend, 141 Some thrid That is, the spirits "threaded" her hair.the mazy Ringlets of her Hair, 142 Some hang upon the Pendants of her Ear; 143 With beating Hearts the dire Event they wait, 144 Anxious, and trembling for the Birth of Fate. [Engraving] Figure 3 19 THE RAPE of the LOCK. CANTO III. 1 CLOSE by those Meads That is, meadows.for ever crown'd with Flow'rs, 2 Where Thames with Pride surveys his rising Tow'rs, 3 There stands a Structure of Majestick Frame, 4 Which from the neighb'ring Hampton Hampton Court Palace, a royal palace on the banks of the Thames River, about twelve miles from central London. The palace was originally built by Cardinal Wolsey starting in 1514. He gave it to Henry VIII as a way of trying to get back in Henry's good graces, but it did not work; Wolsey was executed anyway for failing to get Henry the divorce he wanted. Henry built Hampton Court into an enormous royal palace. In the late 1600s, the great architect Christopher Wren built an enormous extension for William III. They tore down part of the earlier palace and added on in what was then the modern style, creating a large Baroque palace designed to emulate the Palace of Versailles in France, at that time the grandest royal palace in Europe. In the early part of the eighteenth century, when this poem takes place, Hampton Court was the most important royal palace in England, where the monarch usually lived, and courtiers like Belinda and the Baron would have flocked there to make their presence known at court. Image: Hampton Court Palace by Andreas Tille, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons takes its Name. 5 Here Britain's Statesmen oft the Fall foredoom 6 Of Foreign Tyrants, and of Nymphs at home; 7 Here Thou, great Anna Queen Anne (1665-1714), the last Stuart monarch of Great Britain. She took the throne upon the death of her father, William III in 1702. She died the year that the poem was published. [Image: Queen Anne, painted by Michael Dahl, around 1705 (National Portrait Gallery)].! whom three Realms obey, 8 Dost sometimes Counsel take--and sometimes Tea. 20 9 Hither the Heroes and the Nymphs resort, 10 To taste awhile the Pleasures of a Court; 11 In various Talk th' instructive hours they past, 12 Who gave a Ball, or paid the Visitlast: 13 One speaks the Glory of the British Queen, 14 And one describes a charming Indian Screen; 15 A third interprets Motions, Looks, and Eyes; 16 At ev'ry Word a Reputation dies. 17 Snuff, or the Fan, supply each Pause of Chat, 18 With singing, laughing, ogling, and all that. 19 Mean while declining from the Noon of Day, 20 The Sun obliquely shoots his burning Ray; 21 The hungry Judges soon the Sentence sign, 22 And Wretches hang that Jury-men may Dine; 23 The Merchant from th' Exchange returns in Peace, 24 And the long Labours of the Toilette cease ---- 25 Belinda now, whom Thirst of Fame invites, 26 Burns to encounter two adventrous Knights, 21 27 At Ombre Ombre was a popular three-player card game similar to the modern game of Bridge. Each game can have nine rounds (“tricks”). The most straightforward way to win is by taking five tricks (drawing the highest-ranked card in each round), after which the game ends. The game begins with an auction to decide the trump suit. The highest-bidding player is the “ombre” (from the Spanish “hombre” for "man"), and the other two play against her while trying to ensure their individual successes. The penalty enacted on each of the two non-ombres is greater if the ombre wins than if the other non-ombre wins. Similarly, the ombre will lose more if either of the two gains five tricks than if no one has won five at the end of nine rounds. The game was popular among the aristocratic class throughout Europe. The joke throughout is that Belinda is in effect playing the game of "man," both on the card table and in life. The game as it plays out over the next section of the poem is an entirely plausible game, with each move following according to the actual rules of ombre. Belinda, for example, wins the starting auction and becomes the "ombre" for duration of this game. See Alban George Henry Gibbs, The Game of Ombre. London: privately printed, 1874, 3rd edition (expanded) 1902, upon which we rely in tracing the course of the game. singly to decide their Doom; 28 And swells her Breast with Conquests yet to come. 29 Strait the three Bands prepare in Arms to join, 30 Each Band the number of the Sacred Nine. 31 Soon as she spreads her Hand, th' Aerial Guard 32 Descend, and fit on each important Card, 33 First Ariel perch'd upon a Matadore The matadores (spadillio, manillio, and basto) are the three highest-ranking cards in the trump suit. The matadore would be the ace of spades; the manillio card is the lowest ranking card in the trump suit (the suit would vary from game to game, identified by the winner of the auction at the start), and the basto is the ace of clubs. Belinda controls all three., 34 Then each, according to the Rank they bore; 35 For Sylphs, yet mindful of their ancient Race, 36 Are, as when Women, wondrous fond of place. 37 Behold, four Kings in Majesty rever'd, 38 With hoary Whiskers and a forky Beard; 39 And four fair Queens whose hands sustain a Flow'r, 40 Th' expressive Emblem of their softer Pow'r; 41 Four Knaves in Garbs succinct, a trusty Band, 42 Caps on their heads, and Halberds in their hand; 43 And Particolour'd Troops, a shining Train, 44 Draw forth to Combat on the Velvet Plain That is, the cloth covering the three-sided card table on which Belinda and the two men are playing the game. The Kings, Queens, Jacks, and other cards are imagined as being arranged like soldiers on a battlefield. 22 45 The skilful Nymph reviews her Force Belinda’s starting hand is made up of spadillio, manillio, basto: the king of spades, the king and queen of hearts, and the 5 and 4 of diamonds. The Baron begins the game with the king of clubs, the jack, 7, 5, and 3 of spades (the trump suit), the king, queen, and jack of diamonds, and the ace of hearts. Belinda and the Baron both have extremely strong hands, while the third character has no strong cards.with Care; 46 Let Spades be Trumps Having won the "auction" at the start of the game by outbidding the other two players, Belinda chooses the trump suit., she said, and Trumps they were. 47 Now move to War her Sable matadores, 48 In Show like Leaders of the swarthy Moors. 49 Spadillio first, unconquerable Lord! 50 Led off two captive Trumps, and swept the Board 51 As many more Manillio forc'd to yield, 52 And march'd a Victor from the verdant Field. 53 Him Basto follow'd, but his Fate more hard 54 Gain'd but one Trump and one Plebeian Card. 55 With his broad Sabre next, a Chief in Years, 56 The hoary Majesty of Spades appears; 57 Puts forth one manly Leg, to fight reveal'd; 58 The rest his many-colour'd Robe conceal'd. 59 The Rebel- Knave, that dares his Prince engage, 60 Proves the just Victim of his Royal Rage. 61 Ev'n mighty Pam that Kings and Queens o'erthrow, 62 And mow'd down Armies in the Fights of Lu, 63 And Chance of War! now, destitute of Aid, 64 Falls undistinguish'd by the Victor Spade Belinda quickly wins the first five rounds or "tricks" of the game by playing her cards skilfully.! 23 65 Thus far both Armies to Belinda yield; 66 Now to the Baron In the following three stanzas, the Baron begins to threaten Belinda’s winning streak. He wins tricks five through eight, tying their scores. His first move is with the Queen of Spades. Fate inclines the Field. 67 His warlike Amazon her Host invades, 68 Th' Imperial Consort of the Crown of Spades. 69 The Club's black Tyrant first her Victim dy'd, 70 Spite of his haughty Mien, and barb'rous Pride: 71 What boots the Regal Circle on his Head, 72 His Giant Limbs in State unwiedly spread? 73 That long behind he trails his pompous Robe, 74 And of all Monarchs only grasps the Globe The King of Clubs is often pictured holding an orb, or globe.? 75 The Baron now his Diamonds pours apace; 76 Th' embroider'd King who shows but half his Face, 77 And his refulgent Queen, with Pow'rs combin'd, 78 Of broken Troops an easie Conquest find. 79 Clubs, Diamonds, Hearts, in wild Disorder seen, 80 With Throngs promiscuous strow the level Green. 81 Thus when dispers'd a routed Army runs, 82 Of Asia's Troops, and Africk's Sable Sons, 24 83 With like Confusion different Nations fly, 84 In various habits and of various Dye, 85 The pierc'd Battalions dis-united fall, 86 In Heaps on Heaps; one Fate o'erwhelms them all. 87 The Knave of Diamonds now exerts his Arts, 88 And wins (oh shameful Chance!) the Queen of Hearts. 89 At this, the Blood the Virgin's Cheek forsook, 90 A livid Paleness spreads o'er all her Look; 91 She sees, and trembles at th' approaching Ill, 92 Just in the Jaws of Ruin, and Codille A "codille" would be a loss at the game, if the Baron were to win the final trick. Belinda must either win trick nine, or hope that the third player does, in order to avoid losing to the Baron.. 93 And now, (as oft in some distemper'd State) 94 On one nice Trick A trick is a round. As explained above, a game consists of nine tricks; whoever takes five wins the game. At this point, with Belinda and the Baron tied with four tricks each, the game is down to the final round. depends the gen'ral Fate, 95 Lurk'd in her Hand, and mourn'd his captive Queen The Baron mourns that he has already played a Queen that could win the round. He plays an Ace; Belinda counters with a King (which in ombre outranks an Ace) and wins final trick and thus the game.. 96 He springs to Vengeance with an eager pace, 97 And falls like Thunder on the prostrate Ace. 98 The Nymph exulting fills with Shouts the Sky, 99 The Walls, the Woods, and long Canals reply. 25 100 Oh thoughtless Mortals! ever blind to Fate, 101 Too soon dejected, and too soon elate! 102 Sudden these Honours shall be snatch'd away, 103 And curs'd for ever this Victorious Day. 104 For lo! the Board with Cups and Spoons is crown'd, 105 The Berries Coffee beans, which are being ground in a mill to make fresh coffee. crackle, and the Mill turns round. 106 On shining Altars of Japan "Japan" was a style of wooden furniture, highly polished and often decorated in a vaguely Asian style; hence the name. Japan-style furtniture was expensive, and therefore fashionable among wealthy people in Europe at this time. they raise 107 The silver Lamp, and fiery Spirits blaze. 108 From silver Spouts the grateful Liquors glide, 109 And China's Earth receives the smoking Tyde. 110 At once they gratify their Scent and Taste, 111 While frequent Cups prolong the rich Repast. 112 Strait hover round the Fair her Airy Band; 113 Some, as she sip'd, the fuming Liquor fann'd, 114 Some o'er her Lap their careful Plumes display'd, 115 Trembling, and conscious of the rich Brocade. 116 Coffee, (which makes the Politician wise, 117 And see thro' all things with his half shut Eyes) 26 118 Sent up in Vapours to the Baron's Brain 119 New Stratagems, the radiant Lock to gain. 120 Ah cease rash Youth! desist e'er 'tis too late, 121 Fear the just Gods, and think of Scylla Nisus, king of Megara, was at war against Crete, but it was decreed by fate that his kingdom would be safe as long as a purple lock of hair remained on his head. His daughter Scylla fell in love with the king of Crete, Minos, and cut off her father's purple lock to give to him. Minos rejected the gift, and both Nisus and Scylla turned into birds.'s Fate! 122 Chang'd to a Bird, and sent to flit in Air, 123 She dearly pays for Nisus' injur'd Hair! 124 But when to Mischief Mortals bend their Mind, 125 How soon fit Instruments of Ill they find? 126 Just then, Clarissa drew with tempting Grace 127 A two-edg'd Weapon from her shining Case; 128 So Ladies in Romance assist their Knight, 129 Present the Spear, and arm him for the Fight. 130 He takes the Gift with rev'rence, and extends 131 The little Engine on his Finger's Ends, 132 This just behind Belinda's Neck he spread, 133 As o'er the fragrant Steams she bends her Head: 134 Swift to the Lock a thousand Sprights repair, 135 A thousand Wings, by turns, blow back the Hair, 27 136 And thrice they twitch'd the Diamond in her Ear, 137 Thrice she look'd back, and thrice the Foe drew near. 138 Just in that instant, anxious Ariel sought 139 The close Recesses of the Virgin's Thought; 140 As on the Nosegay A nosegay is a small flower bouquet, worn like a corsage.in her Breast reclin'd, 141 He watch'd th' Ideas rising in her Mind, 142 Sudden he view'd, in spite of all her Art, 143 An Earthly Lover lurking at her Heart. 144 Amaz'd, confus'd, he found his Pow'r expir'd, 145 Resign'd to Fate, and with a Sigh retir'd. 146 The Peer now spreads the glitt'ring Forfex Latin for scissors. wide, 147 T'inclose the Lock; now joins it, to divide. 148 Ev'n then, before the fatal Engine clos'd, 149 A wretched Sylph too fondly interpos'd; 150 Fate urg'd the Sheers, and cut the Sylph in twain, 151 (*But Airy Substance soon unites again) A reference to John Milton's Paradise Lost, where Satan is injured in the war in heaven when a sword "Passed through him, but th' Ethereal substance closed/ Not long divisible." 152 The meeting Points that sacred Hair dissever 153 From the fair Head, for ever and for ever! 28 154 Then flash'd the living Lightnings from her Eyes, 155 And Screams of Horror rend th' affrighted Skies. 156 Not louder Shrieks by Dames to Heav'n are cast, 157 When Husbands or when Monkeys In eighteenth-century England, the wealthy kept many kinds of pets, including monkeys. The lower classes sometimes kept performing monkeys, which could earn them extra money.breath their last, 158 Or when rich China Vessels, fal'n from high, 159 In glittring Dust and painted Fragments lie! 160 Let Wreaths of Triumph In ancient Greece, laurel wreaths were worn as a symbol of victory or honor.now my Temples twine, 161 (The Victor cry'd) the glorious Prize is mine! 162 While Fish in Streams, or Birds delight in Air, 163 Or in a Coach and Six the British Fair, 164 As long as Atalantis Secret Memoirs and Manners of Several Persons of Quality, of Both Sexes, from the New Atalantis, an Island in the Mediterranean, published in 1709, was a scandalous but very popular work of fiction by Delarivier Manley. With its salacious details of politicians' private lives, the story satirizes the corruption of the aristocracy. shall be read, 165 Or the small Pillow grace a Lady's Bed, 166 While Visits shall be paid on solemn Days, 167 When numerous Wax-lights in bright Order blaze, 168 While Nymphs take Treats, or Assignations give, 169 So long my Honour, Name, and Praise shall live! 170 What Time wou'd spare, from Steel receives its date, 171 And Monuments, like Men, submit to Fate! 29 172 Steel did the Labour of the Gods destroy, 173 And strike to Dust th' Imperial Tow'rs of Troy; 174 Steel cou'd the Works of mortal Pride confound, 175 And hew Triumphal Arches to the Ground. 176 What Wonder then, fair Nymph! thy Hairs shou'd feel 177 The conqu'ring Force of unresisted Steel? [Engraving] Figure 4 30 THE RAPE of the LOCK. CANTO IV. 1 BUT anxious Cares the pensive Nymph opprest, 2 And secret Passions labour'd in her Breast. 3 Not youthful Kings in Battel seiz'd alive, 4 Not scornful Virgins who their Charms survive, 5 Not ardent Lovers robb'd of all their Bliss, 6 Not ancient Ladies when refus'd a Kiss, 7 Not Tyrants fierce that unrepenting die, 8 Not Cynthia when her Manteau's pinn'd awry, 31 9 E'er felt such Rage, Resentment and Despair, 10 As Thou, sad Virgin! for thy ravish'd Hair. 11 For, that sad moment, when the Sylphs withdrew, 12 And Ariel weeping from Belinda flew, 13 Umbriel, a dusky melancholy Spright, 14 As ever fully'd the fair face of Light, 15 Down to the Central Earth, his proper Scene, 16 Repairs to search the gloomy Cave of Spleen According to the humours theory of human psychology, which held sway from the middle ages into the early modern period, a person's temperament was set by the mixture of various fluids--humours--in the body. The spleen was thought to produce yellow bile, an excess of which would lead to depression. So by analogy "the spleen" became shorthand for a state of depression, which Belinda is experiencing in the wake of the theft of her lock of hair. Umbriel's journey through the Cave of Spleen is analogous to the journeys, fraught with many perils, which Aeneas (in Vergil's Aeneid) and Odysseus (Homer's Odyssey) made to the underworld in those epics.. 17 Swift on his sooty Pinions flitts the Gnome, 18 And in a Vapour reach'd the dismal Dome That is, a domed building.. 19 No cheerful Breeze this sullen Region knows, 20 The dreaded East is all the Wind that blows. 21 Here, in a Grotto, sheltred close from Air, 22 And screen'd in Shades from Day's detested Glare, 23 She sighs for ever on her pensive Bed, 24 Pain at her side, and Languor at her Head. 25 Two Handmaids wait the Throne: Alike in Place, 26 But diff'ring far in Figure and in Face. 32 27 Here stood Ill-nature like an ancient Maid, 28 Her wrinkled Form in Black and White array'd; 29 With store of Pray'rs, for Mornings, Nights, and Noons, 30 Her Hand is fill'd; her Bosom with Lampoons "Lampooning" in seventeenth and eighteenth century England was a scathing form of satire that attacked a specific person's appearance. It originates from the French word "lampons," which means "let's drink," and Alexander Pope himself lampooned a fellow writer, Joseph Addison, in his work "An Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot." The form fell into disuse soon after this time but the term "lampoon" still refers to an insult directed at a specific person or institution. Werlock, Abby H. P. The Facts on File Companion to the American Short Story. 2nd ed. New York NY: Facts On File, 2010. Print.. 31 There Affectation with a sickly Mien 32 Shows in her Cheek the Roses of Eighteen, 33 Practis'd to Lisp, and hang the Head aside, 34 Faints into Airs, and languishes with Pride; 35 On the rich Quilt sinks with becoming Woe, 36 Wrapt in a Gown, for Sickness, and for Show. 37 The Fair ones feel such Maladies as these, 38 When each new Night-Dress gives a new Disease. 39 A constant Vapour o'er the Palace flies; 40 Strange Phantoms rising as the Mists arise; 41 Dreadful, as Hermit's Dreams in haunted Shades, 42 Or bright as Visions of expiring Maids. 43 Now glaring Fiends, and Snakes on rolling Spires spirals, 44 Pale Spectres, gaping Tombs, and Purple Fires: 33 45 Now Lakes of liquid Gold, Elysian A reference to Elysium/Elysian Fields/Elysian Plain of classical mythology, where mortals favored by the gods for their rectitude were sent to dwell after they had departed from the land of the living. Elysium was originally the exclusive province of the heroes who had acquired immortality from the gods Elysian in the context of this passage means like "paradise." Scenes, 46 And Crystal Domes, and Angels in Machines. 47 Unnumber'd Throngs on ev'ry side are seen 48 Of Bodies chang'd to various Forms by Spleen. 49 Here living Teapots stand, one Arm held out, 50 One bent; the Handle this, and that the Spout: 51 A Pipkin According to Samuel Johnson's 1755 A pipkin is "A small earthen boiler." there like Homer's Tripod The automatons (or "tripods"), twenty in all, fashioned with rivets and gold wheels by the lame god Vulcan in his workshop so that they might be dispatched whenever the gods congregated at Mt. Olympus, returning to the workshop afterwards to be at the beck and call of Vulcan. From Book XVIII of Homer's Iliad. walks; 52 Here sighs a Jar, and there a Goose-pye Gooseberry pietalks; 53 Men prove with Child, as pow'rful Fancy works, 54 And Maids turn'd Bottels, call aloud for Corks. 55 Safe past the Gnome thro' this fantastick Band, 56 A Branch The branch of spleenwort, a humble fern, is a parodic reference to the golden bough bore by Aeneas during his journey, accompanied by the Cumaean Sibyl, through the underworld. Aeneas, having been guided by a pair of doves to a place in a forest where the golden bough had been long obscured from the sight of man, had plucked the golden bough in order to obtain safe passage through the underworld. He and the Sibyl were ferried to the underworld across the Acheron River. Spleenwort got its name because it was believed to have medicinal properties, particularly in treating "spleen" or, in our terms, depression.of healing Spleenwort in his hand. 57 Then thus addrest the Pow'r--Hail wayward Queen; 58 Who rule the Sex to Fifty from Fifteen, 59 Parent of Vapors and of Female Wit, 60 Who give th' Hysteric or Poetic Fit, 61 On various Tempers act by various ways, 62 Make some take Physick, others scribble Plays; 34 63 Who cause the Proud their Visits to delay, 64 And send the Godly in a Pett According to Samuel Johnson's 1755 Dictionary, "pett" is "A slight passion; a slight fit of anger.", to pray. 65 A Nymph there is, that all thy Pow'r disdains, 66 And thousands more in equal Mirth maintains. 67 But oh! if e'er thy Gnome could spoil a Grace, 68 Or raise a Pimple on a beauteous Face, 69 Like Citron-Waters Brandy based on citrus wine.Matron's Cheeks inflame, 70 Or change Complexions at a losing Game; 71 If e'er with airy Horns "Horns" were associated with being cuckolded.I planted Heads, 72 Or rumpled Petticoats, or tumbled Beds, 73 Or caus'd Suspicion when no Soul was rude, 74 Or discompos'd the Head-dress of a Prude, 75 Or e'er to costive Constipated.Lap-Dog gave Disease, 76 Which not the Tears of brightest Eyes could ease: 77 Hear me, and touch Belinda with Chagrin; 78 That single Act gives half the World the Spleen. 79 The Goddess with a discontented Air 80 Seems to reject him, tho' she grants his Pray'r. 35 81 A wondrous Bag with both her Hands she binds, 82 Like that where once Ulysses In Homer's Odyssey, Odysseus receives a bag of winds from Aeolus, the god of wind. held the Winds; 83 There she collects the Force of Female Lungs, 84 Sighs, Sobs, and Passions, and the War of Tongues. 85 A Vial next she fills with fainting Fears, 86 Soft Sorrows, melting Griefs, and flowing Tears. 87 The Gnome rejoicing bears her Gift away, 88 Spreads his black Wings, and flowly mounts to Day. 89 Sunk in Thalestris' Thalestris was a queen of the Amazons, the mythological race of warrior women. Arms the Nymph he found, 90 Her Eyes dejected and her Hair unbound. 91 Full o'er their Heads the swelling Bag he rent, 92 And all the Furies Three mythological goddesses of revenge.issued at the Vent. 93 Belinda burns with more than mortal Ire Intense anger., 94 And fierce Thalestris fans the rising Fire. 95 O wretched Maid! she spread her hands, and cry'd, 96 (While Hampton's Ecchos wretched Maid reply'd) 97 Was it for this you took such constant Care 98 The Bodkin, Comb, and Essence to prepare; 36 99 For this your Locks in Paper-Durance In this period, women used paper, often heated and shaped with lead, to curl their hair.bound, 100 For this with tort'ring Irons wreath'd around? 101 For this with Fillets A headband, here being used to shape a hairstyle.strain'd your tender Head, 102 And bravely bore the double Loads of Lead Lead was heated to curl women's hair.? 103 Gods! shall the Ravisher display your Hair, 104 While the Fops "Fop" was a contemporary slang term for man overly concerned with his outer appearance to the point that it bothers other people. It originated in this context in seventeenth-century England to refer to a generally foolish, effeminate man incapable of engaging in intellectual conversation. In this line, the definition of a "fop" is exemplified by the fact that they and ladies are both jealous of Belinda's hair.envy, and the Ladies stare! 105 Honour forbid! at whose unrival'd Shrine 106 Ease, Pleasure, Virtue, All, our Sex resign. 107 Methinks already I your Tears survey, 108 Already hear the horrid things they say, 109 Already see you a degraded Toast The term "toast" originated as a term for a lady for whose health a group of people dedicated a drink, similar to how people propose toasts today. This lady's name was seen as adding a special flavor to the drink in question, similar in function to a spiced toast that would have been a common feature in alcoholic drinks at the time. Oxford English Dictionary., 110 And all your Honour in a Whisper lost! 111 How shall I, then, your helpless Fame defend? 112 'Twill then be Infamy to seem your Friend! 113 And shall this Prize, th' inestimable Prize, 114 Expos'd thro' Crystal to the gazing Eyes, 115 And heighten'd by the Diamond's circling Rays, 116 On that Rapacious Hand for ever blaze? 117 Sooner shall Grass in Hide-Park Circus The Ring-Road in Hyde Park, at this time a fashionable area to take a carriage on a nice day to see and be seen by those who could afford carriages. grow, 118 And Wits take Lodgings in the Sound of Bow The bells of St Mary-le-Bow, a church which was located in the Cheapside district of London. This was not a fashionable area; it was for a long time traditionally associated with working-class Cockneys from the East End. 37 119 Sooner let Earth, Air, Sea, to Chaos fall, 120 Men, Monkies, Lap-dogs, Parrots, perish all! 121 She said; then raging to Sir Plume repairs, 122 And bids her Beau demand the precious Hairs: 123 (Sir Plume, of Amber Snuff-box High society gentlemen of this time generally stored their "snuff," or sniffing tobacco, in jeweled boxes made from precious materials such as porcelain, ebony, and, in this case, amber. Sir Plume is very vain about his fancy snuff-box. justly vain, 124 And the nice Conduct of a clouded Cane A walking stick, perhaps made of glass or porcelain, and "clouded" in a decorative way. ) 125 With earnest Eyes, and round unthinking Face, 126 He first the Snuff-box open'd, then the Case, 127 And thus broke out--- "My Lord, why, what the Devil? 128 "Z---ds! "Zounds" is a euphemism for "by God's wounds," that is, the wounds that Jesus received when being nailed to the cross. That was considered blasphemous, so "zounds" became a work-around. In context, a mild expletive, like "damn."damn the Lock! 'fore Gad, you must be civil! 129 "Plague on't! 'tis past a Jest---nay prithee, Pox"Pox" refers either to small-pox or to venereal disease; here it is being used as an expletive without so specific a meaning.! 130 "Give her the Hair---he spoke, and rapp'd his Box. 131 It grieves me much (reply'd the Peer again) 132 Who speaks so well shou'd ever speak in vain. 133 But * by this LockThis passage may to a passage from Homer (Iliad, book 23) in which Achilles cuts off a lock of his own hair to mourn and commemorate the death of Patroclus. Many of his men follow suit and cut off locks of their own hair, and Achilles then cuts off another lock of his hair that he had been growing for the river Spercheus to make his trip home safer. This continues the trend throughout the poem of using military conquest language to describe the event of cutting off a lock of Belinda's hair., this sacred Lock I swear. 134 (Which never more shall join its parted Hair, 38 135 Which never more its Honours shall renew, 136 Clipt from the lovely Head where once it grew) 137 That while my Nostrils draw the vital Air, 138 This Hand, which won it, shall for ever wear. 139 He spoke, and speaking in proud Triumph spread 140 The long-contended Honours of her Head. 141 But Umbriel, hateful Gnome! forbears not so; 142 He breaks the Vial whence the Sorrows flow. 143 Then see! the Nymph in beauteous Grief appears, 144 Her Eyes half languishing, half drown'd in Tears; 145 On her heav'd Bosom hung her drooping Head, 146 Which, with a Sigh, she rais'd; and thus she said. 147 For ever curs'd be this detested Day, 148 Which snatch'd my best, my fav'rite Curl away! 149 Happy! ah ten times happy, had I been, 150 If Hampton-Court these Eyes had never seen! 151 Yet am not I the first mistaken Maid, 152 By Love of Courts to num'rous Ills betray'd. 39 153 Oh had I rather un-admir'd remain'd 154 In some lone Isle, or distant Northern Land; 155 Where the gilt Chariot May be a reference to the chariot driven by Helios (whose identity was later subsumed into that of Apollo), the god of the sun and a Titan, in order to mark the waxing and waning of daylight. He was complemented by his sisters, Eos and Selene, who personified the Dawn and the Moon, respectively. never mark'd the way, 156 Where none learn Ombre, none e'er taste Bohea A black tea that originated in China's Buyi hills, for which it is named, and was of relatively low quality. (Oxford English Dictionary! 157 There kept my Charms conceal'd from mortal Eye, 158 Like Roses that in Desarts bloom and die. 159 What mov'd my Mind with youthful Lords to rome? 160 O had I stay'd, and said my Pray'rs at home! 161 'Twas this, the Morning Omens did foretel; 162 Thrice from my trembling hand the Patch-box A small and rectangular (at times oval) box with beauty patches, small pieces of class with a sticky side, which were worn by ladies of fashion during the eighteenth century for decorative purposes or to cover a blemish. A patch box was bejeweled and made of gold, and could also be painted/enameled with amorous scenes. A patch could have the appearance of a star, an animal, a insect, a figure, a crescent, or a spot. The location of a patch also contributed to its signification. "Patch Box." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica. Web. 3 Dec. 2015. http://www.britannica.com/topic/patch-box. fell; 163 The tott'ring China "China" in this context refers to porcelain dishes that came via trade routes from China. These trade routes between China and England first began to flourish during the eighteenth century, and many rich English citizens were obsessed with obtaining as many exotic Chinese goods as they could to show off their wealth. Chinese porcelain was much finer and of higher quality than anything that European makers could produce for a few more decades. Chang, Elizabeth. "The Chinese Taste in Eighteenth-Century England." Eighteenth-Century Fiction 25 (2012): 248-50. University of Toronto Press. Web. 8 Dec. 2015. shook without a Wind, 164 Nay, Poll Short for "Polly," surely the name of a pet parrot owned by Belinda. sate mute, and Shock was most Unkind! 165 A Sylph too warn'd me of the Threats of Fate, 166 In mystic Visions, now believ'd too late! 167 See the poor Remnants of this slighted Hair! 168 My hands shall rend what ev'n thy own did spare. 169 This, in two sable Ringlets taught to break, 170 Once gave new Beauties to the snowie Neck. 171 The Sister-Lock now sits uncouth, alone, 172 And in its Fellow's Fate foresees its own; 40 173 Uncurl'd it hangs, the fatal Sheers demands; 174 And tempts once more thy sacrilegious Hands. 175 Oh hadst thou, Cruel! been content to seize 176 Hairs less in sight, or any Hairs but these! [Engraving] Figure 5 41 THE RAPE of the LOCK. CANTO V. 1 SHE said: the pitying Audience melt in Tears, 2 But Fate and Jove Jove, also known as Jupiter, was the king of the Roman gods. He is the roman equivalent to the Greek god Zeus. had stopp'd the Baron's Ears That is, the reason that the Baron cannot hear Belinda's cries is because of the intervention of the gods Fate and Jove. Just as the gods intervene in the lives of heroic characters from epic, here they interfere in the lives of trivial British aristocrats.. 3 In vain Thalestris with Reproach assails, 4 For who can move when fair Belinda fails? 5 Not half to fixt the Trojan cou'd remain, 6 While Anna begg'd and Dido In the Aeneid by Virgil, Aeneas, the lover of Dido, queen of Carthage, is told by Zeus he must leave Italy because of fate. As a last effort Dido sends her sister Anna to persuade him to stay in Italy, but she fails. rag'd in vain. 7 To Arms, to Arms! the bold Thalestris cries, 8 And swift as Lightning to the Combate flies. 42 9 All side in Parties, and begin th' Attack; 10 Fans clap, Silks russle, and tough Whalebones Whalebone was used to stiffen women's clothing, such as corsets and hoop skirts.crack; 11 Heroes and Heroins Shouts confus'dly rise, 12 And base, and treble Voices strike the Skies. 13 No common Weapons in their Hands are found, 14 Like Gods they fight, nor dread a mortal Wound. 15 * So when bold Homer makes the Gods engage Homer makes the gods fight in his tales similar to the way Pope forces the characters in the poem to fight., 16 And heav'nly Breasts with human Passions rage; 17 'Gainst Pallas Athena, the Goddess of Wisdom,Mars, Mars was the Roman god of war.; Latona In Greek mythology, Latona was the mother of Apollo and Diana and the mistress of Zeus., Hermes Hermes was the messenger god of Greek mythology, known as Mercury in Roman mythology. , Arms; 18 And all Olympus rings with loud Alarms. 19 Jove's Thunder roars, Heav'n trembles all around; 20 Blue Neptune storms, the bellowing Deeps resound; 21 Earth shakes her nodding Tow'rs, the Ground gives way; 22 And the pale Ghosts start at the Flash of Day! 23 Triumphant Umbriel on a Sconce's A lantern with a handle and a shield, so that you could carry the light around.Height 24 Clapt his glad Wings, and sate to view the Fight That is, perched. Pope adds in a footnote: "Minerva in like manner, during the Battle of Ulysses with the Suitors in Odyss. perches on a beam of the roof to behold it.", 25 Propt on their Bodkin Spears the Sprights survey 26 The growing Combat, or assist the Fray. 43 27 While thro' the Press enrag'd Thalestries flies, 28 And scatters Deaths around from both her Eyes, 29 A Beau A dandy; a many perhaps overly concerned with his appearance and Witling Someone who aspiring to become a wit (and probably failing at it. perish'd in the Throng, 30 One dy'd in Metaphor, and one in Song. 31 O cruel Nymph! a living Death I bear, 32 Cry'd Dapperwit A character in William Wycherley's 1671 play Love in a Wood., and sunk beside his Chair. 33 A mournful Glance Sir Fopling Reference to Sir Fopling Flutter, a character in George Etherege's 1677 play The Man of Mode. upwards cast, 34 * Those Eyes are made so killing Pope later added a footnote: "The Words of a Song in the Opera of Camilla" Camilla was a popular opera, first staged in London in 1706 and frequently revived after that. Unlike many operas of the period, which were sung in Italian, this was in English, based on an Italian opera by Silvio Stampiglio. ---was his last: 35 Thus on Meander in Greek Mythology, Meander was both the name of a river god and for the river that was his home. "Meander" now is a general turn for a bend in a river, or to describe anything or anyone that takes a roundabout route to a destination. 's flow'ry Margin lies 36 Th' expiring Swan, and as he sings he dies. 37 As bold Sir Plume The name gives insight to the character. A plume is an arrangement of feathers used by a bird for display or worn by a person for ornament. Plume is also used as a verb 'to plume oneself' synonymous to the action of preening at one's looks. Oxford English Dictionary had drawn Clarissa down, 38 Chloe stept in, and kill'd him with a Frown; 39 She smil'd to see the doughty Brave, capable, and determined, also marked by fearless resolution. Oxford English DictionaryHero slain, 40 But at her Smile, the Beau reviv'd again. 41 + Now Jove Jove, the head of the Roman system of deities, is here responsible for putting the social order back into balance, and is weighing the contending claims of the men and the women. These lines refer to a moment in Homer's Iliad where Zeus had used scales to balance the claims of Hector and Achilles and determined their fates. suspends his golden Scales in Air, 42 Weighs the Mens Wits against the Lady's Hair; 44 43 The doubtful Beam long nods from side to side; 44 At length the Wits mount up, the Hairs subside Jove weighs the battle in the men's favor, but Belinda overcomes this by tossing snuff in the Baron's face.. 45 See fierce Belinda on the Baron flies, 46 With more than usual Lightning in her Eyes; 47 Nor fear'd the Chief th' unequal Fight to try, 48 Who sought no more than on his Foe to die "to die" is a common euphemism for orgasm. It was a common poetical term in the 16th and 17th centuries. Oxford English Dictionary. 49 But this bold Lord, with manly Strength indu'd, 50 She with one Finger and a Thumb subdu'd, 51 Just where the Breath of Life his Nostrils drew, 52 A Charge of Snuff A fine-ground tobacco, intended for consumption by being sniffed or snorted into the nose. the wily Virgin threw; 53 The Gnomes direct, to ev'ry Atome Pope is referring to the ancient theory that posited the "atom" as an infinitely small piece of matter that could not be further divided.just, 54 The pungent Grains of titillating Dust. 55 Sudden, with starting Tears each Eye o'erflows, 56 And the high Dome re-ecchoes to his Nose. 57 Now meet thy Fate, th' incens'd Virago A man-like, heroic woman. Oxford English Dictionarycry'd, 58 And drew a deadly Bodkin from her Side. 59 (*The same, his ancient Personage Pope adds in a footnote: "In imitation of the progress of Agamemnon's sceptre in Homer" Source: Pope, Alexander, and Adolphus William Ward. The Poetical Works of Alexander Pope. London: Macmillan, 1907. Print. to deck, 60 Her great great Grandsire wore about his Neck 45 61 In three Seal-Rings a finger ring bearing a seal; signet ring. Oxford English Dictionary; which after melted down, 62 Form'd a vast Buckle for his Widow's Gown: 63 Her infant Grandame's grandmother Whistle next it grew, 64 The Bells she gingled, and the Whistle blew; 65 Then in a Bodkin grac'd her Mother's Hairs, 66 Which long she wore, and now Belinda wears.) 67 Boast not my Fall (he cry'd) insulting Foe! 68 Thou by some other shalt be laid as low. 69 Nor think, to die dejects my lofty Mind; 70 All that I dread, is leaving you behind! 71 Rather than so, ah let me still survive, 72 And burn in Cupid 's Flames,---but burn alive. 73 Restore the Lock! she cries; and all around 74 Restore the Lock! the vaulted Roofs rebound. 75 Not fierce Othello In Shakespeare's Othello, the titular character is tricked into believing his wife Desdemona has been unfaithful by his ensign Iago. A key piece of evidence is Desdemona's handkerchief, which Iago has planted in the room of Othello's lieutenant, Cassio. in so loud a Strain 76 Roar'd for the Handkerchief that caus'd his Pain. 77 But see how oft Ambitious Aims are cross'd, 78 And Chiefs contend 'till all the Prize is lost! 46 79 The Lock, obtain'd with Guilt, and kept with Pain, 80 In ev'ry place is sought, but sought in vain: 81 With such a Prize no Mortal must be blest, 82 So Heav'n decrees! with Heav'n who can contest? 83 Some thought it mounted to the Lunar Sphere, 84 * Since all things lost on Earth, are treasur'd there. 85 There Heroe's Wits are kept in pondrous Vases, 86 And Beau's in Snuff-boxes and Tweezer-Cases. 87 There broken Vows, and Death-bed Alms gifts of money extended as charityare found, 88 And Lovers Hearts with Ends of Riband a ribbonbound; 89 The Courtiers Promises, and Sick Man's Pray'rs, 90 The Smiles of Harlots, and the Tears of Heirs, 91 Cages for Gnats, and Chains to Yoak a Flea; 92 Dry'd Butterflies, and Tomes of Casuistry Thick books of meaningless philosophy through the use of clever but unsound reasoning, especially in relation to moral questions. Oxford English Dictionary. 93 But trust the Muse---she saw it upward rise, 94 Tho' mark'd by none but quick Poetic Eyes:That is, Pope's eyes; he is the only person who can "see" what has happened, as the lock of hair has been transformed into a star in the sky. Buried here is the play on words: "coma," the Latin word for hair, is the root for "comet," celestial bodies that were so named because of the long hair-like trail that followed the main body. There is such a comet depicted in the upper-left hand corner of the plate that precedes this canto. 95 (So Rome's great Founder In popular myth and legend, Rome was founded by Romulus, who ruled for 37 years and then mysteriously disappeared, apparently taken up to the heavens in a whirlwind. Proculus, a friend of Romulus, swore that he saw Romulus ascending to heaven. 96 To Proculus alone confess'd in view.) 47 97 A sudden Star, it shot thro' liquid Air, 98 And drew behind a radiant Trail of Hair. 99 Not Berenice Berenice II was the wife of Ptolemy III, the Pharoah of Egypt in the third century BCE. The legend went that Berenice offered to cut off her hair as an offering to the goddess Aphrodite if Ptolemy would return safely home from a dangerous battle. After his safe return, she placed her hair in the temple. But the next morning, the hair had vanished. The court astronomy Conon suggested that the hair had been transformed into a constellation in the night sky, a star cluster that became (and is still) known as the "Coma Berenices," Latin for "Berenice's hair." 's Locks first rose so bright, 100 The Skies bespangling with dishevel'd Light. 101 The Sylphs behold it kindling as it flies, 102 And pleas'd pursue its Progress thro' the Skies. 103 This the Beau-monde High society. shall from the Mall A broad, tree-lined promenade in St. James's Park in London, where courtiers and other aristocrats would aim to see and be seen. [ Image: View of the Mall in Saint James, around 1710, by an unknown artist. National Gallery, Public Domain.] survey, 104 And hail with Musick its propitious Ray. 105 This, the blest Lover shall for Venus take, 106 And send up Vows from Rosamonda Rosamonda's Pond was a body of water in St. James's Park in London, on the site of what is now Buckingham Palace. The pond was named for Rosamund Clifford, the semi-legendary mistress of Henry II in the twelfth century whose relationship with the king became a byword for doomed love affairs. In the eighteenth century, the Pond was apparently well known as a place for lovers to meet secretly.'s Lake. 107 This Partridge John Partridge (1644-c.1714) an astrologer known for publishing almanacs with (generally incorrect) yearly predictions of deaths of notable individuals like the King of France (during a time where France and England were at war). soon shall view in cloudless Skies, 108 When next he looks thro' Galilaeo's Eyes i.e., the telescope, developed by Galileo Galilei; 109 And hence th' Egregious Wizard shall foredoom 110 The Fate of Louis Louis XIV (1638-1715), the King of France. He was for a long time the most powerful and feared ruler in Europe. But the threat that Louis and France posed to their neighbors was checked by the Treaty of Utrecht, signed in 1713, and he died the year after this poem was published. His "Fate," then, was very much up in the air at the time that Pope was writing. [Image: Portrait of Louis XIV by Hyacynthe Rigaud, 1701. Wikimedia Commons, and the Fall of Rome. 111 Then cease, bright Nymph! to mourn the ravish'd Hair 112 Which adds new Glory to the shining Sphere! 113 Not all the Tresses that fair Head can boast 114 Shall draw such Envy as the Lock you lost. 48 115 For, after all the Murders of your Eye, 116 When, after Millions slain, your self shall die; 117 When those fair Suns shall sett, as sett they must, 118 And all those Tresses shall be laid in Dust; 119 This Lock, the Muse The Muses are the nine Greek goddesses devoted to the arts; they are often imagined as a source of inspiration for a poet.shall consecrate to Fame, 120 And mid'st the Stars inscribe Belinda's Name! 121 FINIS. Chudleigh, Mary and Lady Mary Chudleigh. "To the Ladies". Poems on Several Occasions, Printed for Bernard Lintot, at the Cross-Keys between the Temple-Gates, 1722 , pp 45-46 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [TP] POEMS ON Several Occasions. BY THE LADY CHUDLEIGHMary Chudleigh was a poet and early feminist, friends with women like Lady Mary Wortley Montagu and Mary Astell. She is most well-known for her long poem The Ladies Defense (1701), published in response to John Sprint’s The Bride-Woman’s Counsellor, a marriage sermon he delivered in 1699 expounding on the duty of wives to their husbands. Chudleigh was a devout Anglican, and had no formal education (women were not usually formally educated for a century more), but she was self-taught and read widely. In her late teens, she married Sir George Chudleigh, a Baronet. He was an overbearing husband, and scholars suggest that her own experience was an influence for her writing. However, he did allow her to publish her work, which was not common for women of her stature. To read more about anonymity and women writers, see Greg Buzwell's short essay ot the British Library. Chudleigh bore six children with her husband. The THIRD Edition, Corrected. London: Printed for BERNARD LINTOT, at the Cross-Keys between the Temple-Gates. MDCCXXII. 45 To the Ladies. 1 Wife and Servant are the same, 2 But only differ in the Name: 3 For when that fatal Knot is ty'd, 4 Which nothing, nothing can divide: Until the middle of the nineteenth century, with the passage of the Matrimonial Causes Act of 1857, English society was essentially divorceless; members of the gentility and the aristocracy typically married for life. The only way to secure a divorce was through a very expensive Private Act of Parliament; between 1700 and 1857, fewer than 325 parliamentary divorces were granted in England. Almost all were initiated by men, and it was only granted for adultery. Women could only seek divorce if the adultery were accompanied by extreme cruelty. Those granted to women could be counted on one hand. As a result, there were many unhappy marriages, and literature focused on chosing the right mate was popular. Those in the lower classes (and sometimes those in the growing middle classes) had more flexibility, often simply agreeing among themselves to leave each other or through the practice of "wife selling." To read more about the history of divorce, see Amanda Foreman's "The Heartbreaking History of Divorce" for The Smithsonian Magazine. 5 When she the word obey has said, 6 And Man by Law supreme has made, Upon marriage, a woman became a "femme couvert"; her legal identity was subsumed into (or "covered by") her husband's, and she was no longer able to take on debt, own property, or engage in contracts. Unmarried women and widows could. To read more about this doctrine of couverture, which was only modified in the late 19th century, see Wikipedia. It is worth noting that, in the US, it was only in 1974 (with the passage of the Equal Credit Opportunity Act) that women could open bank accounts or apply for credit without needing a male co-signer. In the UK, a similar law was passed in 1975. 7 Then all that's kind is laid aside, 8 And nothing left but State and Pride: 9 Fierce as an Eastern Prince he grows, The Ottoman Empire was the largest empire in the world, spanning the 13th through the 20th centuries. As Emily Kugler notes in Sway of the Ottomoan Empire on English Identity in the Long Eighteenth Century (2012), the English in the eighteenth century depicted the Ottoman world as powerful, moreso than the English themselves, whose empire was growing and would reach its height in the 19th century. Hence, Chudleigh here uses the "eastern prince" as an image of unchecked power. This is exacerbated by perceived differences in personal and political liberties between the English and the Turkish subject, and especially the female subject. 10 And all his innate Rigor shows: 11 Then but to look, to laugh, or speak, 12 Will the Nuptial Contract break. 13 Like Mutes she Signs alone must make, For an interesting discussion of the "mute" in the Turkish Ottoman Court, see "Signing in the Seraglio," by M. Miles. 14 And never any Freedom take: Chudleigh is drawing on the image of the Turkish seraglio as a site of female confinement and sexual enslavement. In British literature, the trope of the English captive seeking to regain their "native" or natural/innate liberties takes shape "against a detailed representation of the Orient as debased and despotic" (Snader, "The Oriental Captivity Narrative andn Early English Fiction" 268). Note that Chudleigh refers, in an earlier line, to the husband's "innate Rigor." To read more about the way the West viewed the Ottoman Empire as tyrranical and despotic, especially when it comes to the image of women, see "From Tyranny to Despotism: The Enlightenment's Unenlightened Image of the Turks" by Asli Çirakman. 15 But still be govern'd by a Nod, 16 And fear her Husband as her God: 17 Him still must serve, him still obey, 18 And nothing act, and nothing say, 19 But what her haughty Lord thinks fit, 20 Who with the Pow'r, has all the Wit. 21 Then shun, oh! shun that wretched State,The "state" of marriage. 22 And all the fawning Flatt'rers hate: 23 Value your selves, and Men despise, 24 You must be proud, if you'll be wise. Kipling, Rudyard and Rudyard Kipling. "The White Man's Burden". Mclure's Magazine, S/ S. McClure Co., February 1899 , Volume 12, Issue 4, pp 290-291 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [TP] 290 McCLURE'S MAGAZINE. VOL. XII. FEBRUARY, 1899. NO. 4. THE WHITE MAN'S BURDEN. By Rudyard Kipling. 1 Take up the White Man's burden-- 2 Send forth the best ye breed-- 3 Go, bind your sons to exile 4 To serve your captives' need; 5 To wait, in heavy harness 6 On fluttered folk and wild-- 7 Your new-caught sullen peoples, 8 Half devil and half child. 9 Take up the White Man's burden-- 10 In patience to abide, 11 To veil the threat of terror 12 And check the show of pride; 13 By open speech and simple, 14 An hundred times mad plain, 15 To seek another's profit 16 And work another's gain. 17 Take up the White Man's burden-- 18 The savage wars of peace-- 19 Fill full the mouth of Famine 20 And bid the sickness cease; 21 And when your goal is nearest 22 (The end for others sought) 23 Watch sloth and heathen folly 24 Bring all your hope to nought. 25 Take up the White Man's burden-- 26 No iron rule of kings, 27 But toil of serf and sweeper-- 28 The tale of common things. 29 The ports ye shall not enter, 30 The roads ye shall not tread, 31 Go make them with your living 32 And mark them with your dead. 291 33 Take up the White Man's burden-- 34 And reap his old reward-- 35 The blame of those ye better, 36 The hate of those ye guard-- 37 The cry of hosts ye humour 38 (Ah, slowly!) toward the light:-- 39 "Why brought ye us from bondage, 40 Our loved Egyptian night?" 41 Take up the White Man's burden-- 42 Ye dare not stoop to less-- 43 Nor call too loud on freedom 44 To cloak your weariness. 45 By all ye cry or whisper, 46 By all ye leave or do, 47 The silent sullen peoples 48 Shall weigh your God and you. 49 Take up the White Man's burden! 50 Have done with childish days-- 51 The lightly proffered laurel, 52 The easy ungrudged praise: 53 Comes now, to search your manhood 54 Through all the thankless years, 55 Cold edged with dear-bought wisdom, 56 The judgment of your peers. Howe, Tonya and Tonya Howe Leane Dondapati. "Headnote for Shakespeare." Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z The widely celebrated Renaissance English playwright, poet, and actor William Shakespeare (1564-1616) was born in Stratford-upon-Avon to John and Mary Shakespeare. He wrote professionally during the Elizabethan (during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I) and Jacobian (the reign of King James I) ages. His father held a civic position in Stratford, which likely enabled him to have his children somewhat educated at the local grammar school. At the age of eighteen, Shakespeare wed Anne Hathaway. Six months later, Susanna was born, and in 1585, the fraternal twins, Hamnet (who died at the age of 11 years) and Judith. During the Elizabethan period, acting was becoming newly professionalized, but it was still a suspect profession, associated with vagrancy—as the public playhouse was with disruption, noise, theft, and undesirables. Shakespeare was an actor before he became more associated with writing, and his experience as an actor informed his playwriting career. Shakespeare’s first works to be published were the poems “Venus and Adonis” (1593) and “The Rape of Lucrece” (1594). He co-founded The Lord Chamberlain’s Men (later called The King’s Men), an acting company for whom he produced dramas regularly. Queen Elizabeth I invested actively in theatre, and sometimes attended public performances. Shakespeare remained with the company for the rest of his life, becoming part of the syndicates that helped establish The Globe and the Blackfriars Theatres. His plays were performed in both the public and private playhouses of London, but The Tempest was first performed at Whitehall Palace, on November 1, 1611. Throughout his career, Shakespeare published 38 plays and 154 sonnets as well as other poems. While about half his plays were published in quarto form during his lifetime, almost all were published or republished in the First Folio of 1623 (the page images in our digital edition are from the First Folio, as digitized by the Folger Shakespeare Library). Only 230 of the first 1000 printed folios have survived. Unlike many writers of his era, Shakespeare lived to see great popular success in his own lifetime. During the Elizabethan period, he was not the most critically-acclaimed playwright--that honor went to Christopher Marlowe, who died just before Shakespeare began writing in earnest. During the 18th century, Shakespeare’s reputation as the Bard was solidified, in part by the work of actor and playwright David Garrick--before that, he was an important national poet, but not the icon he is today. His work is set apart by its broad appeal—he drew from many popular ballads and reworked well-known contemporary tales, and did not depend on the more fully-formed classical education that informed Marlowe’s works. He was linguistically innovative, delighting in wordplay and developing new words that continue to shape our vocabulary today. Shakespeare died at the age of 52 and is buried at the Holy Trinity Church in Stratford. His final play was The Tempest, published posthumously, in the First Folio. Among the many critical approaches to The Tempest available, it is often discussed in terms of political power and the nature of governance, exploration and imperial expansion, wrath and forgiveness, and theatricality or authorship itself. In the play, Prospero’s power in Milan is usurped by his brother, Antonio, and he and his daughter Miranda are cast adrift and exiled. They come to rest on the shores of an unnamed Mediterranean island, though this island often stands in for the New World that was then being colonised by England. In this reading, Ariel and Caliban, who was born on the island, are representatives of the land’s native inhabitants. One reason to think of the text in this way is because a historical model for Prospero, John Dee, was an advisor to Elizabeth I, and he is known to have advocated for the imperial expansion of England into the Atlantic. The wreck of the Sea Venture, a ship bound with supplies for Jamestown in 1609, is also a possible warrant. Several conversations in The Tempest suggest that the nature of good governance is of special thematic importance to the play. The usurped, patriarchal figure Prospero is consumed with wrath and a desire for revenge against those who cast him out (even though he fully admits he was paying more attention to his books than his state); this underlines another popular reading of the play, which focuses on the value of forgiveness, perhaps related to the question of good governance. The tool of Prospero’s revenge is the magical conjuration of The Tempest that wreaks havoc on his enemies. However, over the course of the play, he forgives Antonio and casts aside his power. This approach to The Tempest is of less interest to contemporary scholars, who tend today to be more focused on the politics of the play--or the complications to the narrative of forgiveness posed by the marriage orchestrated between Ferdinand and Miranda, among other such complications. Some scholars have examined Prospero, the powerful magician, father, and stage-director at the center of the play, as a stand-in for Shakespeare himself. In this reading, Prospero’s magic is a kind of stagecraft, and it derives from his books and “secret studies.” Through his magic he governs the behavior and worldview of others, and shapes the perceptions of the audience. The several references to the real-time performance of the play also encourages us to see it as a meditation on theatricality and stagecraft. Given that this is Shakespeare’s last play, and that Prospero is the central agent in its action, many have read Prospero’s renunciation of magic as Shakespeare’s own farewell to the stage. However, as noted above, biographical knowledge of the author is sparse, and this is one interpretation among many. The image included here, via the National Portrait Gallery UK, is the “Chandos Portrait” of Shakespeare, named after an early owner of the painting. It was likely painted by John Taylor from life, though its exact date of creation is unknown. Howe, Tonya and Tonya Howe. "Headnote for T. S. Eliot." Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z Thomas Sterns Eliot (1888-1965) was born in St. Louis, Missouri, to a wealthy family historically from New England; his father was a business man, and his mother a social worker and a poet. He lived in St. Louis for much of his youth, studying at a college preparatory school affiliated with Washington University, before leaving for Massachusetts. He earned a BA from Harvard in 1909, and continued on to earn a MA, both degrees in literature. Youthful attempts at poetry failed, but during his college years he became much more successful and he met many influential people, including the future publisher of The Waste Land. Eliot also studied philosophy at the Sorbonne and Sanskrit, again at Harvard. It is likely that his natural tendency toward books was enhanced by physical limitations caused by a hernia; he that he focused so much of his energy on literature. As the first World War broke out, Eliot was heading to Oxford on a scholarship, but he spent a lot of time in London, which was accessible by train. There, he met the poet Ezra Pound, to whom Eliot dedicated The Waste Land. Having left his first love, Emily Hale, in the US, he married Vivienne Haigh-Wood in 1915—though they did not have a happy relationship and eventually separated (Vivienne died in a mental asylum, and Eliot remarried very late in life to the 30-year old Esmé Fletcher. Eliot officially renounced US citizenship for British citizenship in 1927. Eliot’s first major poetic success was "The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock," published in 1915 in Poetry, an important magazine then edited by Pound. Seven years later, he published The Waste Land, and after that, several other poems and plays. His playful collection of poems, Old Possum’s Book of Practical Cats, became the basis for the hit Broadway musical Cats. His last major work was The Four Quartets, published in four separate named parts from 1936 to 1942. It was this work that led to the Nobel Prize in Literature, which he was awarded in 1948, "for his outstanding, pioneer contribution to present-day poetry." Eliot also wrote plays and literary criticism. To learn more about Eliot, you might find Angelica Frey’s biography of interest. This headnote draws on material from this article and other commonly available web sources. Eliot was also something of an anti-semite, often expressing stereotypical beliefs about Jewish people. His friend and mentor Ezra Pound, however, was not only anti-Semitic but fascist as well, and under indictment for treason against the US, he ended up in St. Elizabeths Hospital, a federal mental institution in Southeast Washington, DC. The Waste Land is a modernist text. Modernism is a philosophical and aesthetic movement of the early 20th century, broadly 1890-1940, which developed after and as a result of the innovations of the industrial revolution. The industrial revolution, which began in the 18th century and culminated in the middle of the 19th century, radically altered the basic nature of life in Western society and ushered in the technological era we experience today. In literary history, modernism reached its most clear articulation during the period of World War I, which seemed to epitomize the mechanized destruction of older forms of human experience. Factory production turned people into cogs in a much larger machine; new work in science saw the development of mustard gas and other forms of chemical warfare used for the first time in World War I; so too with the machine gun, the tank, the bomb, all among the new technologies of death that killed millions and demolished the landscape of much of Western Europe. The Waste Land was the work that cemented Eliot’s reputation as an important writer in the modernist movement. The title of the poem is virtually a direct allusion to the effect of shelling. Though Eliot himself dismissed this reading, it is difficult not to see his work through this lens. The panoramic photograph below, from the Imperial War Museum, shows the ruins of a farm after the Battle of the Somme in 1916, captured by Lieutenant Ernest Brooks. Modernist poets and artists rejected the aesthetic forms of the previous generations and the mode of storytelling that often accompanied them—for instance, the realism of the 19th century was rejected in favor of fragmented, daring modes of expression that tried to capture a new, broken reality. Modernist writers like James Joyce, Virginia Woolf, T. S. Eliot, Marianne Moore, and Gertrude Stein channeled the questions raised by the modern world—in particular the question of whether and to what extent it is possible to tell stories or make art in this brave new world—into the very fabric of their work. Artists in many media were responding as well—in music, Claude Debussey and Igor Stravinsky were creating radically new modes of expression; in painting, Georges Braque and Pablo Picasso built on the experimentations of the Impressionists, who fractured light in pursuit of new ways of seeing. The first portrait of Eliot, above (1920), was painted by Powys Evans, also a modernist most well-known for his caricatures (National Portrait Gallery UK). To read more about the impact of the first World War on the development of modernism in literature, you might find this accessible article from The Irish Times interesting; the article touches on The Waste Land and several other key pieces of literature from the era. Perhaps one of the most challenging and influential of texts in all of Modernist literature, The Waste Land features multiple characters, multiple voices, and multiple vignettes flitting in and out of visibility. Published in 1922 (first in a London journal, then in an American one, and finally as a standalone book with footnotes by the author), the long poem is most often examined as a response to the shattering experience of the first World War, using the grail legend as a loosely connective thread. The grail has a long and varied literary history, possibly beginning with early fertility rituals. In the 12th century, it was given Christian meaning through Chrétien de Troyes’ early medieval romance Perceval. It is also the holy object sought by the Arthurian knights, popularized in Thomas Malory’s Le Morte d'Arthur (1485). The grail in Western Christian contexts is associated with the resurrection of Jesus, specifically the cup that was used to hold the blood of Christ. Throughout medieval Arthurian romance, the grail was guarded by the Fisher King, a Christ-like character, depicted as infertile or wounded—which also becomes a metaphor for the state of his kingdom. His wounds (and those of the land) will be healed when the quest is completed by the hero asking the Fisher King the right question: whom does the grail serve? There are many variations of the story, from many different cultural contexts. Eliot uses the grail quest to heal the Fisher King as a broad metaphor for the wounded modern world, torn apart by modernity and the cataclysmic violence of the Great War. You can see something of the style of modernism in the second photographic portrait of Eliot here, by Cecil Beaton (1956), housed in the National Portrait Gallery UK. Eliot’s poem is as challenging--and rewarding for the curious reader--as it is influential; however, it can be read fruitfully without a deep understanding of the literary tradition that informs it. For a detailed discussion of the many allusions and other references in The Waste Land, see Allyson Booth’s Reading The Waste Land from the Bottom Up (2015). The first pages of each chapter are available as free preview, but your institution may have electronic access to the book as a whole. O'Brien, John and John O'Brien. "Headnote for Aphra Behn." Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z Aphra Behn (c1640-1689) was perhaps the most versatile, and was certainly one of the most important writers of the late seventeenth century in English. She wrote and translated poetry, translated works of science, published long works of fiction, and many authored many plays. It was as a playwright that Behn was probably most successful in her own lifetime. Between 1670 and 1689, a couple dozen of her plays were staged in London; some of them continue to be revived even now, most notably The Rover. We know very little of Aphra Behn’s life before she started her writing career in London in the early 1670s. She never wrote a memoir (which is not surprising; people did not do that kind of thing in her era), and relatively few letters have survived. If she kept any kind of journal or diary, it has long since been lost. The lack of public information about her life before the age of about thirty makes it clear, though, that she did not come from a wealthy or prominent family. Scholars, working largely with parish records and surviving government documents, have pieced together some things. But often these are simply informed guesses rather than facts that we can know for certain. The best biography is Janet Todd’s The Secret Life of Aphra Behn, and what I note below relies on Todd’s work. When and where was she born? who were her parents? We cannot be sure. The best research we have indicated that was probably the person who is recorded in a baptismal record as “Eaffrey” Johnson, born in December 1640 to a Bartholomew and Elizabeth Johnson from Bishopsbourne, a town in Kent near Canterbury. The Johnsons were not a wealthy family, but they were not desperately poor, either; Bartholomew worked as a barber and at one time was in charge of supervising the poor in a parish in Canterbury. How did she get the name Behn? and how did she pronounce it? Again, we are not sure, though the name seems to have come from a marriage she had in the 1650s or 1660s. She may have married a man called Johann Behn, who shows up in some business and shipping records of this period. No one has found a marriage certificate. The marriage does not seem to have lasted all that long; maybe he died, since she seems to be referred to as a widow in a single letter. We are not sure as to how she pronounced her last name: like “ben”? like “bean”? like “bane”? opinions vary. Did she really go to Surinam in the 1660s? Maybe, though the evidence for that is the narrator’s claim in Oroonoko. Which might be true (Janet Todd believes her, and a lot of the circumstantial detail in Oroonoko would be hard to invent if a person had not been there), but there is much in Oroonoko that is obvious fabrication, so she might be making her trip there up as well and be relating information that she got at second hand. The story purports to be a true, first-hand account of events in Surinam. But, in addition to inventing the story of the African prince, Behn also seems to have invented the idea that her father was going to be the lieutenant governor of the colony, as the narrator of that story claims; there is no chance that her father was ever in a position to get such a significant job, and he may very well have been dead by the time of her (purported) sojourn in Surinam. There is is no independent evidence, like a government report or a ship’s manifest, that places her in Surinam, so we cannot be certain one way or another. Did she really work as a spy? Yes, this we know. In the 1660s, Aphra Behn was sent to Antwerp as a spy on behalf of the English government; her mission (which involved trying to turn an English man there against the Dutch) seems to have failed. She used the code name “Astrea” (a name associated in mythology with the goddess of justice), a name that she continued to use as a poetic name throughout her career. Behn may have done some other intelligence work for the government at other times in her 20s. We do not know why she stopped her mission, but she complained about not being paid, and at least one other person disparaged her work. She may have not been cut out to be a spy. When do we start to know unambiguous facts about her? In the early 1670s, Behn started working in the theater as a playwright for the Duke’s Company, one of the two theater troupes licensed to perform in London. From that point on until her death in 1689, we know a lot about her professional life as a writer from the plays that she staged, the books that she published, and the things that people said about her. In these decades, Behn was one of the two leading playwrights on the London stage; the other was John Dryden. In an era when many plays were written by amateurs, aristocrats who would not want to be seen as exerting themselves for money (Katherine Philips and William Wycherley would be examples of this) Behn and Dryden were the professional playwrights, each under contract (and therefore under pressure) to produce new works for the repertoire; each supporting him or herself on their earnings. Like Dryden, Behn also wrote and translated poetry. Behn also published fiction, something that Dryden did not do, and her work is an important precursor of the eighteenth-century novel in English. Trying to make a living as a writer was difficult. It was hard then as it is now, for playwrights to follow the movement of audience taste, and hard to know if the many hours of effort that go into writing and staging a play would be met with success until the moment the production was staged. A hit could make a fair amount of money (authors would be paid out of gate receipts and could also get money for selling the rights to the print copy of the script), but a flop could be a costly waste of time and effort on everyone’s part. The period when Behn was writing was also a politically contentious time, and playwrights could be subject to censorship if they offended the wrong person. Writers hoped to get support from wealthy patrons, which is why almost all works of this period are prefaced by dedications, letters of extravagant praise aimed at people who the author is hoping will provide money or at least convince their wealthy friends to buy the book or attend the play. Behn was very prolific, and successful in the sense that she had many plays staged and many works published and read, but she had to keep writing to maintain herself and never seems to have made a lot of money. It was particularly hard being a professional woman writer, and Behn seems to have blazed a trail here; there is probably no other woman writing in English who we could call a professional before she started working in the theater in the 1670s. It was considered immodest for a woman to put herself forward as a public figure in this period, which is why many women who wrote expressed reluctance at their work being published; a lot of their work remains in manuscript. Male critics of the eighteenth century often contrasted Behn, the public writer, with Katherine Philips, the model of the retired literary lady; the contrast between “Astrea” and “Orinda” was usually cast in terms that favored the latter for her gentility and modesty. Behn was attacked for being a professional, sometimes compared with prostitutes. Here a contrast with John Dryden becomes stark. Dryden was awarded with university degrees, became the poet laureate, and was in his later years considered a kind of sage, while Behn struggled for income and respectability. One final note about Behn. In many ways, her career strikes us modern, and her prose works in particular have a lot of features that now seem to pave the way for the modern novel. But Behn was also a very conservative, traditional person in many ways. She was a staunch supporter of the Stuart monarchy and of the absolutist form of government that the Stuart kings Charles I and James II believed in. She was a woman of her time, trying to make a career as a writer and public figure in an era when this was very challenging for anyone, and especially difficult for a women from a modest background. Dramatist, poet, novelist, translator, professional: Aphra Behn left us one of the richest bodies of work of any writer of the seventeenth century. Doyle, Arthur Conan and Arthur Conan Doyle. "The Sign of the Four". Lippincott's Monthly Magazine, J. B. Lippincott Company, 1889 , 45(?)pp 147-223 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [Cover of Lippincott's Monthly Magazine, February 1890] 147 LIPPINCOTT'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE. FEBRUARY, 1890. THE SIGN OF THE FOUR. CHAPTER I. THE SCIENCE OF DEDUCTION. Sherlock Holmes took his bottle from the corner of the mantel-piece and his hypodermic syringe from its neat morocco case In this context, morocco is a kind of leather, imported into Europe since the 16th century, that is very soft. Holmes stores his syringes in a small case covered in morocco leather. . With his long, white, nervous fingers he adjusted the delicate needle, and rolled back his left shirt-cuff. For some little time his eyes rested thoughtfully upon the sinewy forearm and wrist all dotted and scarred with innumerable puncture-marks. Finally he thrust the sharp point home, pressed down the tiny piston, and sank back into the velvet-lined arm-chair with a long sigh of satisfaction. Three times a day for many months I had witnessed this performance, but custom had not reconciled my mind to it. On the contrary, from day to day I had become more irritable at the sight, and my conscience swelled nightly within me at the thought that I had lacked the courage to protest. Again and again I had registered a vow that I should deliver my soul upon the subject, but there was that in the cool, nonchalant air of my companion which made him the last man with whom one would care to take anything approaching to a liberty. His great powers, his masterly manner, and the experience which I had had of his many extraordinary qualities, all made me diffident and backward in crossing him. Yet upon that afternoon, whether it was the Beaune which I had taken with my lunch Beaune is a region in Burgundy, France, that is known for its wine. Yorick is drinking wine from Beaune with his lunch. To read more about the region, see Wikipedia., or the additional exasperation produced by the extreme deliberation of his manner, I suddenly felt that I could hold out no longer. “Which is it to-day?" I asked,—“morphine or cocaine In the 19th century, Britain had fought two wars with India and China over the trade of opium, which equated to large profits for the British economy. Drugs such as opium were considered an everyday commodity, like food or alcohol, and were not met with any restrictions until 1868. Someone could walk into a chemist (pharmacy) during this time and simply purchase opium, cocaine or arsenic without any sort of prescription. To learn more about drug use during the Victorian era, check outOpium in Victorian Britain at Historic UK and Victorian Drug Use on VictorianWeb.org ?" He raised his eyes languidly from the old black-letter Blackletter is a medieval script form characterized by heavy calligraphic letters. This image, from Wikimedia Commons, shows an example of blackletter from a 15th century bible. volume which he had opened. “It is cocaine," he said,—“a seven-per-cent. solution. Would you care to try it?" “No, indeed," I answered, brusquely. “My constitution has not 148 got over the Afghan campaign The "Afghan campaign" that Watson refers to here is most likely the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-1880), which was waged between the British Raj and the Afghan Emirate because of historical geopolitical tensions with Russia. To read more about this important historical allusion, see Wikipedia. yet. I cannot afford to throw any extra strain upon it." He smiled at my vehemence. “Perhaps you are right, Watson," he said. “I suppose that its influence is physically a bad one. I find it, however, so transcendently stimulating and clarifying to the mind that its secondary action is a matter of small moment." “But consider!" I said, earnestly. “Count the cost! Your brain may, as you say, be roused and excited, but it is a pathological and morbid process, which involves increased tissue-change and may at last leave a permanent weakness. You know, too, what a black reaction comes upon you. Surely the game is hardly worth the candle. Why should you, for a mere passing pleasure, risk the loss of those great powers with which you have been endowed? Remember that I speak not only as one comrade to another, but as a medical man to one for whose constitution he is to some extent answerable." He did not seem offended. On the contrary, he put his finger-tips together and leaned his elbows on the arms of his chair, like one who has a relish for conversation. “My mind," he said, “rebels at stagnation. Give me problems, give me work, give me the most abstruse cryptogram or the most intricate analysis, and I am in my own proper atmosphere. I can dispense then with artificial stimulants. But I abhor the dull routine of existence. I crave for mental exaltation. That is why I have chosen my own particular profession,—or rather created it, for I am the only one in the world." “The only unofficial detective?" I said, raising my eyebrows. “The only unofficial consulting detective," he answered. “I am the last and highest court of appeal in detection. When Gregson or Lestrade or Athelney Jones are out of their depths—which, by the way, is their normal state—the matter is laid before me. I examine the data, as an expert, and pronounce a specialist’s opinion. I claim no credit in such cases. My name figures in no newspaper. The work itself, the pleasure of finding a field for my peculiar powers, is my highest reward. But you have yourself had some experience of my methods of work in the Jefferson Hope case." “Yes, indeed," said I, cordially. “I was never so struck by anything in my life. I even embodied it in a small brochure with the somewhat fantastic title of 'A Study in Scarlet.' A Study in Scarlet' was Arthur Conan Doyle's first detective novel featuring Sherlock Holmes and Dr. Watson, published in 1887. An online text can be read on Project Gutenberg." He shook his head sadly. “I glanced over it," said he. “Honestly, I cannot congratulate you upon it. Detection is, or ought to be, an exact science, and should be treated in the same cold and unemotional manner. You have attempted to tinge it with romanticism, which produces much the same effect as if you worked a love-story or an elopement into the fifth proposition of Euclid In 300 BC, the Greek mathematician Euclid, wrote five postulates (beliefs) - the fifth stating: "That, if a straight line falling on two straight lines make the interior angles on the same side less than two right angles, if produced indefinitely, meet on that side on which are the angles less than the two right angles." Learn more about Euclid's Fifth Postulatefrom the University of Pittsburgh.." “But the romance was there," I remonstrated. “I could not tamper with the facts." “Some facts should be suppressed, or at least a just sense of proportion should be observed in treating them. The only point in the case which deserved mention was the curious analytical reasoning from effects to causes by which I succeeded in unraveling it." 149 I was annoyed at this criticism of a work which had been specially designed to please him. I confess, too, that I was irritated by the egotism which seemed to demand that every line of my pamphlet should be devoted to his own special doings. More than once during the years that I had lived with him in Baker Street I had observed that a small vanity underlay my companion’s quiet and didactic manner. I made no remark, however, but sat nursing my wounded leg. I had a Jezail bullet A jezail or jezzail (Pashto: جزائل) is a simple, homemade gun that was used during the First and Second Anglo-Afghan wars, primarily by Pasthun tribesmen. To read more, see Wikipedia. through it some time before, and, though it did not prevent me from walking, it ached wearily at every change of the weather. “My practice has extended recently to the Continent "The Continent" refers to the mainland of Europe, separate from the British Isles. (OED)," said Holmes, after a while, filling up his old brier-root pipe According to TobaccoPipes.com, briar wood is taken from a shrub native to the Mediterranean region. Pipes made from this wood are of high quality and are naturally fire resistant. Briar Pipe from briar-pipes.com . “I was consulted last week by François Le Villard, who, as you probably know, has come rather to the front lately in the French detective service. He has all the Celtic power of quick intuition, but he is deficient in the wide range of exact knowledge which is essential to the higher developments of his art. The case was concerned with a will, and possessed some features of interest. I was able to refer him to two parallel cases, the one at Riga in 1857, and the other at St. Louis in 1871, which have suggested to him the true solution. Here is the letter which I had this morning acknowledging my assistance." He tossed over, as he spoke, a crumpled sheet of foreign notepaper. I glanced my eyes down it, catching a profusion of notes of admiration, with stray “magnifiques," “coup-de-maîtres A "coup-de-maître" (French) is an action worthy of a master. (OED)," and “tours-de-force A "tour-de-force" (French) is a feat of strength, power, or skill. Here, the word is plural ("tours"). (OED)," all testifying to the ardent admiration of the Frenchman. “He speaks as a pupil to his master," said I. “Oh, he rates my assistance too highly," said Sherlock Holmes, lightly. “He has considerable gifts himself. He possesses two out of the three qualities necessary for the ideal detective. He has the power of observation and that of deduction. He is only wanting in knowledge; and that may come in time. He is now translating my small works into French." “Your works?" “Oh, didn’t you know?" he cried, laughing. “Yes, I have been guilty of several monographs. They are all upon technical subjects. Here, for example, is one ‘Upon the Distinction between the Ashes of the Various Tobaccoes.’ In it I enumerate a hundred and forty forms of cigar-, cigarette-, and pipe-tobacco, with coloured plates illustrating the difference in the ash. It is a point which is continually turning up in criminal trials, and which is sometimes of supreme importance as a clue. If you can say definitely, for example, that some murder has been done by a man who was smoking an Indian Indian lunkah A lunkah is a cigar made from tobacco grown on the Indian islands of the Godavery Delta. (OED), it obviously narrows your field of search. To the trained eye there is as much difference between the black ash of a Trichinopoly A Trichinopoly is a type of thin cigar made from tobacco grown near the town of Tiruchirappalli in Tamil Nadu, India. During the Victorian era, these cigars were one of India's main exports. To read more, see Wikipedia. and the white fluff of bird’s-eye as there is between a cabbage and a potato." “You have an extraordinary genius for minutiæ," I remarked. “I appreciate their importance. Here is my monograph upon the tracing of footsteps, with some remarks upon the uses of plaster of Paris as a preserver of impresses. Here, too, is a curious little work upon the influence of a trade upon the form of the hand, with lithotypes of the hands of slaters, sailors, corkcutters, compositors, weavers, and 150 diamond-polishers. That is a matter of great practical interest to the scientific detective,—especially in cases of unclaimed bodies, or in discovering the antecedents of criminals. But I weary you with my hobby." “Not at all," I answered, earnestly. “It is of the greatest interest to me, especially since I have had the opportunity of observing your practical application of it. But you spoke just now of observation and deduction. Surely the one to some extent implies the other." “Why, hardly," he answered, leaning back luxuriously in his arm-chair, and sending up thick blue wreaths from his pipe. “For example, observation shows me that you have been to the Wigmore Street Post-Office this morning, but deduction lets me know that when there you dispatched a telegram A telegram is a typed message delivered from point to point via electrical cables. The method of communication became the most popular way to send urgent messages in the 1840s. One prototype of the telegraph machine was developed by the American Samuel Morse, using Morse Code to transmit message content, but the one likely referred to here is based on the English Cook and Wheatstone needle telegraph, pictured below (via Wikimedia Commons, photograph by Geni). Read more about text telegaphy onWikipedia. image By Geni - Photo by User:geni, CC BY-SA 4.0 ." “Right!" said I. “Right on both points! But I confess that I don’t see how you arrived at it. It was a sudden impulse upon my part, and I have mentioned it to no one." “It is simplicity itself," he remarked, chuckling at my surprise,—“so absurdly simple that an explanation is superfluous; and yet it may serve to define the limits of observation and of deduction. Observation tells me that you have a little reddish mould adhering to your instep. Just opposite the Wigmore Street Office they have taken up the pavement and thrown up some earth which lies in such a way that it is difficult to avoid treading in it in entering. The earth is of this peculiar reddish tint which is found, as far as I know, nowhere else in the neighbourhood. So much is observation. The rest is deduction." “How, then, did you deduce the telegram?" “Why, of course I knew that you had not written a letter, since I sat opposite to you all morning. I see also in your open desk there that you have a sheet of stamps and a thick bundle of post-cards. What could you go into the post-office for, then, but to send a wire? Eliminate all other factors, and the one which remains must be the truth." “In this case it certainly is so," I replied, after a little thought. “The thing, however, is, as you say, of the simplest. Would you think me impertinent if I were to put your theories to a more severe test?" “On the contrary," he answered, “it would prevent me from taking a second dose of cocaine. I should be delighted to look into any problem which you might submit to me." “I have heard you say that it is difficult for a man to have any object in daily use without leaving the impress of his individuality upon it in such a way that a trained observer might read it. Now, I have here a watch which has recently come into my possession. Would you have the kindness to let me have an opinion upon the character or habits of the late owner?" I handed him over the watch with some slight feeling of amusement in my heart, for the test was, as I thought, an impossible one, and I intended it as a lesson against the somewhat dogmatic tone which he occasionally assumed. He balanced the watch in his hand, gazed hard at the dial, opened the back, and examined the works, first with his naked eyes and then with a powerful convex lens. I could hardly keep 151 from smiling at his crestfallen face when he finally snapped the case to and handed it back. “There are hardly any data," he remarked. “The watch has been recently cleaned, which robs me of my most suggestive facts." “You are right," I answered. “It was cleaned before being sent to me." In my heart I accused my companion of putting forward a most lame and impotent excuse to cover his failure. What data could he expect from an uncleaned watch? “Though unsatisfactory, my research has not been entirely barren," he observed, staring up at the ceiling with dreamy, lack-lustre eyes. “Subject to your correction, I should judge that the watch belonged to your elder brother, who inherited it from your father." “That you gather, no doubt, from the H. W. upon the back?" “Quite so. The W. suggests your own name. The date of the watch is nearly fifty years back, and the initials are as old as the watch: so it was made for the last generation. Jewelry usually descends to the eldest son, and he is most likely to have the same name as the father. Your father has, if I remember right, been dead many years. It has, therefore, been in the hands of your eldest brother." “Right, so far," said I. “Anything else?" “He was a man of untidy habits,—very untidy and careless. He was left with good prospects, but he threw away his chances, lived for some time in poverty with occasional short intervals of prosperity, and finally, taking to drink, he died. That is all I can gather." I sprang from my chair and limped impatiently about the room with considerable bitterness in my heart. “This is unworthy of you, Holmes," I said. “I could not have believed that you would have descended to this. You have made inquires into the history of my unhappy brother, and you now pretend to deduce this knowledge in some fanciful way. You cannot expect me to believe that you have read all this from his old watch! It is unkind, and, to speak plainly, has a touch of charlatanism in it." “My dear doctor," said he, kindly, “pray accept my apologies. Viewing the matter as an abstract problem, I had forgotten how personal and painful a thing it might be to you. I assure you, however, that I never even knew that you had a brother until you handed me the watch." “Then how in the name of all that is wonderful did you get these facts? They are absolutely correct in every particular." “Ah, that is good luck. I could only say what was the balance of probability. I did not at all expect to be so accurate." “But it was not mere guess-work?" “No, no: I never guess. It is a shocking habit,—destructive to the logical faculty. What seems strange to you is only so because you do not follow my train of thought or observe the small facts upon which large inferences may depend. For example, I began by stating that your brother was careless. When you observe the lower part of that watch-case you notice that it is not only dinted in two places, but it is cut and marked all over from the habit of keeping other hard objects, such as coins or keys, in the same pocket. Surely it is no great 152 feat to assume that a man who treats a fifty-guinea watch so cavalierly must be a careless man. Neither is it a very far-fetched inference that a man who inherits one article of such value is pretty well provided for in other respects." I nodded, to show that I followed his reasoning. “It is very customary for pawnbrokers in England, when they take a watch, to scratch the number of the ticket with a pin-point upon the inside of the case. It is more handy than a label, as there is no risk of the number being lost or transposed. There are no less than four such numbers visible to my lens on the inside of this case. Inference,—that your brother was often at low water. Secondary inference,—that he had occasional bursts of prosperity, or he could not have redeemed the pledge. Finally, I ask you to look at the inner plate, which contains the key-hole. Look at the thousands of scratches all round the hole,—marks where the key has slipped. What sober man’s key could have scored those grooves? But you will never see a drunkard’s watch without them. He winds it at night, and he leaves these traces of his unsteady hand. Where is the mystery in all this?" “It is as clear as daylight," I answered. “I regret the injustice which I did you. I should have had more faith in your marvellous faculty. May I ask whether you have any professional inquiry on foot at present?" “None. Hence the cocaine. I cannot live without brain-work. What else is there to live for? Stand at the window here. Was ever such a dreary, dismal, unprofitable world? See how the See how the yellow fog swirls down the street and drifts across the dun-coloured houses. Due to the increase in manufacturing and urbanization associated with the Industrial Revolution, air pollution in 19th century London became an everyday occurrence. The city witnessed an increase of emissions from factory fires and furnaces, resulting in thick fogs that could last a week, even leading to death. Not much was done in response to this public health emergency. These references to intense fog are depicted in the works of Arthur Conan Doyle and Charles Dickens. To read more about this historical smog, check out Great Smog of London on Britannica. swirls down the street and drifts across the dun-coloured houses. What could be more hopelessly prosaic and material? What is the use of having powers, doctor, when one has no field upon which to exert them? Crime is commonplace, existence is commonplace, and no qualities save those which are commonplace have any function upon earth." I had opened my mouth to reply to this tirade, when with a crisp knock our landlady entered, bearing a card upon the salver A salver is a tray. This image, from The Met Museum, shows an example of a salver made from brass. . “A young lady for you, sir," she said, addressing my companion. “Miss Mary ," he read. “Hum! I have no recollection of the name. Ask the young lady to step up, Mrs. Hudson. Don’t go, doctor. I should prefer that you remain." CHAPTER II. THE STATEMENT OF THE CASE. Miss entered the room with a firm step and an outward composure of manner. She was a blonde young lady, small, dainty, well gloved "Well-gloved" means wearing either thick, warm, or elegant gloves. (OED) , and dressed in dressed in the most perfect taste Fashion throughout the Victorian Era evolved every decade. The Industrial Revolution offered immense changes with the manufacturing of ready-made clothing with an influx of sewing machines, leading to more choices for the consumer. To read more about Victorian fashion, check out Epochs of Fashion.Image by Bazar of Fashions, via Wikimedia Commons. There was, however, a plainness and simplicity about her costumeThis tale takes place in 1888. In the late 19th century, women's day dress featured a slim, corsetted style when viewed from the front, often with a high neckline and long sleeves, and a small bustle in the back and visible from the side. Miss Morstan works for her living as a governess, so her style of dress would be plainer, as Watson describes. However, it would likely have the same sillouette. To read more about Victorian fashion, visit the Victoria and Albert Museum. which bore with it a suggestion of limited means. The dress was a sombre greyish beige, untrimmed and unbraided, and she wore a small turban of the same dull hue, relieved only by a suspicion of white feather in the side. Her face had neither regularity of feature nor beauty of complexion, but 152 her expression was her expression was sweet and amiable During the Victorian era, men and women were expected to live their days in ‘separate spheres’, only coming together at mealtimes. For gender expectations, women were perceived to have less physical strength than men, but they had superior morals that were anchored at home. This “sweetness" was to counteract the harshness of society with which men interacted on a daily basis, ultimately guiding the next generation. To read more about gender roles in the 19th century, check out the British Library's description of gender roles during this era., and her large blue eyes were singularly spiritual and sympathetic. In an experience of women which extends over many nations and three separate continents, I have never looked upon a face which gave a clearer promise of a refined and sensitive nature. I could not but observe that as she took the seat which Sherlock Holmes placed for her, her lip trembled, her hand quivered, and she showed every sign of intense inward agitation. “I have come to you, Mr. Holmes," she said, “because you once enabled my employer, Mrs. Cecil Forrester, to unravel a little domestic complication. She was much impressed by your kindness and skill." “Mrs. Cecil Forrester," he repeated thoughtfully. “I believe that I was of some slight service to her. The case, however, as I remember it, was a very simple one." “She did not think so. But at least you cannot say the same of mine. I can hardly imagine anything more strange, more utterly inexplicable, than the situation in which I find myself." Holmes rubbed his hands, and his eyes glistened. He leaned forward in his chair with an expression of extraordinary concentration upon his clear-cut, hawklike features. “State your case," said he, in brisk, business tones. I felt that my position was an embarrassing one. “You will, I am sure, excuse me," I said, rising from my chair. To my surprise, the young lady held up her gloved hand to detain me. “If your friend," she said, “would be good enough to stop, he might be of inestimable service to me." I relapsed into my chair. “Briefly," she continued, “the facts are these. My father was an officer in an Indian regiment who sent me home when I was quite a child. My mother was dead, and I had no relative in England. I was placed, however, in a comfortable boarding establishment In the 19th century, upper class women were expected to marry and give their husband children, thus requiring no formal education. If a young woman was unable to find a suitor, she would be expected to look after others' children or elderly parents. This shifted in 1848 when Queen's College recognized a governess as a qualification, opening up education to women in the following decades. To read more, check out Education in Victorian Britainat the British Library. at Edinburgh, and there I remained until I was seventeen years of age. In the year 1878 my father, who was senior captain of his regiment, obtained twelve months’ leave and came home. He telegraphed to me from London that he had arrived all safe, and directed me to come down at once, giving the Langham Hotel as his address. His message, as I remember, was full of kindness and love. On reaching London I drove to the Langham, and was informed that Captain was staying there, but that he had gone out the night before and had not yet returned. I waited all day without news of him. That night, on the advice of the manager of the hotel, I communicated with the police, and next morning we advertised in all the papers. Our inquiries led to no result; and from that day to this no word has ever been heard of my unfortunate father. He came home with his heart full of hope, to find some peace, some comfort, and instead—" She put her hand to her throat, and a choking sob cut short the sentence. “The date?" asked Holmes, opening his note-book. “He disappeared upon the 3rd of December, 1878,—“He disappeared upon the 3rd of December, 1878,—nearly ten years ago." Given the dates noted here, the action of "The Sign of the Four" takes place 1888, possibly November, given the discussion of the yellow fog above. The fog in London was typically at its worst in November.." “His luggage?" “Remained at the hotel. There was nothing in it to suggest a clue, 154 —some clothes, some books, and a considerable number of curiosities from the Andaman Islands The Andaman Islands are made up of 300 islands stretching across the southeastern part of the Bay of Bengal. The navy of the English East India Company first arrived on the islands in 1789, ultimately becoming union territory of India in 1956. The islands are known for their indigenous communities who evade contact from outsiders (Britannica). In 1858, the British government transformed one island to become the Ross Island Penal Colony, and jailed a number of prisoners from the Indian Rebellion of 1857 (often referred here as the "Mutiny"). Conditions were brutal, and many Indian political prisoners died from torture by the British (Wikipedia). To learn more about these penal colonies, see Clare Anderson's article, "The Andaman Islands Penal Colony: Race, Class, Criminality, and the British Empire." He had been one of the officers in charge of the convict-guard there." “Had he any friends in town?" “Only one that we know of,—Major Sholto, of his own regiment, the 34th Bombay Infantry. The major had retired some little time before, and lived at Upper Norwood. We communicated with him, of course, but he did not even know that his brother officer was in England." “A singular case," remarked Holmes. “I have not yet described to you the most singular part. About six years ago—to be exact, upon the 4th of May, 1882—an advertisement appeared in the Times asking for the address of Miss Mary and stating that it would be to her advantage to come forward. There was no name or address appended. I had at that time just entered the family of Mrs. Cecil Forrester in the capacity of governess. While upper class families historically hired governesses to care for their children, wealthy families of the middle class started to do so in the 19th century. A governess typically lived with the family and received a small salary in addition to room and board. To learn more, seethe British Library's overview of the governess, an important figure in Victorian literature.. By her advice I published my address in the advertisement column. The same day there arrived through the post a small card-board box addressed to me, which I found to contain a very large and lustrous pearl. No word of writing was enclosed. Since then every year upon the same date there has always appeared a similar box, containing a similar pearl, without any clue as to the sender. They have been pronounced by an expert to be of a rare variety and of considerable value. You can see for yourselves that they are very handsome." She opened a flat box as she spoke, and showed me six of the finest pearls that I had ever seen. “Your statement is most interesting," said Sherlock Holmes. “Has anything else occurred to you?" “Yes, and no later than to-day. That is why I have come to you. This morning I received this letter, which you will perhaps read for yourself." “Thank you," said Holmes. “The envelope too, please. Postmark, London, S.W. Date, July 7. Hum! Man’s thumb-mark on corner,—probably postman. Best quality paper. Envelopes at sixpence a packet. Particular man in his stationery. No address. ‘Be at the third pillar from the left outside the Lyceum Theatre to-night at seven o’clock. If you are distrustful, bring two friends. You are a wronged woman, and shall have justice. Do not bring police. If you do, all will be in vain. Your unknown friend.’ Well, really, this is a very pretty little mystery. What do you intend to do, Miss ?" “That is exactly what I want to ask you." “Then we shall most certainly go. You and I and—yes, why, Dr. Watson is the very man. Your correspondent says two friends. He and I have worked together before." “But would he come?" she asked, with something appealing in her voice and expression. “I should be proud and happy," said I, fervently, “if I can be of any service." “You are both very kind," she answered. “I have led a retired life, and have no friends whom I could appeal to. If I am here at six it will do, I suppose?" “You must not be later," said Holmes. “There is one other point, 155 however. Is this handwriting the same as that upon the pearl-box addresses?" “I have them here," she answered, producing half a dozen pieces of paper. “You are certainly a model client. You have the correct intuition. Let us see, now." He spread out the papers upon the table, and gave little darting glances from one to the other. “They are disguised hands, except the letter," he said, presently, “but there can be no question as to the authorship. See how the irrepressible Greek e will break out, and see the twirl of the final s. They are undoubtedly by the same person. I should not like to suggest false hopes, Miss , but is there any resemblance between this hand and that of your father?" “Nothing could be more unlike." “I expected to hear you say so. We shall look out for you, then, at six. Pray allow me to keep the papers. I may look into the matter before then. It is only half-past three. Au revoir, then." “Au revoir," said our visitor, and, with a bright, kindly glance from one to the other of us, she replaced her pearl-box in her bosom and hurried away. Standing at the window, I watched her walking briskly down the street, until the grey turban and white feather were but a speck in the sombre crowd. “What a very attractive woman!" I exclaimed, turning to my companion. He had lit his pipe again, and was leaning back with drooping eyelids. “Is she?" he said, languidly. “I did not observe." “You really are an automaton,—a calculating-machine!" I cried. “There is something positively inhuman in you at times." He smiled gently. “It is of the first importance," he said, “not to allow your judgment to be biased by personal qualities. A client is to me a mere unit,—a factor in a problem. The emotional qualities are antagonistic to clear reasoning. I assure you that the most winning woman I ever knew was hanged for poisoning three little children for their insurance-money, and the most repellant man of my acquaintance is a philanthropist who has spent nearly a quarter of a million upon the London poor." “In this case, however—" “I never make exceptions. An exception disproves the rule. Have you ever had occasion to study to study character in handwriting Graphology refers to the analysis of one's handwriting to determine their personality traits. No scientific evidence has been found to support graphology's claims, but it came to prominence in the 19th century from the French priest and archeologist, Jean-Hippolye Michon, who published books on the subject and founded the Société Graphologique in 1871. It is interesting to note that graphology is used in France, and has been accepted in some court cases. To read more, see Wikipedia.? What do you make of this fellow’s scribble?" “It is legible and regular," I answered. “A man of business habits and some force of character." Holmes shook his head. “Look at his long letters," he said. “They hardly rise above the common herd. That d might be an a, and that l an e. Men of character always differentiate their long letters, however illegibly they may write. There is vacillation in his k’s and self-esteem in his capitals. I am going out now. I have some few references to make. Let me recommend this book,—one of the most remarkable ever penned. It is Winwood Reade’s ‘Martyrdom of Man.’ The Martyrdom of Man "…is a secular, "universal" history of the Western world" published by William Winwood Reade in 1872. Source:Wikipedia A PDF of this book can be found here. I shall be back in an hour." I sat in the window with the volume in my hand, but my thoughts 156 were far from the daring speculations of the writer. My mind ran upon our late visitor,—her smiles, the deep rich tones of her voice, the strange mystery which overhung her life. If she were seventeen at the time of her father’s disappearance she must be seven-and-twenty now,—a sweet age, when youth has lost its self-consciousness and become a little sobered by experience. So I sat and mused, until such dangerous thoughts came into my head that I hurried away to my desk and plunged furiously into the latest treatise upon pathology. What was I, an army surgeon with a weak leg and a weaker banking-account, that I should dare to think of such things? She was a unit, a factor,—nothing more. If my future were black, it was better surely to face it like a man than to attempt to brighten it by mere will-o’-the-wisps of the imagination. CHAPTER III IN QUEST OF A SOLUTION. It was half-past five before Holmes returned. He was bright, eager, and in excellent spirits,—a mood which in his case alternated with fits of the blackest depression. “There is no great mystery in this matter," he said, taking the cup of tea which I had poured out for him. “The facts appear to admit of only one explanation." “What! you have solved it already?" “Well, that would be too much to say. I have discovered a suggestive fact, that is all. It is, however, very suggestive. The details are still to be added. I have just found, on consulting the back files of the Times The Times is a daily newspaper published in London, considered to be one of the best in the world. It was started by John Walter on January 1, 1785. To read more see Britannica., that Major Sholto, of Upper Norwood, late of the 34th Bombay Infantry During the 1870s, the military presence in India was composed of "presidency armies" to protect the interests of the British East India Company. These included the Bengal Army, the Madras Army, and the Bombay Army. This "34th Bombay Infantry" could be a reference to a fictional regiment. Control was tightened after the Indian Rebellion of 1857, a result of the diverse population of India feeling invaded by British reforms, taxes, and rule. To learn more about the British Indian Army, see Wikipedia. , died upon the 28th of April, 1882." “I may be very obtuse, Holmes, but I fail to see what this suggests." “No? You surprise me. Look at it in this way, then. Captain disappears. The only person in London whom he could have visited is Major Sholto. Major Sholto denies having heard that he was in London. Four years later Sholto dies. Within a week of his death Captain ’s daughter receives a valuable present, which is repeated from year to year, and now culminates in a letter which describes her as a wronged woman. What wrong can it refer to except this deprivation of her father? And why should the presents begin immediately after Sholto’s death, unless it is that Sholto’s heir knows something of the mystery and desires to make compensation? Have you any alternative theory which will meet the facts?" “But what a strange compensation! And how strangely made! Why, too, should he write a letter now, rather than six years ago? Again, the letter speaks of giving her justice. What justice can she have? It is too much to suppose that her father is still alive. There is no other injustice in her case that you know of." “There are difficulties; there are certainly difficulties," said Sherlock Holmes, pensively. “But our expedition of to-night will solve 157 them all. Ah, here is four-wheeler Cabs in Victorian London were typically two-wheeled carriages called hansoms, but they held only one or at most two people comfortably. The larger horse-drawn carriages could hold more. The photograph here, taken by John Lloyd, shows a brougham carriage, typical of four-wheeled 19th century carriage styles. , and Miss is inside. Are you all ready? Then we had better go down, for it is a little past the hour." I picked up my hat and my heaviest stick, but I observed that Holmes took his revolver from his drawer and slipped it into his pocket. It was clear that he thought that our night’s work might be a serious one. Miss was muffled in a dark cloak, and her sensitive face was composed, but pale. She must have been more than woman if she did not feel some uneasiness at the strange enterprise upon which we were embarking, yet her self-control was perfect, and she readily answered the few additional questions which Sherlock Holmes put to her. “Major Sholto was a very particular friend of papa’s," she said. “His letters were full of allusions to the major. He and papa were in command of the troops at the Andaman Islands, so they were thrown a great deal together. By the way, a curious paper was found in papa’s desk which no one could understand. I don’t suppose that it is of the slightest importance, but I thought you might care to see it, so I brought it with me. It is here." Holmes unfolded the paper carefully and smoothed it out upon his knee. He then very methodically examined it all over with his double lens. “It is paper of native Indian manufacture," he remarked. “It has at some time been pinned to a board. The diagram upon it appears to be a plan of part of a large building with numerous halls, corridors, and passages. At one point is a small cross done in red ink, and above it is ‘3.37 from left,’ in faded pencil-writing. In the left-hand corner is a curious hieroglyphic like four crosses in a line with their arms touching. Beside it is written, in very rough and coarse characters, ‘The sign of the four,—Jonathan Small, Mahomet Singh, Abdullah Khan, Dost Akbar.’ No, I confess that I do not see how this bears upon the matter. Yet it is evidently a document of importance. It has been kept carefully in a pocket-book In the 19th century, a pocket book was a small sized book similar to an agenda or planner that we would refer to today. A pocket book was about the size of a small 3" by 5", index card, covered in leather, with a flap closure. Inside you may find a calendar, notes, short stories, poetry, among other things. To read more about pocket books during this era, check outJane Austen's World. Here is an example of a pocket book from 1803, taken from ; for the one side is as clean as the other." “It was in his pocket-book that we found it." “Preserve it carefully, then, Miss , for it may prove to be of use to us. I begin to suspect that this matter may turn out to be much deeper and more subtle than I at first supposed. I must reconsider my ideas." He leaned back in the cab, and I could see by his drawn brow and his vacant eye that he was thinking intently. Miss and I chatted in an undertone about our present expedition and its possible outcome, but our companion maintained his impenetrable reserve until the end of our journey. It was a September evening, and not yet seven o’clock, but the day had been a dreary one, and a dense drizzly fog lay low upon the great city Being the capital of the largest empire on the planet AND the world's most populated in the 19th century meant one thing: pollution. In 1890s London, there were approximately 300,000 horses throughout the streets, leaving behind excruciating amounts of excrement which you would have to navigate around. According to Wikipedia, in 1875, London's population was 4.24 million, compared to Beijing's 1.31 million, Paris's 2.25 million, and NYC's 1.9 million. Check out this author interview Dirty Old London': A History Of The Victorians' Infamous Filth on NPR. . Mud-coloured clouds drooped sadly over the muddy streets. Down the Strand the lamps were but misty splotches of diffused light which threw a feeble circular glimmer upon the slimy pavement. The yellow glare from the shop-windows streamed out into the steamy, 158 vaporous air, and threw a murky, shifting radiance across the crowded thoroughfare. There was, to my mind, something eerie and ghost-like in the endless procession of faces which flitted across these narrow bars of light,—sad faces and glad, haggard and merry. Like all human kind, they flitted from the gloom into the light, and so back into the gloom once more. I am not subject to impressions, but the dull, heavy evening, with the strange business upon which we were engaged, combined to make me nervous and depressed. I could see from Miss ’s manner that she was suffering from the same feeling. Holmes alone could rise superior to petty influences. He held his open note-book upon his knee, and from time to time he jotted down figures and memoranda in the light of his pocket-lantern. At the Lyceum Theatre the crowds were already thick at the side-entrances. In front a continuous stream of hansoms and four-wheelers were rattling up, discharging their cargoes of shirt-fronted men and beshawled, bediamonded women. We had hardly reached the third pillar, which was our rendezvous, before a small, dark, brisk man in the dress of a coachman accosted us. “Are you the parties who come with Miss ?" he asked. “I am Miss , and these two gentlemen are my friends," said she. He bent a pair of wonderfully penetrating and questioning eyes upon us. “You will excuse me, miss," he said with a certain dogged manner, “but I was to ask you to give me your word that neither of your companions is a police-officer." “I give you my word on that," she answered. He gave a shrill whistle, on which a street Arab Now an offensive term, a "street Arab" is a destitute and unhomed young person, and according to the OED, its usage dates to the mid-nineteenth century. It is a term of British origin. The notion of such children being Arab may refer to the presumption of a nomadic lifestyle, or perhaps to their darker skin, a product of the filth of the London streets. led across a four-wheeler and opened the door. The man who had addressed us mounted to the box, while we took our places inside. We had hardly done so before the driver whipped up his horse, and we plunged away at a furious pace through the foggy streets. The situation was a curious one. We were driving to an unknown place, on an unknown errand. Yet our invitation was either a complete hoax,—which was an inconceivable hypothesis,—or else we had good reason to think that important issues might hang upon our journey. Miss ’s demeanor was as resolute and collected as ever. I endeavored to cheer and amuse her by reminiscences of my adventures in Afghanistan; but, to tell the truth, I was myself so excited at our situation and so curious as to our destination that my stories were slightly involved. To this day she declares that I told her one moving anecdote as to how a musket looked into my tent at the dead of night, and how I fired a double-barrelled tiger cub at it. At first I had some idea as to the direction in which we were driving; but soon, what with our pace, the fog, and my own limited knowledge of London, I lost my bearings, and knew nothing, save that we seemed to be going a very long way. Sherlock Holmes was never at fault, however, and he muttered the names as the cab rattled through squares and in and out by tortuous by-streets. “Rochester Row," said he. “Now Vincent Square. Now we come out on the Vauxhall Bridge Road. We are making for the 159 Surrey side Surrey is a county in southern England; in this context, Surrey side refers to the south side of the river Thames, which divides the city of London. This image, from On The World Map, shows London boroughs and surrounding areas. , apparently. Yes, I thought so. Now we are on the bridge. You can catch glimpses of the river." We did indeed get a fleeting view of a stretch of the Thames with the lamps shining upon the broad, silent water; but our cab dashed on, and was soon involved in a labyrinth of streets upon the other side. “Wordsworth Road," said my companion. “Priory Road. Lark Hall Lane. Stockwell Place. Robert Street. Cold Harbor Lane. Our quest does not appear to take us to very fashionable regions." We had, indeed, reached a questionable and forbidding neighbourhood. Long lines of dull brick houses were only relieved by the coarse glare and tawdry brilliancy of public houses at the corner. Then came rows of two-storied villas each with a fronting of miniature garden, and then again interminable lines of new staring brick buildings,—the monster tentacles which the giant city was throwing out into the country. At last the cab drew up at the third house in a new terrace. None of the other houses were inhabited, and that at which we stopped was as dark as its neighbours, save for a single glimmer in the kitchen window. On our knocking, however, the door was instantly thrown open by a Hindoo servant clad in a yellow turban, white loose-fitting clothes, and a yellow sash. There was something strangely incongruous in this Oriental figure framed in the commonplace doorway of a third-rate suburban dwelling-house. “The Sahib Sahib is a title used by an Indian to address an English or European person. It may also refer to a gentleman or socially acceptable person. (OED) awaits you," said he, and even as he spoke there came a high piping voice from some inner room. “Show them in to me, khitmutgar A khitmutgar is a male servant who serves a table. (OED) ," it cried. “Show them straight in to me." CHAPTER IV. THE STORY OF THE BALD-HEADED MAN. We followed the Indian down a sordid and common passage, ill-lit and worse furnished, until he came to a door upon the right, which he threw open. A blaze of yellow light streamed out upon us, and in the centre of the glare there stood a small man with a very high head, a bristle of red hair all round the fringe of it, and a bald, shining scalp which shot out from among it like a mountain-peak from fir-trees. He writhed his hands together as he stood, and his features were in a perpetual jerk, now smiling, now scowling, but never for an instant in repose. Nature had given him a pendulous lip, and a too visible line of yellow and irregular teeth, which he strove feebly to conceal by constantly passing his hand over the lower part of his face. In spite of his obtrusive baldness, he gave the impression of youth. In point of fact he had just turned his thirtieth year. “Your servant, Miss ," he kept repeating, in a thin, high voice. “Your servant, gentlemen. Pray step into my little sanctum. A small place, miss, but furnished to my own liking. An oasis of art in the howling desert of South London." We were all astonished by the appearance of the apartment into which he invited us. In that sorry house it looked as out of place as a diamond of the first water in a setting of brass. The richest and 160 glossiest of curtains and tapestries draped the walls, looped back here and there to expose some richly-mounted painting or Oriental vase. The carpet was of amber-and-black, so soft and so thick that the foot sank pleasantly into it, as into a bed of moss. Two great tiger-skins thrown athwart it increased the suggestion of Eastern luxury, as did a huge hookah A hookah is a single or multi-stemmed device used to smoke flavored tobacco, among other things, by vaporizing through a glass basin before being inhaled. To read further, check out Wikipedia. This photo, taken by Antoin Sevruguin in 1900, from Wikimedia Commons, shows a Persian woman with hookah (qalyan). which stood upon a mat in the corner. A lamp in the fashion of a silver dove was hung from an almost invisible golden wire in the centre of the room. As it burned it filled the air with a subtle and aromatic odour. “Mr. Thaddeus Sholto," said the little man, still jerking and smiling. “That is my name. You are Miss , of course. And these gentlemen—" “This is Mr. Sherlock Holmes, and this is Dr. Watson." “A doctor, eh?" cried he, much excited. “Have you your stethoscope? Might I ask you—would you have the kindness? I have grave doubts as to my mitral valve, if you would be so very good. The aortic I may rely upon, but I should value your opinion upon the mitral." I listened to his heart, as requested, but was unable to find anything amiss, save indeed that he was in an ecstasy of fear, for he shivered from head to foot. “It appears to be normal," I said. “You have no cause for uneasiness." “You will excuse my anxiety, Miss ," he remarked, airily. “I am a great sufferer, and I have long had suspicions as to that valve. I am delighted to hear that they are unwarranted. Had your father, Miss , refrained from throwing a strain upon his heart, he might have been alive now." I could have struck the man across the face, so hot was I at this callous and off-hand reference to so delicate a matter. Miss sat down, and her face grew white to the lips. “I knew in my heart that he was dead," said she. “I can give you every information," said he, “and, what is more, I can do you justice; and I will, too, whatever Brother Bartholomew may say. I am so glad to have your friends here, not only as an escort to you, but also as witnesses to what I am about to do and say. The three of us can show a bold front to Brother Bartholomew. But let us have no outsiders,—no police or officials. We can settle everything satisfactorily among ourselves, without any interference. Nothing would annoy Brother Bartholomew more than any publicity." He sat down upon a low settee and blinked at us inquiringly with his weak, watery blue eyes. “For my part," said Holmes, “whatever you may choose to say will go no further." I nodded to show my agreement. “That is well! That is well!" said he. “May I offer you a glass of Chianti, Miss ? Or of Tokay? I keep no other wines. Shall I open a flask? No? Well, then, I trust that you have no objection to tobacco-smoke, to the mild balsamic odour of the Eastern tobacco. I am a little nervous, and I find my hookah an invaluable sedative." He applied a taper to the great bowl, and the smoke bubbled 161 [break after bub-] merrily through the rose-water. We sat all three in a semi-circle, with our heads advanced, and our chins upon our hands, while the strange, jerky little fellow, with his high, shining head, puffed uneasily in the centre. “When I first determined to make this communication to you," said he, “I might have given you my address, but I feared that you might disregard my request and bring unpleasant people with you. I took the liberty, therefore, of making an appointment in such a way that my man Williams might be able to see you first. I have complete confidence in his discretion, and he had orders, if he were dissatisfied, to proceed no further in the matter. You will excuse these precautions, but I am a man of somewhat retiring, and I might even say refined, tastes, and there is nothing more unæsthetic than a policeman. I have a natural shrinking from all forms of rough materialism. I seldom come in contact with the rough crowd. I live, as you see, with some little atmosphere of elegance around me. I may call myself a patron of the arts. It is my weakness. The landscape is a genuine Corot Jean-Baptiste-Camille Corot, 1796-1875, was a French landscape painter who influenced the Impressionist movement You can learn more about Corot from the UK National Gallery. The image included here is Corot's Evening on the Lake (c1872), via the National Gallery, London. , and, though a connoisseur might perhaps throw a doubt upon that Salvator Rosa Salvator Rosa, 1615-1673, was an Italian landscaper painter whose works also depicted scenes of witchcraft. You can learn more about Rosa from the UK National Gallery. The image included here is Rosa's Witches at their Incantations (c1646), via the National Gallery, London., there cannot be the least question about the Bouguereau. I am partial to the modern French school." “You will excuse me, Mr. Sholto," said Miss , “but I am here at your request to learn something which you desire to tell me. It is very late, and I should desire the interview to be as short as possible." “At the best it must take some time," he answered; “for we shall certainly have to go to Norwood and see Brother Bartholomew. We shall all go and try if we can get the better of Brother Bartholomew. He is very angry with me for taking the course which has seemed right to me. I had quite high words with him last night. You cannot imagine what a terrible fellow he is when he is angry." “If we are to go to Norwood it would perhaps be as well to start at once," I ventured to remark. He laughed until his ears were quite red. “That would hardly do," he cried. “I don’t know what he would say if I brought you in that sudden way. No, I must prepare you by showing you how we all stand to each other. In the first place, I must tell you that there are several points in the story of which I am myself ignorant. I can only lay the facts before you as far as I know them myself. “My father was, as you may have guessed, Major John Sholto, once of the Indian army. He retired some eleven years ago, and came to live at Pondicherry Lodge in Upper Norwood. He had prospered in India, and brought back with him a considerable sum of money, a large collection of valuable curiosities, and a staff of native servants. With these advantages he bought himself a house, and lived in great luxury. My twin-brother Bartholomew and I were the only children. “I very well remember the sensation which was caused by the disappearance of Captain . We read the details in the papers, and, knowing that he had been a friend of our father’s, we discussed the case freely in his presence. He used to join in our speculations as to what could have happened. Never for an instant did we suspect that 162 he had the whole secret hidden in his own breast,—that of all men he alone knew the fate of Arthur . “We did know, however, that some mystery—some positive danger—overhung our father. He was very fearful of going out alone, and he always employed two prize-fighters to act as porters at Pondicherry Lodge. Williams, who drove you to-night, was one of them. He was once light-weight champion of England. Our father would never tell us what it was he feared, but he had a most marked aversion to men with wooden legs. On one occasion he actually fired his revolver at a wooden-legged man, who proved to be a harmless tradesman canvassing for orders. We had to pay a large sum to hush the matter up. My brother and I used to think this a mere whim of my father’s, but events have since led us to change our opinion. “Early in 1882 my father received a letter from India which was a great shock to him. He nearly fainted at the breakfast-table when he opened it, and from that day he sickened to his death. What was in the letter we could never discover, but I could see as he held it that it was short and written in a scrawling hand. He had suffered for years from an enlarged spleen, but he now became rapidly worse, and towards the end of April we were informed that he was beyond all hope, and that he wished to make a last communication to us. “When we entered his room he was propped up with pillows and breathing heavily. He besought us to lock the door and to come upon either side of the bed. Then, grasping our hands, he made a remarkable statement to us, in a voice which was broken as much by emotion as by pain. I shall try and give it to you in his own very words. “‘I have only one thing,’ he said, ‘which weighs upon my mind at this supreme moment. It is my treatment of poor ’s orphan. The cursed greed which has been my besetting sin through life has withheld from her the treasure, half at least of which should have been hers. And yet I have made no use of it myself,—so blind and foolish a thing is avarice. The mere feeling of possession has been so dear to me that I could not bear to share it with another. See that chaplet dipped with pearls beside the quinine-bottle. Even that I could not bear to part with, although I had got it out with the design of sending it to her. You, my sons, will give her a fair share of the Agra treasure. But send her nothing—not even the chaplet—until I am gone. After all, men have been as bad as this and have recovered. “‘I will tell you how died,’ he continued. ‘He had suffered for years from a weak heart, but he concealed it from every one. I alone knew it. When in India, he and I, through a remarkable chain of circumstances, came into possession of a considerable treasure. I brought it over to England, and on the night of ’s arrival he came straight over here to claim his share. He walked over from the station, and was admitted by my faithful old Lal Chowdar, who is now dead. and I had a difference of opinion as to the division of the treasure, and we came to heated words. had sprung out of his chair in a paroxysm of anger, when he suddenly pressed his hand to his side, his face turned a dusky hue, and he fell backwards, cutting 163 his head against the corner of the treasure-chest. When I stooped over him I found, to my horror, that he was dead. “‘For a long time I sat half distracted, wondering what I should do. My first impulse was, of course, to call for assistance; but I could not but recognise that there was every chance that I would be accused of his murder. His death at the moment of a quarrel, and the gash in his head, would be black against me. Again, an official inquiry could not be made without bringing out some facts about the treasure, which I was particularly anxious to keep secret. He had told me that no soul upon earth knew where he had gone. There seemed to be no necessity why any soul ever should know. “‘I was still pondering over the matter, when, looking up, I saw my servant, Lal Chowdar, in the doorway. He stole in and bolted the door behind him. “Do not fear, Sahib," he said. “No one need know that you have killed him. Let us hide him away, and who is the wiser?" “I did not kill him," said I. Lal Chowdar shook his head and smiled. “I heard it all, Sahib," said he. “I heard you quarrel, and I heard the blow. But my lips are sealed. All are asleep in the house. Let us put him away together." That was enough to decide me. If my own servant could not believe my innocence, how could I hope to make it good before twelve foolish tradesmen in a jury-box? Lal Chowdar and I disposed of the body that night, and within a few days the London papers were full of the mysterious disappearance of Captain . You will see from what I say that I can hardly be blamed in the matter. My fault lies in the fact that we concealed not only the body, but also the treasure, and that I have clung to ’s share as well as to my own. I wish you, therefore, to make restitution. Put your ears down to my mouth. The treasure is hidden in—’ “At this instant a horrible change came over his expression; his eyes stared wildly, his jaw dropped, and he yelled, in a voice which I can never forget, ‘Keep him out! For Christ’s sake keep him out!’ We both stared round at the window behind us upon which his gaze was fixed. A face was looking in at us out of the darkness. We could see the whitening of the nose where it was pressed against the glass. It was a bearded, hairy face, with wild cruel eyes and an expression of concentrated malevolence. My brother and 164 I rushed towards the window, but the man was gone. When we returned to my father his head had dropped and his pulse had ceased to beat. “We searched the garden that night, but found no sign of the intruder, save that just under the window a single footmark was visible in the flower-bed. But for that one trace, we might have thought that our imaginations had conjured up that wild, fierce face. We soon, however, had another and a more striking proof that there were secret agencies at work all round us. The window of my father’s room was found open in the morning, his cupboards and boxes had been rifled, and upon his chest was fixed a torn piece of paper, with the words ‘The sign of the four’ scrawled across it. What the phrase meant, or who our secret visitor may have been, we never knew. As far as we can judge, none of my father’s property had been actually stolen, though everything had been turned out. My brother and I naturally associated this peculiar incident with the fear which haunted my father during his life; but it is still a complete mystery to us." The little man stopped to relight his hookah and puffed thoughtfully for a few moments. We had all sat absorbed, listening to his extraordinary narrative. At the short account of her father’s death Miss had turned deadly white, and for a moment I feared that she was about to faint. She rallied however, on drinking a glass of water which I quietly poured out for her from a a Venetian carafe Here is an example of a 17th-18th century glass carafe from Venice, via the Victoria and Albert Museum. It gives some idea of Sholto's decorative sensibility. upon the side-table. Sherlock Holmes leaned back in his chair with an abstracted expression and the lids drawn low over his glittering eyes. As I glanced at him I could not but think how on that very day he had complained bitterly of the commonplaceness of life. Here at least was a problem which would tax his sagacity to the utmost. Mr. Thaddeus Sholto looked from one to the other of us with an obvious pride at the effect which his story had produced, and then continued between the puffs of his overgrown pipe. “My brother and I," said he, “were, as you may imagine, much excited as to the treasure which my father had spoken of. For weeks and for months we dug and delved in every part of the garden, without discovering its whereabouts. It was maddening to think that the hiding-place was on his very lips at the moment that he died. We could judge the splendour of the missing riches by the chaplet which he had taken out. Over this chaplet my brother Bartholomew and I had some little discussion. The pearls were evidently of great value, and he was averse to part with them, for, between friends, my brother was himself a little inclined to my father’s fault. He thought, too, that if we parted with the chaplet it might give rise to gossip and finally bring us into trouble. It was all that I could do to persuade him to let me find out Miss ’s address and send her a detached pearl at fixed intervals, so that at least she might never feel destitute." “It was a kindly thought," said our companion, earnestly. “It was extremely good of you." The little man waved his hand deprecatingly. “We were your trustees," he said. “That was the view which I took of it, though Brother Bartholomew could not altogether see it in that light. We had plenty of money ourselves. I desired no more. Besides, it would have been such bad taste to have treated a young lady in so scurvy a fashion. ‘Le mauvais goût mène au crime.’ The French have a very neat way of putting these things. Our difference of opinion on this subject went so far that I thought it best to set up rooms for myself: so I left Pondicherry Lodge, taking the old khitmutgar and Williams with me. Yesterday, however, I learn that an event of extreme importance has occurred. The treasure has been discovered. I instantly communicated with Miss , and it only remains for us to drive out to Norwood and demand our share. I explained my views last night to Brother Bartholomew: so we shall be expected, if not welcome, visitors." Mr. Thaddeus Sholto ceased, and sat twitching on his luxurious settee. We all remained silent, with our thoughts upon the new 165 development which the mysterious business had taken. Holmes was the first to spring to his feet. “You have done well, sir, from first to last," said he. “It is possible that we may be able to make you some small return by throwing some light upon that which is still dark to you. But, as Miss remarked just now, it is late, and we had best put the matter through without delay." Our new acquaintance very deliberately coiled up the tube of his hookah, and produced from behind a curtain a very long befrogged topcoat with Astrakhan collar and cuffs Astrakhan is wool from very young lambs, resembling fur. It is mainly used as trimming on garments (OED). This image, from Raimon Furts Ltd on Wikimedia Commons, shows a fur coat from this type of wool. . This he buttoned tightly up, in spite of the extreme closeness of the night, and finished his attire by putting on a rabbit-skin cap with hanging lappets which covered the ears, so that no part of him was visible save his mobile and peaky face. “My health is somewhat fragile," he remarked, as he led the way down the passage. “I am compelled to be a valetudinarian A valetudinarian is someone who is in poor health, or is always worried about their health. (OED) ." Our cab was awaiting us outside, and our programme was evidently prearranged, for the driver started off at once at a rapid pace. Thaddeus Sholto talked incessantly, in a voice which rose high above the rattle of the wheels. “Bartholomew is a clever fellow," said he. “How do you think he found out where the treasure was? He had come to the conclusion that it was somewhere indoors: so he worked out all the cubic space of the house, and made measurements everywhere, so that not one inch should be unaccounted for. Among other things, he found that the height of the building was seventy-four feet, but on adding together the heights of all the separate rooms, and making every allowance for the space between, which he ascertained by borings, he could not bring the total to more than seventy feet. There were four feet unaccounted for. These could only be at the top of the building. He knocked a hole, therefore, in the lath-and-plaster ceiling of the highest room, and there, sure enough, he came upon another little garret above it, which had been sealed up and was known to no one. In the centre stood the treasure-chest, resting upon two rafters. He lowered it through the hole, and there it lies. He computes the value of the jewels at not less than half a million sterling." At the mention of this gigantic sum we all stared at one another open-eyed. Miss , could we secure her rights, would change from a needy governess to the richest heiress in England. Surely it was the place of a loyal friend to rejoice at such news; yet I am ashamed to say that selfishness took me by the soul, and that my heart turned as heavy as lead within me. I stammered out some few halting words of congratulation, and then sat downcast, with my head drooped, deaf to the babble of our new acquaintance. He was clearly a confirmed hypochondriac, and I was dreamily conscious that he was pouring forth interminable trains of symptoms, and imploring information as to the composition and action of innumerable quack nostrums A "quack" is someone who pretends to medical knowledge. Here, the Watson is describing Sholto's many medical remedies--nostrums--as fake (OED). , some of which he bore about in a leather case in his pocket. I trust that he may not remember any of the answers which I gave him that night. Holmes declares that he overheard me caution him against the great danger of taking more than two drops of castor oil, while I recommended 166 [Break after recom-] strychnine in large doses as a sedative. However that may be, I was certainly relieved when our cab pulled up with a jerk and the coachman sprang down to open the door. “This, Miss , is Pondicherry Lodge," said Mr. Thaddeus Sholto, as he handed her out. CHAPTER V. THE TRAGEDY OF PONDICHERRY LODGE. It was nearly eleven o’clock when we reached this final stage of our night’s adventures. We had left the damp fog of the great city behind us, and the night was fairly fine. A warm wind blew from the westward, and heavy clouds moved slowly across the sky, with half a moon peeping occasionally through the rifts. It was clear enough to see for some distance, but Thaddeus Sholto took down one of the side-lamps from the carriage to give us a better light upon our way. Pondicherry Lodge stood in its own grounds, and was girt round with a very high stone wall topped with broken glass. A single narrow iron-clamped door formed the only means of entrance. On this our guide knocked with a peculiar postman-like rat-tat. “Who is there?" cried a gruff voice from within. “It is I, McMurdo. You surely know my knock by this time." There was a grumbling sound and a clanking and jarring of keys. The door swung heavily back, and a short, deep-chested man stood in the opening, with the yellow light of the lantern shining upon his protruded face and twinkling distrustful eyes. “That you, Mr. Thaddeus? But who are the others? I had no orders about them from the master." “No, McMurdo? You surprise me! I told my brother last night that I should bring some friends." “He ain’t been out o’ his room to-day, Mr. Thaddeus, and I have no orders. You know very well that I must stick to regulations. I can let you in, but your friends must just stop where they are." This was an unexpected obstacle. Thaddeus Sholto looked about him in a perplexed and helpless manner. “This is too bad of you, McMurdo!" he said. “If I guarantee them, that is enough for you. There is the young lady, too. She cannot wait on the public road at this hour." “Very sorry, Mr. Thaddeus," said the porter, inexorably. “Folk may be friends o’ yours, and yet no friends o’ the master’s. He pays me well to do my duty, and my duty I’ll do. I don’t know none o’ your friends." “Oh, yes you do, McMurdo," cried Sherlock Holmes, genially. “I don’t think you can have forgotten me. Don’t you remember the amateur who fought three rounds with you at tAlison’s rooms Boxing was a popular and illegal sport throughout the 18th-19th centuries. Here is a collection of primary source accounts of boxing during the Victorian era, which often took place in tavern or pub rooms. Here, the "benefit" refers to an evening's entertainment a portion of the proceeds from which would go to benefit the boxer or performer.Victorian London: Boxing. on the night of your benefit four years back?" “Not Mr. Sherlock Holmes!" roared the prize-fighter. “God’s truth! how could I have mistook you? If instead o’ standin’ there 167 so quiet you had just stepped up and given me that cross-hit of yours under the jaw, I’d ha’ known you without a question. Ah, you’re one that has wasted your gifts, you have! You might have aimed high, if you had joined the fancy." “You see, Watson, if all else fails me I have still one of the scientific professions open to me," said Holmes, laughing. “Our friend won’t keep us out in the cold now, I am sure." “In you come, sir, in you come,—you and your friends," he answered. “Very sorry, Mr. Thaddeus, but orders are very strict. Had to be certain of your friends before I let them in." Inside, a gravel path wound through desolate grounds to a huge clump of a house, square and prosaic, all plunged in shadow save where a moonbeam struck one corner and glimmered in a garret window. The vast size of the building, with its gloom and its deathly silence, struck a chill to the heart. Even Thaddeus Sholto seemed ill at ease, and the lantern quivered and rattled in his hand. “I cannot understand it," he said. “There must be some mistake. I distinctly told Bartholomew that we should be here, and yet there is no light in his window. I do not know what to make of it." “Does he always guard the premises in this way?" asked Holmes. “Yes; he has followed my father’s custom. He was the favourite son, you know, and I sometimes think that my father may have told him more than he ever told me. That is Bartholomew’s window up there where the moonshine strikes. It is quite bright, but there is no light from within, I think." “None," said Holmes. “But I see the glint of a light in that little window beside the door." “Ah, that is the housekeeper’s room. That is where old Mrs. Bernstone sits. She can tell us all about it. But perhaps you would not mind waiting here for a minute or two, for if we all go in together and she has no word of our coming she may be alarmed. But hush! what is that?" He held up the lantern, and his hand shook until the circles of light flickered and wavered all round us. Miss seized my wrist, and we all stood with thumping hearts, straining our ears. From the great black house there sounded through the silent night the saddest and most pitiful of sounds,—the shrill, broken whimpering of a frightened woman. “It is Mrs. Bernstone," said Sholto. “She is the only woman in the house. Wait here. I shall be back in a moment." He hurried for the door, and knocked in his peculiar way. We could see a tall old woman admit him, and sway with pleasure at the very sight of him. “Oh, Mr. Thaddeus, sir, I am so glad you have come! I am so glad you have come, Mr. Thaddeus, sir!" We heard her reiterated rejoicings until the door was closed and her voice died away into a muffled monotone. Our guide had left us the lantern. Holmes swung it slowly round, and peered keenly at the house, and at the great rubbish-heaps which cumbered the grounds. Miss and I stood together, and her hand was in mine. A wondrous subtle thing is love, for here were we 168 two who had never seen each other before that day, between whom no word or even look of affection had ever passed, and yet now in an hour of trouble our hands instinctively sought for each other. I have marvelled at it since, but at the time it seemed the most natural thing that I should go out to her so, and, as she has often told me, there was in her also the instinct to turn to me for comfort and protection. So we stood hand in hand, like two children, and there was peace in our hearts for all the dark things that surrounded us. “What a strange place!" she said, looking round. “It looks as though all the moles in England had been let loose in it. I have seen something of the sort on the side of a hill near Ballarat, where the prospectors had been at work." “And from the same cause," said Holmes. “These are the traces of the treasure-seekers. You must remember that they were six years looking for it. No wonder that the grounds look like a gravel-pit." At that moment the door of the house burst open, and Thaddeus Sholto came running out, with his hands thrown forward and terror in his eyes. “There is something amiss with Bartholomew!" he cried. “I am frightened! My nerves cannot stand it." He was, indeed, half blubbering with fear, and his twitching feeble face peeping out from the great Astrakhan collar had the helpless appealing expression of a terrified child. “Come into the house," said Holmes, in his crisp, firm way. “Yes, do!" pleaded Thaddeus Sholto. “I really do not feel equal to giving directions." We all followed him into the housekeeper’s room, which stood upon the left-hand side of the passage. The old woman was pacing up and down with a scared look and restless picking fingers, but the sight of Miss appeared to have a soothing effect upon her. “God bless your sweet calm face!" she cried, with an hysterical sob. “It does me good to see you. Oh, but I have been sorely tried this day!" Our companion patted her thin, work-worn hand, and murmured some few words of kindly womanly comfort which brought the colour back into the other’s bloodless cheeks. “Master has locked himself in and will not answer me," she explained. “All day I have waited to hear from him, for he often likes to be alone; but an hour ago I feared that something was amiss, so I went up and peeped through the key-hole. You must go up, Mr. Thaddeus,—you must go up and look for yourself. I have seen Mr. Bartholomew Sholto in joy and in sorrow for ten long years, but I never saw him with such a face on him as that." Sherlock Holmes took the lamp and led the way, for Thaddeus Sholto’s teeth were chattering in his head. So shaken was he that I had to pass my hand under his arm as we went up the stairs, for his knees were trembling under him. Twice as we ascended Holmes whipped his lens out of his pocket and carefully examined marks which appeared to me to be mere shapeless smudges of dust upon the cocoa-nut matting which served as a stair-carpet. He walked slowly from step to 169 step, holding the lamp, and shooting keen glances to right and left. Miss had remained behind with the frightened housekeeper. The third flight of stairs ended in a straight passage of some length, with a great picture in Indian tapestry upon the right of it and three doors upon the left. Holmes advanced along it in the same slow and methodical way, while we kept close at his heels, with our long black shadows streaming backwards down the corridor. The third door was that which we were seeking. Holmes knocked without receiving any answer, and then tried to turn the handle and force it open. It was locked on the inside, however, and by a broad and powerful bolt, as we could see when we set our lamp up against it. The key being turned, however, the hole was not entirely closed. Sherlock Holmes bent down to it, and instantly rose again with a sharp intaking of the breath. “There is something devilish in this, Watson," said he, more moved than I had ever before seen him. “What do you make of it?" I stooped to the hole, and recoiled in horror. Moonlight was streaming into the room, and it was bright with a vague and shifty radiance. Looking straight at me, and suspended, as it were, in the air, for all beneath was in shadow, there hung a face,—the very face of our companion Thaddeus. There was the same high, shining head, the same circular bristle of red hair, the same bloodless countenance. The features were set, however, in a horrible smile, a fixed and unnatural grin, which in that still and moonlit room was more jarring to the nerves than any scowl or contortion. So like was the face to that of our little friend that I looked round at him to make sure that he was indeed with us. Then I recalled to mind that he had mentioned to us that his brother and he were twins. “This is terrible!" I said to Holmes. “What is to be done?" “The door must come down," he answered, and, springing against it, he put all his weight upon the lock. It creaked and groaned, but did not yield. Together we flung ourselves upon it once more, and this time it gave way with a sudden snap, and we found ourselves within Bartholomew Sholto’s chamber. It appeared to have been fitted up as a chemical laboratory. A double line of glass-stoppered bottles was drawn up upon the wall opposite the door, and the table was littered over with Bunsen burners, test-tubes, and retorts A retort is a glass container with a bulb used to distill liquids. (OED) . In the corners stood carboys A carboy is a large glass bottle with a narrow neck to hold corrosive or pharmaceutical chemicals. (OED) of acid in wicker baskets. One of these appeared to leak or to have been broken, for a stream of dark-coloured liquid had trickled out from it, and the air was heavy with a peculiarly pungent, tar-like odour. A set of steps stood at one side of the room, in the midst of a litter of lath and plaster Lath and plaster refers to materials used to build walls or partitions, usually from thin strips of wood. (OED), and above them there was an opening in the ceiling large enough for a man to pass through. At the foot of the steps a long coil of rope was thrown carelessly together. By the table, in a wooden arm-chair, the master of the house was seated all in a heap, with his head sunk upon his left shoulder, and that ghastly, inscrutable smile upon his face. He was stiff and cold, and had clearly been dead many hours. It seemed to me that not only his features but all his limbs were twisted and turned in the most fantastic fashion. By his hand upon the table there lay a peculiar instrument,— 170 a brown, close-grained stick, with a stone head like a hammer, rudely lashed on with coarse twine. Beside it was a torn sheet of note-paper with some words scrawled upon it. Holmes glanced at it, and then handed it to me. “You see," he said, with a significant raising of the eyebrows. In the light of the lantern I read, with a thrill of horror, “The sign of the four." “In God’s name, what does it all mean?" I asked. “It means murder," said he, stooping over the dead man. “Ah, I expected it. Look here!" He pointed to what looked like a long, dark thorn stuck in the skin just above the ear. “It looks like a thorn," said I. “It is a thorn. You may pick it out. But be careful, for it is poisoned." I took it up between my finger and thumb. It came away from the skin so readily that hardly any mark was left behind. One tiny speck of blood showed where the puncture had been. “This is all an insoluble mystery to me," said I. “It grows darker instead of clearer." “On the contrary," he answered, “it clears every instant. I only require a few missing links to have an entirely connected case." We had almost forgotten our companion’s presence since we entered the chamber. He was still standing in the doorway, the very picture of terror, wringing his hands and moaning to himself. Suddenly, however, he broke out into a sharp, querulous cry. “The treasure is gone!" he said. “They have robbed him of the treasure! There is the hole through which we lowered it. I helped him to do it! I was the last person who saw him! I left him here last night, and I heard him lock the door as I came downstairs." “What time was that?" “It was ten o’clock. And now he is dead, and the police During the Victorian Era, at first the public did not trust police forces, because they felt that it was a way the government suppressed free speech. To read more about the police during this time, check out The Jack the Ripper Tour. will be called in, and I shall be suspected of having had a hand in it. Oh, yes, I am sure I shall. But you don’t think so, gentlemen? Surely you don’t think that it was I? Is it likely that I would have brought you here if it were I? Oh, dear! oh, dear! I know that I shall go mad!" He jerked his arms and stamped his feet in a kind of convulsive frenzy. “You have no reason for fear, Mr. Sholto," said Holmes, kindly, putting his hand upon his shoulder. “Take my advice, and drive down to the station to report this matter to the police. Offer to assist them in every way. We shall wait here until your return." The little man obeyed in a half-stupefied fashion, and we heard him stumbling down the stairs in the dark. CHAPTER VI. SHERLOCK HOLMES GIVES A DEMONSTRATION. “Now, Watson," said Holmes, rubbing his hands, “we have half an hour to ourselves. Let us make good use of it. My case is, as I have told you, almost complete; but we must not err on the side of 171 over-confidence. Simple as the case seems now, there may be something deeper underlying it." “Simple!" I ejaculated. “Surely," said he, with something of the air of a clinical professor expounding to his class. “Just sit in the corner there, that your footprints may not complicate matters. Now to work! In the first place, how did these folk come, and how did they go? The door has not been opened since last night. How of the window?" He carried the lamp across to it, muttering his observations aloud the while, but addressing them to himself rather than to me. “Window is snibbed A snib is a fastening on a window, door, or lock (OED). Here, the window is been locked on the inside. on the inner side. Framework is solid. No hinges at the side. Let us open it. No water-pipe near. Roof quite out of reach. Yet a man has mounted by the window. It rained a little last night. Here is the print of a foot in mould upon the sill. And here is a circular muddy mark, and here again upon the floor, and here again by the table. See here, Watson! This is really a very pretty demonstration." I looked at the round, well-defined muddy discs. “This is not a footmark Sherlock Holmes was a man of science who had worked in a chemistry laboratory. Conan Doyle described a number of forensic methods before they were adopted by the police force. See Sherlock Holmes: Pioneer in Forensic Science in the Encyclopedia Britannica.," said I. “It is something much more valuable to us. It is the impression of a wooden stump. You see here on the sill is the boot-mark, a heavy boot with the broad metal heel, and beside it is the mark of the timber-toe." “It is the wooden-legged man." “Quite so. But there has been some one else,—a very able and efficient ally. Could you scale that wall, doctor?" I looked out of the open window. The moon still shone brightly on that angle of the house. We were a good sixty feet from the ground, and, look where I would, I could see no foothold, nor as much as a crevice in the brick-work. “It is absolutely impossible," I answered. “Without aid it is so. But suppose you had a friend up here who lowered you this good stout rope which I see in the corner, securing one end of it to this great hook in the wall. Then, I think, if you were an active man, You might swarm up, wooden leg and all. You would depart, of course, in the same fashion, and your ally would draw up the rope, untie it from the hook, shut the window, snib it on the inside, and get away in the way that he originally came. As a minor point it may be noted," he continued, fingering the rope, “that our wooden-legged friend, though a fair climber, was not a professional sailor. His hands were far from horny. My lens discloses more than one blood-mark, especially towards the end of the rope, from which I gather that he slipped down with such velocity that he took the skin off his hand." “This is all very well," said I, “but the thing becomes more unintelligible than ever. How about this mysterious ally? How came he into the room?" “Yes, the ally!" repeated Holmes, pensively. “There are features of interest about this ally. He lifts the case from the regions of the commonplace. I fancy that this ally breaks fresh ground in the annals of crime in this country,—though parallel cases suggest themselves from India, and, if my memory serves me, from Senegambia." 172 “How came he, then?" I reiterated. “The door is locked, the window is inaccessible. Was it through the chimney?" “The grate is much too small," he answered. “I had already considered that possibility." “How then?" I persisted. “You will not apply my precept," he said, shaking his head. “How often have I said to you that when you have eliminated the impossible whatever remains, however improbable, must be the truth? We know that he did not come through the door, the window, or the chimney. We also know that he could not have been concealed in the room, as there is no concealment possible. Whence, then, did he come?" “He came through the hole in the roof," I cried. “Of course he did. He must have done so. If you will have the kindness to hold the lamp for me, we shall now extend our researches to the room above,—the secret room in which the treasure was found." He mounted the steps, and, seizing a rafter with either hand, he swung himself up into the garret. Then, lying on his face, he reached down for the lamp and held it while I followed him. The chamber in which we found ourselves was about ten feet one way and six the other. The floor was formed by the rafters, with thin lath-and-plaster between, so that in walking one had to step from beam to beam. The roof ran up to an apex, and was evidently the inner shell of the true roof of the house. There was no furniture of any sort, and the accumulated dust of years lay thick upon the floor. “Here you are, you see," said Sherlock Holmes, putting his hand against the sloping wall. “This is a trap-door which leads out on to the roof. I can press it back, and here is the roof itself, sloping at a gentle angle. This, then, is the way by which Number One entered. Let us see if we can find any other traces of his individuality." He held down the lamp to the floor, and as he did so I saw for the second time that night a startled, surprised look come over his face. For myself, as I followed his gaze my skin was cold under my clothes. The floor was covered thickly with the prints of a naked foot,—clear, well defined, perfectly formed, but scarce half the size of those of an ordinary man. “Holmes," I said, in a whisper, “a child has done the horrid thing." He had recovered his self-possession in an instant. “I was staggered for the moment," he said, “but the thing is quite natural. My memory failed me, or I should have been able to foretell it. There is nothing more to be learned here. Let us go down." “What is your theory, then, as to those footmarks?" I asked, eagerly, when we had regained the lower room once more. “My dear Watson, try a little analysis yourself," said he, with a touch of impatience. “You know my methods. Apply them, and it will be instructive to compare results." “I cannot conceive anything which will cover the facts," I answered. “It will be clear enough to you soon," he said, in an off-hand way. “I think that there is nothing else of importance here, but I will look." 173 He whipped out his lens and a tape measure, and hurried about the room on his knees, measuring, comparing, examining, with his long thin nose only a few inches from the planks, and his beady eyes gleaming and deep-set like those of a bird. So swift, silent, and furtive were his movements, like those of a trained blood-hound picking out a scent, that I could not but think what a terrible criminal he would have made had he turned his energy and sagacity against the law, instead of exerting them in its defence. As he hunted about, he kept muttering to himself, and finally he broke out into a loud crow of delight. “We are certainly in luck," said he. “We ought to have very little trouble now. Number One has had the misfortune to tread in the creosote. You can see the outline of the edge of his small foot here at the side of this evil-smelling mess. The carboy has been cracked, You see, and the stuff has leaked out." “What then?" I asked. “Why, we have got him, that’s all," said he. “I know a dog that would follow that scent to the world’s end. If a pack can track a trailed herring across a shire, how far can a specially-trained hound follow so pungent a smell as this? It sounds like a sum in the rule of three. The answer should give us the—But halloa! here are the accredited representatives of the law." Heavy steps and the clamour of loud voices were audible from below, and the hall door shut with a loud crash. “Before they come," said Holmes, “just put your hand here on this poor fellow’s arm, and here on his leg. What do you feel?" “The muscles are as hard as a board," I answered. “Quite so. They are in a state of extreme contraction, far exceeding the usual rigor mortis. Coupled with this distortion of the face, this Hippocratic smile, or ‘‘risus sardonicus,’ Risus sardonicus, from Latin for laugh and scorn, is a spasm of the face that results in a grin (OED).,’ as the old writers called it, what conclusion would it suggest to your mind?" “Death from some powerful vegetable alkaloid," I answered,—“some strychnine-like substance which would produce tetanus." “That was the idea which occurred to me the instant I saw the drawn muscles of the face. On getting into the room I at once looked for the means by which the poison had entered the system. As you saw, I discovered a thorn which had been driven or shot with no great force into the scalp. You observe that the part struck was that which would be turned towards the hole in the ceiling if the man were erect in his chair. Now examine the thorn." I took it up gingerly and held it in the light of the lantern. It was long, sharp, and black, with a glazed look near the point as though some gummy substance had dried upon it. The blunt end had been trimmed and rounded off with a knife. “Is that an English thornWatson is here likely referring to the Hawthorne tree, which has a rich mythological and ideological association with Englishness. To read more about the Hawthorne tree, visit Trees for Life, a UK-based nonprofit dedicated to reforestation.?" he asked. “No, it certainly is not." “With all these data you should be able to draw some just inference. But here are the regulars; so the auxiliary forces may beat a retreat." As he spoke, the steps which had been coming nearer sounded loudly on the passage, and a very stout, portly man in a gray suit 173 strode heavily into the room. He was red-faced, burly and plethoric, with a pair of very small twinkling eyes which looked keenly out from between swollen and puffy pouches. He was closely followed by an inspector in uniform, and by the still palpitating Thaddeus Sholto. “Here’s a business!" he cried, in a muffled, husky voice. “Here’s a pretty business! But who are all these? Why, the house seems to be as full as a rabbit-warren!" “I think you must recollect me, Mr. Athelney Jones," said Holmes, quietly. “Why, of course I do!" he wheezed. “It’s Mr. Sherlock Holmes, the theorist. Remember you! I’ll never forget how you lectured us all on causes and inferences and effects in the Bishopgate jewel case. It’s true you set us on the right track; but you’ll own now that it was more by good luck than good guidance." “It was a piece of very simple reasoning." “Oh, come, now, come! Never be ashamed to own up. But what is all this? Bad business! Bad business! Stern facts here,—no room for theories. How lucky that I happened to be out at Norwood over another case! I was at the station when the message arrived. What d’you think the man died of?" “Oh, this is hardly a case for me to theorise over," said Holmes, dryly. “No, no. Still, we can’t deny that you hit the nail on the head sometimes. Dear me! Door locked, I understand. Jewels worth half a million missing. How was the window?" “Fastened; but there are steps on the sill." “Well, well, if it was fastened the steps could have nothing to do with the matter. That’s common sense. Man might have died in a fit; but then the jewels are missing. Ha! I have a theory. These flashes come upon me at times.—Just step outside, sergeant, and you, Mr. Sholto. Your friend can remain.—What do you think of this, Holmes? Sholto was, on his own confession, with his brother last night. The brother died in a fit, on which Sholto walked off with the treasure. How’s that?" “On which the dead man very considerately got up and locked the door on the inside." “Hum! There’s a flaw there. Let us apply common sense to the matter. This Thaddeus Sholto was with his brother; there was a quarrel; so much we know. The brother is dead and the jewels are gone. So much also we know. No one saw the brother from the time Thaddeus left him. His bed had not been slept in. Thaddeus is evidently in a most disturbed state of mind. His appearance is—well, not attractive. You see that I am weaving my web round Thaddeus. The net begins to close upon him." “You are not quite in possession of the facts yet," said Holmes. “This splinter of wood, which I have every reason to believe to be poisoned, was in the man’s scalp where you still see the mark; this card, inscribed as you see it, was on the table; and beside it lay this rather curious stone-headed instrument. How does all that fit into your theory?" 175 “Confirms it in every respect," said the fat detective, pompously. “House is full of Indian curiosities. Thaddeus brought this up, and if this splinter be poisonous Thaddeus may as well have made murderous use of it as any other man. The card is some hocus-pocus,—a blind, as like as not. The only question is, how did he depart? Ah, of course, here is a hole in the roof." With great activity, considering his bulk, he sprang up the steps and squeezed through into the garret, and immediately afterwards we heard his exulting voice proclaiming that he had found the trap-door. “He can find something," remarked Holmes, shrugging his shoulders. “He has occasional glimmerings of reason. Il n’y a pas des sots si incommodes que ceux qui ont de l’esprit!" “You see!" said Athelney Jones, reappearing down the steps again. “Facts are better than mere theories, after all. My view of the case is confirmed. There is a trap-door communicating with the roof, and it is partly open." “It was I who opened it." “Oh, indeed! You did notice it, then?" He seemed a little crestfallen at the discovery. “Well, whoever noticed it, it shows how our gentleman got away. Inspector!" “Yes, sir," from the passage. “Ask Mr. Sholto to step this way.—Mr. Sholto, it is my duty to inform you that anything which you may say will be used against you. I arrest you in the Queen’s name as being concerned in the death of your brother." “There, now! Didn’t I tell you!" cried the poor little man, throwing out his hands, and looking from one to the other of us. “Don’t trouble yourself about it, Mr. Sholto," said Holmes. “I think that I can engage to clear you of the charge." “Don’t promise too much, Mr. Theorist,—don’t promise too much!" snapped the detective. “You may find it a harder matter than you think." “Not only will I clear him, Mr. Jones, but I will make you a free present of the name and description of one of the two people who were in this room last night. His name, I have every reason to believe, is Jonathan Small. He is a poorly-educated man, small, active, with his right leg off, and wearing a wooden stump which is worn away upon the inner side. His left boot has a coarse, square-toed sole, with an iron band round the heel. He is a middle-aged man, much sunburned, and has been a convict. These few indications may be of some assistance to you, coupled with the fact that there is a good deal of skin missing from the palm of his hand. The other man—" “Ah! the other man—?" asked Athelney Jones, in a sneering voice, but impressed none the less, as I could easily see, by the precision of the other’s manner. “Is a rather curious person," said Sherlock Holmes, turning upon his heel. “I hope before very long to be able to introduce you to the pair of them.—A word with you, Watson." He led me out to the head of the stair. “This unexpected occurrence," 176 [Break after occur-] he said, “has caused us rather to lose sight of the original purpose of our journey." “I have just been thinking so," I answered. “It is not right that Miss should remain in this stricken house." “No. You must escort her home. She lives with Mrs. Cecil Forrester, in Lower Camberwell: so it is not very far. I will wait for you here if you will drive out again. Or perhaps you are too tired?" “By no means. I don’t think I could rest until I know more of this fantastic business. I have seen something of the rough side of life, but I give you my word that this quick succession of strange surprises to-night has shaken my nerve completely. I should like, however, to see the matter through with you, now that I have got so far." “Your presence will be of great service to me," he answered. “We shall work the case out independently, and leave this fellow Jones to exult over any mare’s-nest which he may choose to construct. When you have dropped Miss I wish you to go on to No. 3, Pinchin Lane, down near the water’s edge at Lambeth. The third house on the right-hand side is a bird-stuffer’s: Sherman is the name. You will see a weasel holding a young rabbit in the window. Knock old Sherman up, and tell him, with my compliments, that I want Toby at once. You will bring Toby back in the cab with you." “A dog, I suppose." “Yes,—a queer mongrel, with a most amazing power of scent. I would rather have Toby’s help than that of the whole detective force of London." “I shall bring him, then," said I. “It is one now. I ought to be back before three, if I can get a fresh horse." “And I," said Holmes, “shall see what I can learn from Mrs. Bernstone, and from the Indian servant, who, Mr. Thaddeus tell me, sleeps in the next garret. Then I shall study the great Jones’s methods and listen to his not too delicate sarcasms. ‘Wir sind gewohnt das die Menschen verhöhnen was sie nicht verstehen.’ This is a direct quote from Goethe's Faust (part 1, scene 3, line 1200), which translates to "We're used to people scoffing at what they don't understand." Goethe was a German polymath who became representative of the Romantic period on the European continent. His most famous work, Faust, is a two part verse drama published in the early 19th century about a magician who makes a deal with the devil Mephistopholes to acquire knowledge and power. If you'd like to read Faust, you can do so on Project Gutenberg.To read more about Goethe and his play, Faust, see Encyclopedia Britannica.. Goethe is always pithy." CHAPTER VII. THE EPISODE OF THE BARREL. The police had brought a cab with them, and in this I escorted Miss back to her home. After the angelic fashion of women, she had borne trouble with a calm face as long as there was some one weaker than herself to support, and I had found her bright and placid by the side of the frightened housekeeper. In the cab, however, she first turned faint, and then burst into a passion of weeping,—so sorely had she been tried by the adventures of the night. She has told me since that she thought me cold and distant upon that journey. She little guessed the struggle within my breast, or the effort of self-restraint which held me back. My sympathies and my love went out to her, even as my hand had in the garden. I felt that years of the conventionalities 177 [Break after conven-] of life could not teach me to know her sweet, brave nature as had this one day of strange experiences. Yet there were two thoughts which sealed the words of affection upon my lips. She was weak and helpless, shaken in mind and nerve. It was to take her at a disadvantage to obtrude love upon her at such a time. Worse still, she was rich. If Holmes’s researches were successful, she would be an heiress. Was it fair, was it honourable, that a half-pay surgeon should take such advantage of an intimacy which chance had brought about? Might she not look upon me as a mere vulgar fortune-seeker? I could not bear to risk that such a thought should cross her mind. This Agra treasure intervened like an impassable barrier between us. It was nearly two o’clock when we reached Mrs. Cecil Forrester’s. The servants had retired hours ago, but Mrs. Forrester had been so interested by the strange message which Miss had received that she had sat up in the hope of her return. She opened the door herself, a middle-aged, graceful woman, and it gave me joy to see how tenderly her arm stole round the other’s waist and how motherly was the voice in which she greeted her. She was clearly no mere paid dependant, but an honoured friend. I was introduced, and Mrs. Forrester earnestly begged me to step in and tell her our adventures. I explained, however, the importance of my errand, and promised faithfully to call and report any progress which we might make with the case. As we drove away I stole a glance back, and I still seem to see that little group on the step, the two graceful, clinging figures, the half-opened door, the hall-light shining through stained glass, the barometer, and the bright stair-rods. It was soothing to catch even that passing glimpse of a tranquil English home in the midst of the wild, dark business which had absorbed us. And the more I thought of what had happened, the wilder and darker it grew. I reviewed the whole extraordinary sequence of events as I rattled on through the silent gas-lit streets. There was the original problem: that at least was pretty clear now. The death of Captain , the sending of the pearls, the advertisement, the letter,—we had had light upon all those events. They had only led us, however, to a deeper and far more tragic mystery. The Indian treasure, the curious plan found among ’s baggage, the strange scene at Major Sholto’s death, the rediscovery of the treasure immediately followed by the murder of the discoverer, the very singular accompaniments to the crime, the footsteps, the remarkable weapons, the words upon the card, corresponding with those upon Captain ’s chart,—here was indeed a labyrinth in which a man less singularly endowed than my fellow-lodger might well despair of ever finding the clue. Pinchin Lane was a row of shabby two-storied brick houses in the lower quarter of Lambeth. I had to knock for some time at No. 3 before I could make my impression. At last, however, there was the glint of a candle behind the blind, and a face looked out at the upper window. “Go on, you drunken vagabone A vagabone (also spelled vagabond), is a person without a job or home who wanders from place to place. (OED)," said the face. “If you kick up any more row I’ll open the kennels and let out forty-three dogs upon you." 178 “If you’ll let one out it’s just what I have come for," said I. “Go on!" yelled the voice. “So help me gracious, I have a wiper in the bag, an’ I’ll drop it on your ’ead if you don’t hook it." “But I want a dog," I cried. “I won’t be argued with!" shouted Mr. Sherman. “Now stand clear, for when I say ‘three,’ down goes the wiper." “Mr. Sherlock Holmes—" I began, but the words had a most magical effect, for the window instantly slammed down, and within a minute the door was unbarred and open. Mr. Sherman was a lanky, lean old man, with stooping shoulders, a stringy neck, and blue-tinted glasses. “A friend of Mr. Sherlock is always welcome," said he. “Step in, sir. Keep clear of the badger; for he bites. Ah, naughty, naughty, would you take a nip at the gentleman?" This to a stoat which thrust its wicked head and red eyes between the bars of its cage. “Don’t mind that, sir: it’s only a slow-worm. It hain’t got no fangs, so I gives it the run o’ the room, for it keeps the beetles down. You must not mind my bein’ just a little short wi’ you at first, for I’m guyed at by the children, and there’s many a one just comes down this lane to knock me up. What was it that Mr. Sherlock Holmes wanted, sir?" “He wanted a dog of yours." “Ah! that would be Toby." “Yes, Toby was the name." “Toby lives at No. 7 on the left here." He moved slowly forward with his candle among the queer animal family which he had gathered round him. In the uncertain, shadowy light I could see dimly that there were glancing, glimmering eyes peeping down at us from every cranny and corner. Even the rafters above our heads were lined by solemn fowls, who lazily shifted their weight from one leg to the other as our voices disturbed their slumbers. Toby proved to be an ugly, long-haired, lop-eared creature, half spaniel and half lurcher A lurcher is a type of dog breed of half greyhound and half sighthound (terrier or herding dog). Lurchers were bred in England for hunting game. To learn more about these dogs, check out Dog Breed Info. This photo from Dog Breed Info, shows a 4 year old Lurcher. Note that Toby is half-spaniel and half-lurcher., brown-and-white in colour, with a very clumsy waddling gait. It accepted after some hesitation a lump of sugar which the old naturalist handed to me, and, having thus sealed an alliance, it followed me to the cab, and made no difficulties about accompanying me. It had just struck three on the Palace clock when I found myself back once more at Pondicherry Lodge. The ex-prize-fighter McMurdo had, I found, been arrested as an accessory, and both he and Mr. Sholto had been marched off to the station. Two constables guarded the narrow gate, but they allowed me to pass with the dog on my mentioning the detective’s name. Holmes was standing on the door-step, with his hands in his pockets, smoking his pipe. “Ah, you have him there!" said he. “Good dog, then! Atheney Jones has gone. We have had an immense display of energy since you left. He has arrested not only friend Thaddeus, but the gatekeeper, the housekeeper, and the Indian servant. We have the place to ourselves, but for a sergeant upstairs. Leave the dog here, and come up." We tied Toby to the hall table, and re-ascended the stairs. The room was as he had left it, save that a sheet had been draped over 179 the central figure. A weary-looking police-sergeant reclined in the corner. “Lend me your bull’s-eye, sergeant," said my companion. “Now tie this bit of card round my neck, so as to hang it in front of me. Thank you. Now I must kick off my boots and stockings.—Just you carry them down with you, Watson. I am going to do a little climbing. And dip my handkerchief into the creasote. That will do. Now come up into the garret with me for a moment." We clambered up through the hole. Holmes turned his light once more upon the footsteps in the dust. “I wish you particularly to notice these footmarks," he said. “Do you observe anything noteworthy about them?" “They belong," I said, “to a child or a small woman." “Apart from their size, though. Is there nothing else?" “They appear to be much as other footmarks." “Not at all. Look here! This is the print of a right foot in the dust. Now I make one with my naked foot beside it. What is the chief difference?" “Your toes are all cramped together. The other print has each toe distinctly divided." “Quite so. That is the point. Bear that in mind. Now, would you kindly step over to that flap-window and smell the edge of the wood-work? I shall stay here, as I have this handkerchief in my hand." I did as he directed, and was instantly conscious of a strong tarry smell. “That is where he put his foot in getting out. If you can trace him, I should think that Toby will have no difficulty. Now run downstairs, loose the dog, and look out for Blondin." By the time that I got out into the grounds Sherlock Holmes was on the roof, and I could see him like an enormous glow-worm crawling very slowly along the ridge. I lost sight of him behind a stack of chimneys, but he presently reappeared, and then vanished once more upon the opposite side. When I made my way round there I found him seated at one of the corner eaves. “That you, Watson?" he cried. “Yes." “This is the place. What is that black thing down there?" “A water-barrel." “Top on it?" “Yes." “No sign of a ladder?" “No." “Confound the fellow! It’s a most break-neck place. I ought to be able to come down where he could climb up. The water-pipe feels pretty firm. Here goes, anyhow." There was a scuffling of feet, and the lantern began to come steadily down the side of the wall. Then with a light spring he came on to the barrel, and from there to the earth. “It was easy to follow him," he said, drawing on his stockings and 180 boots. “Tiles were loosened the whole way along, and in his hurry he had dropped this. It confirms my diagnosis, as you doctors express it." The object which he held up to me was a small pocket or pouch woven out of coloured grasses and with a few tawdry beads strung round it. In shape and size it was not unlike a cigarette-case. Inside were half a dozen spines of dark wood, sharp at one end and rounded at the other, like that which had struck Bartholomew Sholto. “They are hellish things," said he. “Look out that you don’t prick yourself. I’m delighted to have them, for the chances are that they are all he has. There is the less fear of you or me finding one in our skin before long. I would sooner face a Martini bullet A Martini bullet was a black powder round bullet used by the British army in the 19th century. This image, from Wikimedia Commons, shows Martini-Enfield brass bullets., myself. Are you game for a six-mile trudge, Watson?" “Certainly," I answered. “Your leg will stand it?" “Oh, yes." “Here you are, doggy! Good old Toby! Smell it, Toby, smell it!" He pushed the creasote handkerchief under the dog’s nose, while the creature stood with its fluffy legs separated, and with a most comical cock to its head, like a connoisseur sniffing the bouquet of a famous vintage. Holmes then threw the handkerchief to a distance, fastened a stout cord to the mongrel’s collar, and led him to the foot of the water-barrel. The creature instantly broke into a succession of high, tremulous yelps, and, with his nose on the ground, and his tail in the air, pattered off upon the trail at a pace which strained his leash and kept us at the top of our speed. The east had been gradually whitening, and we could now see some distance in the cold grey light. The square, massive house, with its black, empty windows and high, bare walls, towered up, sad and forlorn, behind us. Our course led right across the grounds, in and out among the trenches and pits with which they were scarred and intersected. The whole place, with its scattered dirt-heaps and ill-grown shrubs, had a blighted, ill-omened look which harmonized with the black tragedy which hung over it. On reaching the boundary wall Toby ran along, whining eagerly, underneath its shadow, and stopped finally in a corner screened by a young beech. Where the two walls joined, several bricks had been loosened, and the crevices left were worn down and rounded upon the lower side, as though they had frequently been used as a ladder. Holmes clambered up, and, taking the dog from me, he dropped it over upon the other side. “There’s the print of wooden-leg’s hand," he remarked, as I mounted up beside him. “You see the slight smudge of blood upon the white plaster. What a lucky thing it is that we have had no very heavy rain since yesterday! The scent will lie upon the road in spite of their eight-and-twenty hours’ start." I confess that I had my doubts myself when I reflected upon the great traffic which had passed along the London road in the interval. My fears were soon appeased, however. Toby never hesitated or swerved, but waddled on in his peculiar rolling fashion. Clearly, the pungent smell of the creasote rose high above all other contending scents. 181 “Do not imagine," said Holmes, “that I depend for my success in this case upon the mere chance of one of these fellows having put his foot in the chemical. I have knowledge now which would enable me to trace them in many different ways. This, however, is the readiest and, since fortune has put it into our hands, I should be culpable if I neglected it. It has, however, prevented the case from becoming the pretty little intellectual problem which it at one time promised to be. There might have been some credit to be gained out of it, but for this too palpable clue." “There is credit, and to spare," said I. “I assure you, Holmes, that I marvel at the means by which you obtain your results in this case, even more than I did in the Jefferson Hope Murder. The thing seems to me to be deeper and more inexplicable. How, for example, could you describe with such confidence the wooden-legged man?" “Pshaw, my dear boy! it was simplicity itself. I don’t wish to be theatrical. It is all patent and above-board. Two officers who are in command of a convict-guard learn an important secret as to buried treasure. A map is drawn for them by an Englishman named Jonathan Small. You remember that we saw the name upon the chart in Captain ’s possession. He had signed it in behalf of himself and his associates,—the sign of the four, as he somewhat dramatically called it. Aided by this chart, the officers—or one of them—gets the treasure and brings it to England, leaving, we will suppose, some condition under which he received it unfulfilled. Now, then, why did not Jonathan Small get the treasure himself? The answer is obvious. The chart is dated at a time when was brought into close association with convicts. Jonathan Small did not get the treasure because he and his associates were themselves convicts and could not get away." “But that is mere speculation," said I. “It is more than that. It is the only hypothesis which covers the facts. Let us see how it fits in with the sequel. Major Sholto remains at peace for some years, happy in the possession of his treasure. Then he receives a letter from India which gives him a great fright. What was that?" “A letter to say that the men whom he had wronged had been set free." “Or had escaped. That is much more likely, for he would have known what their term of imprisonment was. It would not have been a surprise to him. What does he do then? He guards himself against a wooden-legged man,—a white man, mark you, for he mistakes a white tradesman for him, and actually fires a pistol at him. Now, only one white man’s name is on the chart. The others are Hindoos or Mohammedans. There is no other white man. Therefore we may say with confidence that the wooden-legged man is identical with Jonathan Small. Does the reasoning strike you as being faulty?" “No: it is clear and concise." “Well, now, let us put ourselves in the place of Jonathan Small. Let us look at it from his point of view. He comes to England with the double idea of regaining what he would consider to be his rights and of having his revenge upon the man who had wronged him. He found 182 out where Sholto lived, and very possibly he established communications with some one inside the house. There is this butler, Lal Rao, whom we have not seen. Mrs. Bernstone gives him far from a good character. Small could not find out, however, where the treasure was hid, for no one ever knew, save the major and one faithful servant who had died. Suddenly Small learns that the major is on his death-bed. In a frenzy lest the secret of the treasure die with him, he runs the gauntlet of the guards, makes his way to the dying man’s window, and is only deterred from entering by the presence of his two sons. Mad with hate, however, against the dead man, he enters the room that night, searches his private papers in the hope of discovering some memorandum relating to the treasure, and finally leaves a momento of his visit in the short inscription upon the card. He had doubtless planned beforehand that should he slay the major he would leave some such record upon the body as a sign that it was not a common murder, but, from the point of view of the four associates, something in the nature of an act of justice. Whimsical and bizarre conceits of this kind are common enough in the annals of crime, and usually afford valuable indications as to the criminal. Do you follow all this?" “Very clearly." “Now, what could Jonathan Small do? He could only continue to keep a secret watch upon the efforts made to find the treasure. Possibly he leaves England and only comes back at intervals. Then comes the discovery of the garret, and he is instantly informed of it. We again trace the presence of some confederate in the household. Jonathan, with his wooden leg, is utterly unable to reach the lofty room of Bartholomew Sholto. He takes with him, however, a rather curious associate, who gets over this difficulty, but dips his naked foot into creasote, whence comes Toby, and a six-mile limp for a half-pay officer with a damaged tendo Achillis." “But it was the associate, and not Jonathan, who committed the crime." “Quite so. And rather to Jonathan’s disgust, to judge by the way he stamped about when he got into the room. He bore no grudge against Bartholomew Sholto, and would have preferred if he could have been simply bound and gagged. He did not wish to put his head in a halter. There was no help for it, however: the savage instincts of his companion had broken out, and the poison had done its work: so Jonathan Small left his record, lowered the treasure-box to the ground, and followed it himself. That was the train of events as far as I can decipher them. Of course as to his personal appearance he must be middle-aged, and must be sunburned after serving his time in such an oven as the Andamans. His height is readily calculated from the length of his stride, and we know that he was bearded. His hairiness was the one point which impressed itself upon Thaddeus Sholto when he saw him at the window. I don’t know that there is anything else." “The associate?" “Ah, well, there is no great mystery in that. But you will know all about it soon enough. How sweet the morning air is! See how 183 that one little cloud floats like a pink feather from some gigantic flamingo. Now the red rim of the sun pushes itself over the London cloud-bank. It shines on a good many folk, but on none, I dare bet, who are on a stranger errand than you and I. How small we feel with our petty ambitions and strivings in the presence of the great elemental forces of nature! Are you well up in your Jean Paul Jean Paul, pen name of Johann Paul Friedrich Richter, was a 19th century German writer who popularized the shift to Romanticism in literature. Read more about Jean Paul on Britannica.?" “Fairly so. I worked back to him through CarlyleThomas Carlyle was a Scottish writer, well-known for Sartor Resartus, a novel that explores his concept of "Natural Supernaturalism." He was among the first to make German literature available for English readers, often through translations, which is what Watson means here when he says he came to Jean Paul by way of Carlyle. To read more about Carlyle, role in the " , ." “That was like following the brook to the parent lake. He makes one curious but profound remark. It is that the chief proof of man’s real greatness lies in his perception of his own smallness. It argues, you see, a power of comparison and of appreciation which is in itself a proof of nobility. There is much food for thought in Richter. You have not a pistol, have you?" “I have my stick." “It is just possible that we may need something of the sort if we get to their lair. Jonathan I shall leave to you, but if the other turns nasty I shall shoot him dead." He took out his revolver as he spoke, and, having loaded two of the chambers, he put it back into the right-hand pocket of his jacket. We had during this time been following the guidance of Toby down the half-rural villa-lined roads which lead to the metropolis. Now, however, we were beginning to come among continuous streets, where labourers and dockmen were already astir, and slatternly women were taking down shutters and brushing door-steps. At the square-topped corner public houses business was just beginning, and rough-looking men were emerging, rubbing their sleeves across their beards after their morning wet. Strange dogs sauntered up and stared wonderingly at us as we passed, but our inimitable Toby looked neither to the right nor to the left, but trotted onwards with his nose to the ground and an occasional eager whine which spoke of a hot scent. We had traversed Streatham, Brixton, Camberwell, and now found ourselves in Kennington Lane, having borne away through the side-streets to the east of the Oval The Oval is an international cricket ground in Kensington, South London. It also hosted a number of historical sporting events. To read more, see Wikipedia. This image, from Wikimedia Commons, depicts the Oval in 1891. . The men whom we pursued seemed to have taken a curiously zigzag road, with the idea probably of escaping observation. They had never kept to the main road if a parallel side-street would serve their turn. At the foot of Kennington Lane they had edged away to the left through Bond Street and Miles Street. Where the latter street turns into Knight’s Place, Toby ceased to advance, but began to run backwards and forwards with one ear cocked and the other drooping, the very picture of canine indecision. Then he waddled round in circles, looking up to us from time to time, as if to ask for sympathy in his embarrassment. “What the deuce is the matter with the dog?" growled Holmes. “They surely would not take a cab, or go off in a balloon." “Perhaps they stood here for some time," I suggested. “Ah! it’s all right. He’s off again," said my companion, in a tone of relief. He was indeed off, for after sniffing round again he suddenly made up his mind, and darted away with an energy and determination such as he had not yet shown. The scent appeared to be much hotter than 184 before, for he had not even to put his nose on the ground, but tugged at his leash and tried to break into a run. I could see by the gleam in Holmes’s eyes that he thought we were nearing the end of our journey. Our course now ran down Nine Elms until we came to Broderick and Nelson’s large timber-yard, just past the White Eagle tavern. Here the dog, frantic with excitement, turned down through the side-gate into the enclosure, where the sawyers were already at work. On the dog raced through sawdust and shavings, down an alley, round a passage, between two wood-piles, and finally, with a triumphant yelp, sprang upon a large barrel which still stood upon the hand-trolley on which it had been brought. With lolling tongue and blinking eyes, Toby stood upon the cask, looking from one to the other of us for some sign of appreciation. The staves of the barrel and the wheels of the trolley were smeared with a dark liquid, and the whole air was heavy with the smell of creasote. Sherlock Holmes and I looked blankly at each other, and then burst simultaneously into an uncontrollable fit of laughter. CHAPTER VIII. THE BAKER STREET IRREGULARS. “What now?" I asked. “Toby has lost his character for infallibility." “He acted according to his lights," said Holmes, lifting him down from the barrel and walking him out of the timber-yard. “If you consider how much creasote is carted about London in one day, it is no great wonder that our trail should have been crossed. It is much used now, especially for the seasoning of wood. Poor Toby is not to blame." “We must get on the main scent again, I suppose." “Yes. And, fortunately, we have no distance to go. Evidently what puzzled the dog at the corner of Knight’s Place was that there were two different trails running in opposite directions. We took the wrong one. It only remains to follow the other." There was no difficulty about this. On leading Toby to the place where he had committed his fault, he cast about in a wide circle and finally dashed off in a fresh direction. “We must take care that he does not now bring us to the place where the creasote-barrel came from," I observed. “I had thought of that. But you notice that he keeps on the pavement, whereas the barrel passed down the roadway. No, we are on the true scent now." It tended down towards the river-side, running through Belmont Place and Prince’s Street. At the end of Broad Street it ran right down to the water’s edge, where there was a small wooden wharf A wharf is a small structure built along the water so ships can load and unload (OED).. Toby led us to the very edge of this, and there stood whining, looking out on the dark current beyond. “We are out of luck," said Holmes. “They have taken to a boat 185 here." Several small punts and skiffs were lying about in the water and on the edge of the wharf. We took Toby round to each in turn, but, though he sniffed earnestly, he made no sign. Close to the rude landing-stage was a small brick house, with a wooden placard slung out through the second window. “Mordecai Smith" was printed across it in large letters, and, underneath, “Boats to hire by the hour or day." A second inscription above the door informed us that a steam launch A steam launch is a large boat propelled by steam to transport passengers. (OED) was kept,—a statement which was confirmed by a great pile of coke upon the jetty. Sherlock Holmes looked slowly round, and his face assumed an ominous expression. “This looks bad," said he. “These fellows are sharper than I expected. They seem to have covered their tracks. There has, I fear, been preconcerted management here." He was approaching the door of the house, when it opened, and a little, curly-headed lad of six came running out, followed by a stoutish, red-faced woman with a large sponge in her hand. “You come back and be washed, Jack," she shouted. “Come back, you young imp; for if your father comes home and finds you like that, he’ll let us hear of it." “Dear little chap!" said Holmes, strategically. “What a rosy-cheeked young rascal! Now, Jack, is there anything you would like?" The youth pondered for a moment. “I’d like a shillin’," said he. “Nothing you would like better?" “I’d like two shillin’ better," the prodigy answered, after some thought. “Here you are, then! Catch!—A fine child, Mrs. Smith!" “Lor’ bless you, sir, he is that, and forward. He gets a’most too much for me to manage, ’specially when my man is away days at a time." “Away, is he?" said Holmes, in a disappointed voice. “I am sorry for that, for I wanted to speak to Mr. Smith." “He’s been away since yesterday mornin’, sir, and, truth to tell, I am beginnin’ to feel frightened about him. But if it was about a boat, sir, maybe I could serve as well." “I wanted to hire his steam launch." “Why, bless you, sir, it is in the steam launch that he has gone. That’s what puzzles me; for I know there ain’t more coals in her than would take her to about Woolwich and back. If he’d been away in the barge I’d ha’ thought nothin’; for many a time a job has taken him as far as Gravesend, and then if there was much doin’ there he might ha’ stayed over. But what good is a steam launch without coals?" “He might have bought some at a wharf down the river." “He might, sir, but it weren’t his way. Many a time I’ve heard him call out at the prices they charge for a few odd bags. Besides, I don’t like that wooden-legged man, wi’ his ugly face and outlandish talk. What did he want always knockin’ about here for?" “A wooden-legged man?" said Holmes, with bland surprise. “Yes, sir, a brown, monkey-faced chap that’s called more’n once for my old man. It was him that roused him up yesternight, and, what’s 186 more, my man knew he was comin’, for he had steam up in the launch. I tell you straight, sir, I don’t feel easy in my mind about it." “But, my dear Mrs. Smith," said Holmes, shrugging his shoulders, “You are frightening yourself about nothing. How could you possibly tell that it was the wooden-legged man who came in the night? I don’t quite understand how you can be so sure." “His voice, sir. I knew his voice, which is kind o’ thick and foggy. He tapped at the winder,—about three it would be. ‘Show a leg, matey,’ says he: ‘time to turn out guard.’ My old man woke up Jim,—that’s my eldest,—and away they went, without so much as a word to me. I could hear the wooden leg clackin’ on the stones." “And was this wooden-legged man alone?" “Couldn’t say, I am sure, sir. I didn’t hear no one else." “I am sorry, Mrs. Smith, for I wanted a steam launch, and I have heard good reports of the—Let me see, what is her name?" “The Aurora, sir." “Ah! She’s not that old green launch with a yellow line, very broad in the beam?" “No, indeed. She’s as trim a little thing as any on the river. She’s been fresh painted, black with two red streaks." “Thanks. I hope that you will hear soon from Mr. Smith. I am going down the river; and if I should see anything of the Aurora I shall let him know that you are uneasy. A black funnel, you say?" “No, sir. Black with a white band." “Ah, of course. It was the sides which were black. Good-morning, Mrs. Smith.—There is a boatman here with a wherry, Watson. We shall take it and cross the river. “The main thing with people of that sort," said Holmes, as we sat in the sheets of the wherry A wherry is a type of boat used to carry passengers in canals in England. This image, from Wikimedia Commons , shows an example of a wherry built to 18th-century design at Kingston upon Thames., “is never to let them think that their information can be of the slightest importance to you. If you do, they will instantly shut up like an oyster. If you listen to them under protest, as it were, you are very likely to get what you want." “Our course now seems pretty clear," said I. “What would you do, then?" “I would engage a launch and go down the river on the track of the Aurora." “My dear fellow, it would be a colossal task. She may have touched at any wharf on either side of the stream between here and Greenwich. Below the bridge there is a perfect labyrinth of landing-places for miles. It would take you days and days to exhaust them, if you set about it alone." “Employ the police, then." “No. I shall probably call Athelney Jones in at the last moment. He is not a bad fellow, and I should not like to do anything which would injure him professionally. But I have a fancy for working it out myself, now that we have gone so far." “Could we advertise, then, asking for information from wharfingers?" “Worse and worse! Our men would know that the chase was hot at their heels, and they would be off out of the country. As it is, they 187 are likely enough to leave, but as long as they think they are perfectly safe they will be in no hurry. Jones’s energy will be of use to us there, for his view of the case is sure to push itself into the daily press, and the runaways will think that every one is off on the wrong scent." “What are we to do, then?" I asked, as we landed near Millbank Penitentiary. “Take this hansom A hansom is a low-hanging two-wheeled horse carriage that can seat two people, with the driver elevated behind (OED). The image included here is a photograph of a hansom cab with driver from 1877, via Wikimedia Commons. , drive home, have some breakfast, and get an hour’s sleep. It is quite on the cards that we may be afoot to-night again. Stop at a telegraph-office, cabby! We will keep Toby, for he may be of use to us yet." We pulled up at the Great Peter Street post-office, and Holmes despatched his wire. “Whom do you think that is to?" he asked, as we resumed our journey. “I am sure I don’t know." “You remember the Baker Street division of the detective police force whom I employed in the Jefferson Hope case?" “Well," said I, laughing. “This is just the case where they might be invaluable. If they fail, I have other resources; but I shall try them first. That wire was to my dirty little lieutenant, Wiggins, and I expect that he and his gang will be with us before we have finished our breakfast." It was between eight and nine o’clock now, and I was conscious of a strong reaction after the successive excitements of the night. I was limp and weary, befogged in mind and fatigued in body. I had not the professional enthusiasm which carried my companion on, nor could I look at the matter as a mere abstract intellectual problem. As far as the death of Bartholomew Sholto went, I had heard little good of him, and could feel no intense antipathy to his murderers. The treasure, however, was a different matter. That, or part of it, belonged rightfully to Miss . While there was a chance of recovering it I was ready to devote my life to the one object. True, if I found it it would probably put her forever beyond my reach. Yet it would be a petty and selfish love which would be influenced by such a thought as that. If Holmes could work to find the criminals, I had a tenfold stronger reason to urge me on to find the treasure. A bath at Baker Street and a complete change freshened me up wonderfully. When I came down to our room I found the breakfast laid and Homes pouring out the coffee. “Here it is," said he, laughing, and pointing to an open newspaper. “The energetic Jones and the ubiquitous reporter have fixed it up between them. But you have had enough of the case. Better have your ham and eggs first." I took the paper from him and read the short notice, which was headed “Mysterious Business at Upper Norwood." “About twelve o’clock last night," said the Standard, “Mr. Bartholomew Sholto, of Pondicherry Lodge, Upper Norwood, was found dead in his room under circumstances which point to foul play. As far as we can learn, no actual traces of violence were found upon Mr. Sholto’s person, but a valuable collection of Indian gems which the 188 deceased gentleman had inherited from his father has been carried off. The discovery was first made by Mr. Sherlock Holmes and Dr. Watson, who had called at the house with Mr. Thaddeus Sholto, brother of the deceased. By a singular piece of good fortune, Mr. Athelney Jones, the well-known member of the detective police force, happened to be at the Norwood Police Station, and was on the ground within half an hour of the first alarm. His trained and experienced faculties were at once directed towards the detection of the criminals, with the gratifying result that the brother, Thaddeus Sholto, has already been arrested, together with the housekeeper, Mrs. Bernstone, an Indian butler named Lal Rao, and a porter, or gatekeeper, named McMurdo. It is quite certain that the thief or thieves were well acquainted with the house, for Mr. Jones’s well-known technical knowledge and his powers of minute observation have enabled him to prove conclusively that the miscreants could not have entered by the door or by the window, but must have made their way across the roof of the building, and so through a trap-door into a room which communicated with that in which the body was found. This fact, which has been very clearly made out, proves conclusively that it was no mere haphazard burglary. The prompt and energetic action of the officers of the law shows the great advantage of the presence on such occasions of a single vigorous and masterful mind. We cannot but think that it supplies an argument to those who would wish to see our detectives more decentralised, and so brought into closer and more effective touch with the cases which it is their duty to investigate." “Isn’t it gorgeous!" said Holmes, grinning over his coffee-cup. “What do you think of it?" “I think that we have had a close shave ourselves of being arrested for the crime." “So do I. I wouldn’t answer for our safety now, if he should happen to have another of his attacks of energy." At this moment there was a loud ring at the bell, and I could hear Mrs. Hudson, our landlady, raising her voice in a wail of expostulation and dismay. “By heaven, Holmes," I said, half rising, “I believe that they are really after us." “No, it’s not quite so bad as that. It is the unofficial force,—the Baker Street irregulars." As he spoke, there came a swift pattering of naked feet upon the stairs, a clatter of high voices, and in rushed a dozen dirty and ragged little street-Arabs. There was some show of discipline among them, despite their tumultuous entry, for they instantly drew up in line and stood facing us with expectant faces. One of their number, taller and older than the others, stood forward with an air of lounging superiority which was very funny in such a disreputable little scarecrow. “Got your message, sir," said he, “and brought ’em on sharp. Three bob and a tanner for tickets." “Here you are," said Holmes, producing some silver. “In future they can report to you, Wiggins, and you to me. I cannot have the house invaded in this way. However, it is just as well that you should 189 all hear the instructions. I want to find the whereabouts of a steam launch called the Aurora, owner Mordecai Smith, black with two red streaks, funnel black with a white band. She is down the river somewhere. I want one boy to be at Mordecai Smith’s landing-stage opposite Millbank to say if the boat comes back. You must divide it out among yourselves, and do both banks thoroughly. Let me know the moment you have news. Is that all clear?" “Yes, guv’nor," said Wiggins. “The old scale of pay, and a guinea to the boy who finds the boat. Here’s a day in advance. Now off you go!" He handed them a shilling each, and away they buzzed down the stairs, and I saw them a moment later streaming down the street. “If the launch is above water they will find her," said Holmes, as he rose from the table and lit his pipe. “They can go everywhere, see everything, overhear every one. I expect to hear before evening that they have spotted her. In the meanwhile, we can do nothing but await results. We cannot pick up the broken trail until we find either the Aurora or Mr. Mordecai Smith." “Toby could eat these scraps, I dare say. Are you going to bed, Holmes?" “No; I am not tired. I have a curious constitution. I never remember feeling tired by work, though idleness exhausts me completely. I am going to smoke and to think over this queer business to which my fair client has introduced us. If ever man had an easy task, this of ours ought to be. Wooden-legged men are not so common, but the other man must, I should think, be absolutely unique." “That other man again!" “I have no wish to make a mystery of him,—to you, anyway. But you must have formed your own opinion. Now, do consider the data. Diminutive footmarks, toes never fettered by boots, naked feet, stone-headed wooden mace, great agility, small poisoned darts. What do you make of all this?" “A savage!" I exclaimed. “Perhaps one of those Indians who were the associates of Jonathan Small." “Hardly that," said he. “When first I saw signs of strange weapons I was inclined to think so; but the remarkable character of the footmarks caused me to reconsider my views. Some of the inhabitants of the Indian Peninsula are small men, but none could have left such marks as that. The Hindoo proper has long and thin feet. The sandal-wearing Mohammedans A Mohammedan refers to one who follows the prophet Muhammed, or Islam. The term is now considered offensive (OED). has the great toe well separated from the others, because the thong is commonly passed between. These little darts, too, could only be shot in one way. They are from a blow-pipe. Now, then, where are we to find our savage?" “South American," I hazarded. He stretched his hand up, and took down a bulky volume from the shelf. “This is the first volume of a gazetteer A gazetteer is an index or directory of a place that's used along a map or atlas. Ancient Greeks were the first known to use gazetteers, and they became popular in 19th century Britain to note the many places across the empire. Source: Europa Technologies. which is now being published. It may be looked upon as the very latest authority. What have we here? ‘Andaman Islands, situated 340 miles to the north of Sumatra, in the Bay of Bengal.’ Hum! hum! What’s all this? Moist climate, coral reefs, sharks, Port Blair, convict-barracks, Rutland 190 Island, cottonwoods—Ah, here we are. ‘The aborigines of the Andaman Islands may perhaps claim the distinction of being the smallest race upon this earth, though some anthropologists prefer the Bushmen of Africa, the Digger Indians of America, and the Terra del Fuegians. The average height is rather below four feet, although many full-grown adults may be found who are very much smaller than this. They are a fierce, morose, and intractable people, though capable of forming most devoted friendships when their confidence has once been gained.’ Mark that, Watson. Now, then, listen to this. ‘They are naturally hideous, having large, misshapen heads, small, fierce eyes, and distorted features. Their feet and hands, however, are remarkably small. So intractable and fierce are they that all the efforts of the British official have failed to win them over in any degree. They have always been a terror to shipwrecked crews, braining the survivors with their stone-headed clubs, or shooting them with their poisoned arrows. These massacres are invariably concluded by a cannibal feast.’ Nice, amiable people, Watson! If this fellow had been left to his own unaided devices this affair might have taken an even more ghastly turn. I fancy that, even as it is, Jonathan Small would give a good deal not to have employed him." “But how came he to have so singular a companion?" “Ah, that is more than I can tell. Since, however, we had already determined that Small had come from the Andamans, it is not so very wonderful that this islander should be with him. No doubt we shall know all about it in time. Look here, Watson; you look regularly done. Lie down there on the sofa, and see if I can put you to sleep." He took up his violin from the corner, and as I stretched myself out he began to play some low, dreamy, melodious air,—his own, no doubt, for he had a remarkable gift for improvisation. I have a vague remembrance of his gaunt limbs, his earnest face, and the rise and fall of his bow. Then I seemed to be floated peacefully away upon a soft sea of sound, until I found myself in dreamland, with the sweet face of Mary looking down upon me. CHAPTER IX. A BREAK IN THE CHAIN. It was late in the afternoon before I woke, strengthened and refreshed. Sherlock Holmes still sat exactly as I had left him, save that he had laid aside his violin and was deep in a book. He looked across at me, as I stirred, and I noticed that his face was dark and troubled. “You have slept soundly," he said. “I feared that our talk would wake you." “I heard nothing," I answered. “Have you had fresh news, then?" “Unfortunately, no. I confess that I am surprised and disappointed. I expected something definite by this time. Wiggins has just been up to report. He says that no trace can be found of the launch. It is a provoking check, for every hour is of importance." 191 “Can I do anything? I am perfectly fresh now, and quite ready for another night’s outing." “No, we can do nothing. We can only wait. If we go ourselves, the message might come in our absence, and delay be caused. You can do what you will, but I must remain on guard." “Then I shall run over to Camberwell and call upon Mrs. Cecil Forrester. She asked me to, yesterday." “On Mrs. Cecil Forrester?" asked Holmes, with the twinkle of a smile in his eyes. “Well, of course Miss too. They were anxious to hear what happened." “I would not tell them too much," said Holmes. “Women are never to be entirely trusted,—not the best of them." I did not pause to argue over this atrocious sentiment. “I shall be back in an hour or two," I remarked. “All right! Good luck! But, I say, if you are crossing the river you may as well return Toby, for I don’t think it is at all likely that we shall have any use for him now." I took our mongrel accordingly, and left him, together with a half-sovereign, at the old naturalist’s in Pinchin Lane. At Camberwell I found Miss a little weary after her night’s adventures, but very eager to hear the news. Mrs. Forrester, too, was full of curiosity. I told them all that we had done, suppressing, however, the more dreadful parts of the tragedy. Thus, although I spoke of Mr. Sholto’s death, I said nothing of the exact manner and method of it. With all my omissions, however, there was enough to startle and amaze them. “It is a romance A romance is a fictitious narrative, where the events described are far removed from everyday life, offering sensation to its theme. (OED)!" cried Mrs. Forrester. “An injured lady, half a million in treasure, a black cannibal, and a wooden-legged ruffian. They take the place of the conventional dragon or wicked earl." “And two knight-errants to the rescue," added Miss , with a bright glance at me. “Why, Mary, your fortune depends upon the issue of this search. I don’t think that you are nearly excited enough. Just imagine what it must be to be so rich, and to have the world at your feet!" It sent a little thrill of joy to my heart to notice that she showed no sign of elation at the prospect. On the contrary, she gave a toss of her proud head, as though the matter were one in which she took small interest. “It is for Mr. Thaddeus Sholto that I am anxious," she said. “Nothing else is of any consequence; but I think that he has behaved most kindly and honourably throughout. It is our duty to clear him of this dreadful and unfounded charge." It was evening before I left Camberwell, and quite dark by the time I reached home. My companion’s book and pipe lay by his chair, but he had disappeared. I looked about in the hope of seeing a note, but there was none. “I suppose that Mr. Sherlock Holmes has gone out," I said to Mrs. Hudson as she came up to lower the blinds. “No, sir. He has gone to his room, sir. Do you know, sir," 192 sinking her voice into an impressive whisper, “I am afraid for his health?" “Why so, Mrs. Hudson?" “Well, he’s that strange, sir. After you was gone he walked and he walked, up and down, and up and down, until I was weary of the sound of his footstep. Then I heard him talking to himself and muttering, and every time the bell rang out he came on the stairhead, with ‘What is that, Mrs. Hudson?’ And now he has slammed off to his room, but I can hear him walking away the same as ever. I hope he’s not going to be ill, sir. I ventured to say something to him about cooling medicine, but he turned on me, sir, with such a look that I don’t know how ever I got out of the room." “I don’t think that you have any cause to be uneasy, Mrs. Hudson," I answered. “I have seen him like this before. He has some small matter upon his mind which makes him restless." I tried to speak lightly to our worthy landlady, but I was myself somewhat uneasy when through the long night I still from time to time heard the dull sound of his tread, and knew how his keen spirit was chafing against this involuntary inaction. At breakfast-time he looked worn and haggard, with a little fleck of feverish colour upon either cheek. “You are knocking yourself up, old man," I remarked. “I heard you marching about in the night." “No, I could not sleep," he answered. “This infernal problem is consuming me. It is too much to be balked by so petty an obstacle, when all else had been overcome. I know the men, the launch, everything; and yet I can get no news. I have set other agencies at work, and used every means at my disposal. The whole river has been searched on either side, but there is no news, nor has Mrs. Smith heard of her husband. I shall come to the conclusion soon that they have scuttled the craft. But there are objections to that." “Or that Mrs. Smith has put us on a wrong scent." “No, I think that may be dismissed. I had inquiries made, and there is a launch of that description." “Could it have gone up the river?" “I have considered that possibility too, and there is a search-party who will work up as far as Richmond. If no news comes to-day, I shall start off myself to-morrow, and go for the men rather than the boat. But surely, surely, we shall hear something." We did not, however. Not a word came to us either from Wiggins or from the other agencies. There were articles in most of the papers upon the Norwood tragedy. They all appeared to be rather hostile to the unfortunate Thaddeus Sholto. No fresh details were to be found, however, in any of them, save that an inquest was to be held upon the following day. I walked over to Camberwell in the evening to report our ill success to the ladies, and on my return I found Holmes dejected and somewhat morose. He would hardly reply to my questions, and busied himself all evening in an abstruse chemical analysis which involved much heating of retorts and distilling of vapours, ending at last in a smell which fairly drove me out of the apartment. Up to 193 the small hours of the morning I could hear the clinking of his test-tubes which told me that he was still engaged in his malodorous experiment. In the early dawn I woke with a start, and was surprised to find him standing by my bedside, clad in a rude sailor dress with a pea-jacket, and a coarse red scarf round his neck. “I am off down the river, Watson," said he. “I have been turning it over in my mind, and I can see only one way out of it. It is worth trying, at all events." “Surely I can come with you, then?" said I. “No; you can be much more useful if you will remain here as my representative. I am loath to go, for it is quite on the cards that some message may come during the day, though Wiggins was despondent about it last night. I want you to open all notes and telegrams, and to act on your own judgment if any news should come. Can I rely upon you?" “Most certainly." “I am afraid that you will not be able to wire to me, for I can hardly tell yet where I may find myself. If I am in luck, however, I may not be gone so very long. I shall have news of some sort or other before I get back." I had heard nothing of him by breakfast-time. On opening the Standard The Standard, later known as the Evening Standard, is a London newspaper that was launched in 1827. To learn more about the history of the Standard and where it stands today, check outA history of the London Evening Standard: seeing off rivals for 181 years in The Guardian., however, I found that there was a fresh allusion to the business. “With reference to the Upper Norwood tragedy," it remarked, “we have reason to believe that the matter promises to be even more complex and mysterious than was originally supposed. Fresh evidence has shown that it is quite impossible that Mr. Thaddeus Sholto could have been in any way concerned in the matter. He and the housekeeper, Mrs. Bernstone, were both released yesterday evening. It is believed, however, that the police have a clue as to the real culprits, and that it is being prosecuted by Mr. Athelney Jones, of Scotland Yard, with all his well-known energy and sagacity. Further arrests may be expected at any moment." “That is satisfactory so far as it goes," thought I. “Friend Sholto is safe, at any rate. I wonder what the fresh clue may be; though it seems to be a stereotyped form whenever the police have made a blunder." I tossed the paper down upon the table, but at that moment my eye caught an advertisement in the agony column An agony column is a section in the newspaper that features advertisements for missing friends and relatives, or readers' questions on personal issues, with responses from columnists. To read more, see Word Histories.. It ran in this way: “Lost.—Whereas Mordecai Smith, boatman, and his son, Jim, left Smith’s Wharf at or about three o’clock last Tuesday morning in the steam launch Aurora, black with two red stripes, funnel black with a white band, the sum of five pounds will be paid to any one who can give information to Mrs. Smith, at Smith’s Wharf, or at 221b Baker Street, as to the whereabouts of the said Mordecai Smith and the launch Aurora." This was clearly Holmes’s doing. The Baker Street address was enough to prove that. It struck me as rather ingenious, because it might be read by the fugitives without their seeing in it more than the natural anxiety of a wife for her missing husband. 194 It was a long day. Every time that a knock came to the door, or a sharp step passed in the street, I imagined that it was either Holmes returning or an answer to his advertisement. I tried to read, but my thoughts would wander off to our strange quest and to the ill-assorted and villainous pair whom we were pursuing. Could there be, I wondered, some radical flaw in my companion’s reasoning. Might he be suffering from some huge self-deception? Was it not possible that his nimble and speculative mind had built up this wild theory upon faulty premises? I had never known him to be wrong; and yet the keenest reasoner may occasionally be deceived. He was likely, I thought, to fall into error through the over-refinement of his logic,—his preference for a subtle and bizarre explanation when a plainer and more commonplace one lay ready to his hand. Yet, on the other hand, I had myself seen the evidence, and I had heard the reasons for his deductions. When I looked back on the long chain of curious circumstances, many of them trivial in themselves, but all tending in the same direction, I could not disguise from myself that even if Holmes’s explanation were incorrect the true theory must be equally outré and startling. At three o’clock in the afternoon there was a loud peal at the bell, an authoritative voice in the hall, and, to my surprise, no less a person than Mr. Athelney Jones was shown up to me. Very different was he, however, from the brusque and masterful professor of common sense who had taken over the case so confidently at Upper Norwood. His expression was downcast, and his bearing meek and even apologetic. “Good-day, sir; good-day," said he. “Mr. Sherlock Holmes is out, I understand." “Yes, and I cannot be sure when he will be back. But perhaps you would care to wait. Take that chair and try one of these cigars." “Thank you; I don’t mind if I do," said he, mopping his face with a red bandanna handkerchief. “And a whiskey-and-soda?" “Well, half a glass. It is very hot for the time of year; and I have had a good deal to worry and try me. You know my theory about this Norwood case?" “I remember that you expressed one." “Well, I have been obliged to reconsider it. I had my net drawn tightly round Mr. Sholto, sir, when pop he went through a hole in the middle of it. He was able to prove an alibi which could not be shaken. From the time that he left his brother’s room he was never out of sight of some one or other. So it could not be he who climbed over roofs and through trap-doors. It’s a very dark case, and my professional credit is at stake. I should be very glad of a little assistance." “We all need help sometimes," said I. “Your friend Mr. Sherlock Holmes is a wonderful man, sir," said he, in a husky and confidential voice. “He’s a man who is not to be beat. I have known that young man go into a good many cases, but I never saw the case yet that he could not throw a light upon. He is irregular in his methods, and a little quick perhaps in jumping at theories, but, on the whole, I think he would have made a most promising officer, and I don’t care who knows it. I have had a wire from 195 him this morning, by which I understand that he has got some clue to this Sholto business. Here is the message." He took the telegram out of his pocket, and handed it to me. It was dated from Poplar at twelve o’clock. “Go to Baker Street at once," it said. “If I have not returned, wait for me. I am close on the track of the Sholto gang. You can come with us to-night if you want to be in at the finish." “This sounds well. He has evidently picked up the scent again," said I. “Ah, then he has been at fault too," exclaimed Jones, with evident satisfaction. “Even the best of us are thrown off sometimes. Of course this may prove to be a false alarm; but it is my duty as an officer of the law to allow no chance to slip. But there is some one at the door. Perhaps this is he." A heavy step was heard ascending the stair, with a great wheezing and rattling as from a man who was sorely put to it for breath. Once or twice he stopped, as though the climb were too much for him, but at last he made his way to our door and entered. His appearance corresponded to the sounds which we had heard. He was an aged man, clad in seafaring garb, with an old pea-jacket buttoned up to his throat. His back was bowed, his knees were shaky, and his breathing was painfully asthmatic. As he leaned upon a thick oaken cudgel his shoulders heaved in the effort to draw the air into his lungs. He had a coloured scarf round his chin, and I could see little of his face save a pair of keen dark eyes, overhung by bushy white brows, and long grey side-whiskers. Altogether he gave me the impression of a respectable master mariner who had fallen into years and poverty. “What is it, my man?" I asked. He looked about him in the slow methodical fashion of old age. “Is Mr. Sherlock Holmes here?" said he. “No; but I am acting for him. You can tell me any message you have for him." “It was to him himself I was to tell it," said he. “But I tell you that I am acting for him. Was it about Mordecai Smith’s boat?" “Yes. I knows well where it is. An’ I knows where the men he is after are. An’ I knows where the treasure is. I knows all about it." “Then tell me, and I shall let him know." “It was to him I was to tell it," he repeated, with the petulant obstinacy of a very old man. “Well, you must wait for him." “No, no; I ain’t goin’ to lose a whole day to please no one. If Mr. Holmes ain’t here, then Mr. Holmes must find it all out for himself. I don’t care about the look of either of you, and I won’t tell a word." He shuffled towards the door, but Athelney Jones got in front of him. “Wait a bit, my friend," said he. “You have important information, and you must not walk off. We shall keep you, whether you like or not, until our friend returns." 196 The old man made a little run towards the door, but, as Athelney Jones put his broad back up against it, he recognised the uselessness of resistance. “Pretty sort o’ treatment this!" he cried, stamping his stick. “I come here to see a gentleman, and you two, who I never saw in my life, seize me and treat me in this fashion!" “You will be none the worse," I said. “We shall recompense you for the loss of your time. Sit over here on the sofa, and you will not have long to wait." He came across sullenly enough, and seated himself with his face resting on his hands. Jones and I resumed our cigars and our talk. Suddenly, however, Holmes’s voice broke in upon us. “I think that you might offer me a cigar too," he said. We both started in our chairs. There was Holmes sitting close to us with an air of quiet amusement. “Holmes!" I exclaimed. “You here! But where is the old man?" “Here is the old man," said he, holding out a heap of white hair. “Here he is,—wig, whiskers, eyebrows, and all. I thought my disguise was pretty good, but I hardly expected that it would stand that test." “Ah, You rogue!" cried Jones, highly delighted. “You would have made an actor, and a rare one. You had the proper workhouse cough, and those weak legs of yours are worth ten pounds a week. I thought I knew the glint of your eye, though. You didn’t get away from us so easily, You see." “I have been working in that get-up all day," said he, lighting his cigar. “You see, a good many of the criminal classes begin to know me,—especially since our friend here took to publishing some of my cases: so I can only go on the war-path under some simple disguise like this. You got my wire?" “Yes; that was what brought me here." “How has your case prospered?" “It has all come to nothing. I have had to release two of my prisoners, and there is no evidence against the other two." “Never mind. We shall give you two others in the place of them. But you must put yourself under my orders. You are welcome to all the official credit, but you must act on the line that I point out. Is that agreed?" “Entirely, if you will help me to the men." “Well, then, in the first place I shall want a fast police-boat—a steam launch—to be at the Westminster Stairs at seven o’clock." “That is easily managed. There is always one about there; but I can step across the road and telephone to make sure." “Then I shall want two stanch men, in case of resistance." “There will be two or three in the boat. What else?" “When we secure the men we shall get the treasure. I think that it would be a pleasure to my friend here to take the box round to the young lady to whom half of it rightfully belongs. Let her be the first to open it.—Eh, Watson?" 197 “It would be a great pleasure to me." “Rather an irregular proceeding," said Jones, shaking his head. “However, the whole thing is irregular, and I suppose we must wink at it. The treasure must afterwards be handed over to the authorities until after the official investigation." “Certainly. That is easily managed. One other point. I should much like to have a few details about this matter from the lips of Jonathan Small himself. You know I like to work the detail of my cases out. There is no objection to my having an unofficial interview with him, either here in my rooms or elsewhere, as long as he is efficiently guarded?" “Well, you are master of the situation. I have had no proof yet of the existence of this Jonathan Small. However, if you can catch him I don’t see how I can refuse you an interview with him." “That is understood, then?" “Perfectly. Is there anything else?" “Only that I insist upon your dining with us. It will be ready in half an hour. I have oysters and a brace of grouse, with something a little choice in white wines.—Watson, you have never yet recognised my merits as a housekeeper." CHAPTER X. THE END OF THE ISLANDER. Our meal was a merry one. Holmes could talk exceedingly well when he chose, and that night he did choose. He appeared to be in a state of nervous exaltation. I have never known him so brilliant. He spoke on a quick succession of subjects,—on miracle-plays, on mediæval pottery, on Stradivarius violins, on the Buddhism of Ceylon, and on the war-ships of the future,—handling each as though he had made a special study of it. His bright humour marked the reaction from his black depression of the preceding days. Athelney Jones proved to be a sociable soul in his hours of relaxation, and faced his dinner with the air of a bon vivant A bon vivant is someone who is fond of good living. (OED). For myself, I felt elated at the thought that we were nearing the end of our task, and I caught something of Holmes’s gaiety. None of us alluded during dinner to the cause which had brought us together. When the cloth was cleared, Holmes glanced at his watch, and filled up three glasses with port. “One bumper," said he, “to the success of our little expedition. And now it is high time we were off. Have you a pistol, Watson?" “I have my old service-revolver in my desk." “You had best take it, then. It is well to be prepared. I see that the cab is at the door. I ordered it for half-past six." It was a little past seven before we reached the Westminster wharf, and found our launch awaiting us. Holmes eyed it critically. “Is there anything to mark it as a police-boat?" “Yes,—that green lamp at the side." 198 “Then take it off." The small change was made, we stepped on board, and the ropes were cast off. Jones, Holmes, and I sat in the stern. There was one man at the rudder, one to tend the engines, and two burly police-inspectors forward. “Where to?" asked Jones. “To the Tower. Tell them to stop opposite Jacobson’s Yard." Our craft was evidently a very fast one. We shot past the long lines of loaded barges as though they were stationary. Holmes smiled with satisfaction as we overhauled a river steamer and left her behind us. “We ought to be able to catch anything on the river," he said. “Well, hardly that. But there are not many launches to beat us." “We shall have to catch the Aurora, and she has a name for being a clipper. I will tell you how the land lies, Watson. You recollect how annoyed I was at being balked by so small a thing?" “Yes." “Well, I gave my mind a thorough rest by plunging into a chemical analysis. One of our greatest statesmen has said that a change of work is the best rest. So it is. When I had succeeded in dissolving the hydrocarbon which I was at work at, I came back to our problem of the Sholtos, and thought the whole matter out again. My boys had been up the river and down the river without result. The launch was not at any landing-stage or wharf, nor had it returned. Yet it could hardly have been scuttled to hide their traces,—though that always remained as a possible hypothesis if all else failed. I knew this man Small had a certain degree of low cunning, but I did not think him capable of anything in the nature of delicate finesse. That is usually a product of higher education. I then reflected that since he had certainly been in London some time—as we had evidence that he maintained a continual watch over Pondicherry Lodge—he could hardly leave at a moment’s notice, but would need some little time, if it were only a day, to arrange his affairs. That was the balance of probability, at any rate." “It seems to me to be a little weak," said I. “It is more probable that he had arranged his affairs before ever he set out upon his expedition." “No, I hardly think so. This lair of his would be too valuable a retreat in case of need for him to give it up until he was sure that he could do without it. But a second consideration struck me. Jonathan Small must have felt that the peculiar appearance of his companion, however much he may have top-coated him, would give rise to gossip, and possibly be associated with this Norwood tragedy. He was quite sharp enough to see that. They had started from their head-quarters under cover of darkness, and he would wish to get back before it was broad light. Now, it was past three o’clock, according to Mrs. Smith, when they got the boat. It would be quite bright, and people would be about in an hour or so. Therefore, I argued, they did not go very far. They paid Smith well to hold his tongue, reserved his launch for the final escape, and hurried to their lodgings with the treasure-box. In a couple of nights, when they had time to see what view the papers 199 took, and whether there was any suspicion, they would make their way under cover of darkness to some ship at Gravesend or in the Downs, where no doubt they had already arranged for passages to America or the Colonies The colonial expansion of the British Empire in the 19th flourished, encompassing lands from New Zealand, islands in the Pacific, India, and across Africa. During this time, 1/4th of the world's population was under British rule. To learn more about the historic British Empire, check out Britannica.." “But the launch? They could not have taken that to their lodgings." “Quite so. I argued that the launch must be no great way off, in spite of its invisibility. I then put myself in the place of Small, and looked at it as a man of his capacity would. He would probably consider that to send back the launch or to keep it at a wharf would make pursuit easy if the police did happen to get on his track. How, then, could he conceal the launch and yet have her at hand when wanted? I wondered what I should do myself if I were in his shoes. I could only think of one way of doing it. I might land the launch over to some boat-builder or repairer, with directions to make a trifling change in her. She would then be removed to his shed or yard, and so be effectually concealed, while at the same time I could have her at a few hours’ notice." “That seems simple enough." “It is just these very simple things which are extremely liable to be overlooked. However, I determined to act on the idea. I started at once in this harmless seaman’s rig and inquired at all the yards down the river. I drew blank at fifteen, but at the sixteenth—Jacobson’s—I learned that the Aurora had been handed over to them two days ago by a wooden-legged man, with some trivial directions as to her rudder. ‘There ain’t naught amiss with her rudder,’ said the foreman. ‘There she lies, with the red streaks.’ At that moment who should come down but Mordecai Smith, the missing owner? He was rather the worse for liquor. I should not, of course, have known him, but he bellowed out his name and the name of his launch. ‘I want her to-night at eight o’clock,’ said he,—‘eight o’clock sharp, mind, for I have two gentlemen who won’t be kept waiting.’ They had evidently paid him well, for he was very flush of money, chucking shillings about to the men. I followed him some distance, but he subsided into an ale-house: so I went back to the yard, and, happening to pick up one of my boys on the way, I stationed him as a sentry over the launch. He is to stand at water’s edge and wave his handkerchief to us when they start. We shall be lying off in the stream, and it will be a strange thing if we do not take men, treasure, and all." “You have planned it all very neatly, whether they are the right men or not," said Jones; “but if the affair were in my hands I should have had a body of police in Jacobson’s Yard, and arrested them when they came down." “Which would have been never. This man Small is a pretty shrewd fellow. He would send a scout on ahead, and if anything made him suspicious lie snug for another week." “But you might have stuck to Mordecai Smith, and so been led to their hiding-place," said I. “In that case I should have wasted my day. I think that it is a hundred to one against Smith knowing where they live. As long as he 200 has liquor and good pay, why should he ask questions? They send him messages what to do. No, I thought over every possible course, and this is the best." While this conversation had been proceeding, we had been shooting the long series of bridges which span the Thames. As we passed the City the last rays of the sun were gilding the cross upon the summit of St. Paul’s. It was twilight before we reached the Tower. “That is Jacobson’s Yard," said Holmes, pointing to a bristle of masts and rigging on the Surrey side. “Cruise gently up and down here under cover of this string of lighters." He took a pair of night-glasses A night-glass is a short telescope design to be used at night. (OED) from his pocket and gazed some time at the shore. “I see my sentry at his post," he remarked, “but no sign of a handkerchief." “Suppose we go down-stream a short way and lie in wait for them," said Jones, eagerly. We were all eager by this time, even the policemen and stokers, who had a very vague idea of what was going forward. “We have no right to take anything for granted," Holmes answered. “It is certainly ten to one that they go down-stream, but we cannot be certain. From this point we can see the entrance of the yard, and they can hardly see us. It will be a clear night and plenty of light. We must stay where we are. See how the folk swarm over yonder in the gaslight." “They are coming from work in the yard." “Dirty-looking rascals, but I suppose every one has some little immortal spark concealed about him. You would not think it, to look at them. There is no a priori probability about it. A strange enigma is man!" “Some one calls him a soul concealed in an animal," I suggested. “Winwood Reade is good upon the subject," said Holmes. “He remarks that, while the individual man is an insoluble puzzle, in the aggregate he becomes a mathematical certainty. You can, for example, never foretell what any one man will do, but you can say with precision what an average number will be up to. Individuals vary, but percentages remain constant. So says the statistician. But do I see a handkerchief? Surely there is a white flutter over yonder." “Yes, it is your boy," I cried. “I can see him plainly." “And there is the Aurora," exclaimed Holmes, “and going like the devil! Full speed ahead, engineer. Make after that launch with the yellow light. By heaven, I shall never forgive myself if she proves to have the heels of us!" She had slipped unseen through the yard-entrance and passed behind two or three small craft, so that she had fairly got her speed up before we saw her. Now she was flying down the stream, near in to the shore, going at a tremendous rate. Jones looked gravely at her and shook his head. “She is very fast," he said. “I doubt if we shall catch her." “We must catch her!" cried Holmes, between his teeth. “Heap it on, stokers! Make her do all she can! If we burn the boat we must have them!" We were fairly after her now. The furnaces roared, and the powerful 201 [break after power-] engines whizzed and clanked, like a great metallic heart. Her sharp, steep prow cut through the river-water and sent two rolling waves to right and to left of us. With every throb of the engines we sprang and quivered like a living thing. One great yellow lantern in our bows threw a long, flickering funnel of light in front of us. Right ahead a dark blur upon the water showed where the Aurora lay, and the swirl of white foam behind her spoke of the pace at which she was going. We flashed past barges, steamers, merchant-vessels, in and out, behind this one and round the other. Voices hailed us out of the darkness, but still the Aurora thundered on, and still we followed close upon her track. “Pile it on, men, pile it on!" cried Holmes, looking down into the engine-room, while the fierce glow from below beat upon his eager, aquiline face. “Get every pound of steam you can." “I think we gain a little," said Jones, with his eyes on the Aurora. “I am sure of it," said I. “We shall be up with her in a very few minutes." At that moment, however, as our evil fate would have it, a tug with three barges in tow blundered in between us. It was only by putting our helm hard down that we avoided a collision, and before we could round them and recover our way the Aurora had gained a good two hundred yards. She was still, however, well in view, and the murky uncertain twilight was setting into a clear starlit night. Our boilers were strained to their utmost, and the frail shell vibrated and creaked with the fierce energy which was driving us along. We had shot through the Pool, past the West India Docks, down the long Deptford Reach, and up again after rounding the Isle of Dogs. The dull blur in front of us resolved itself now clearly enough into the dainty Aurora. Jones turned our search-light upon her, so that we could plainly see the figures upon her deck. One man sat by the stern, with something black between his knees over which he stooped. Beside him lay a dark mass which looked like a Newfoundland dog. The boy held the tiller, while against the red glare of the furnace I could see old Smith, stripped to the waist, and shovelling coals for dear life. They may have had some doubt at first as to whether we were really pursuing them, but now as we followed every winding and turning which they took there could no longer be any question about it. At Greenwich we were about three hundred paces behind them. At Blackwall we could not have been more than two hundred and fifty. I have coursed many creatures in many countries during my checkered career, but never did sport give me such a wild thrill as this mad, flying man-hunt down the Thames. Steadily we drew in upon them, yard by yard. In the silence of the night we could hear the panting and clanking of their machinery. The man in the stern still crouched upon the deck, and his arms were moving as though he were busy, while every now and then he would look up and measure with a glance the distance which still separated us. Nearer we came and nearer. Jones yelled to them to stop. We were not more than four boat’s lengths behind them, both boats flying at a tremendous pace. It was a clear reach of the river, with Barking Level upon one side and the melancholy Plumstead Marshes upon the 202 other. At our hail the man in the stern sprang up from the deck and shook his two clinched fists at us, cursing the while in a high, cracked voice. He was a good-sized, powerful man, and as he stood poising himself with legs astride I could see that from the thigh downwards there was but a wooden stump upon the right side. At the sound of his strident, angry cries there was movement in the huddled bundle upon the deck. It straightened itself into a little black man—the smallest I have ever seen—with a great, misshapen head and a shock of tangled, dishevelled hair. Holmes had already drawn his revolver, and I whipped out mine at the sight of this savage, distorted creature. He was wrapped in some sort of dark ulster An ulster is a long overcoat made from rough fabric. (OED) or blanket, which left only his face exposed; but that face was enough to give a man a sleepless night. Never have I seen features so deeply marked with all bestiality and cruelty. His small eyes glowed and burned with a sombre light, and his thick lips were writhed back from his teeth, which grinned and chattered at us with a half animal fury. “Fire if he raises his hand," said Holmes, quietly. We were within a boat’s-length by this time, and almost within touch of our quarry. I can see the two of them now as they stood, the white man with his legs far apart, shrieking out curses, and the unhallowed Unhallowed means wicked or unholy (OED). The dwarf here is being described as "unhallowed." dwarf with his hideous face, and his strong yellow teeth gnashing at us in the light of our lantern. It was well that we had so clear a view of him. Even as we looked he plucked out from under his covering a short, round piece of wood, like a school-ruler, and clapped it to his lips. Our pistols rang out together. He whirled round, threw up his arms, and with a kind of choking cough fell sideways into the stream. I caught one glimpse of his venomous, menacing eyes amid the white swirl of the waters. At the same moment the wooden-legged man threw himself upon the rudder and put it hard down, so that his boat made straight in for the southern bank, while we shot past her stern, only clearing her by a few feet. We were round after her in an instant, but she was already nearly at the bank. It was a wild and desolate place, where the moon glimmered upon a wide expanse of marsh-land, with pools of stagnant water and beds of decaying vegetation. The launch with a dull thud ran up upon the mud-bank, with her bow in the air and her stern flush with the water. The fugitive sprang out, but his stump instantly sank its whole length into the sodden soil. In vain he struggled and writhed. Not one step could he possibly take either forwards or backwards. He yelled in impotent rage, and kicked frantically into the mud with his other foot, but his struggles only bored his wooden pin the deeper into the sticky bank. When we brought our launch alongside he was so firmly anchored that it was only by throwing the end of a rope over his shoulders that we were able to haul him out, and to drag him, like some evil fish, over our side. The two Smiths, father and son, sat sullenly in their launch, but came aboard meekly enough when commanded. The Aurora herself we hauled off and made fast to our stern. A solid iron chest of Indian workmanship stood upon the deck. This, there could be no question, was the same that had contained the ill-omened treasure of the Sholtos. There was no key, but it was of considerable 203 [Break after con-] weight, so we transferred it carefully to our own little cabin. As we steamed slowly up-stream again, we flashed our search-light in every direction, but there was no sign of the Islander. Somewhere in the dark ooze at the bottom of the Thames lie the bones of that strange visitor to our shores. “See here," said Holmes, pointing to the wooden hatchway. “We were hardly quick enough with our pistols." There, sure enough, just behind where we had been standing, stuck one of those murderous darts which we knew so well. It must have whizzed between us at the instant that we fired. Holmes smiled at it and shrugged his shoulders in his easy fashion, but I confess that it turned me sick to think of the horrible death which had passed so close to us that night. CHAPTER XI. THE GREAT AGRA TREASURE. Our captive sat in the cabin opposite to the iron box which he had done so much and waited so long to gain. He was a sunburned, reckless-eyed fellow, with a network of lines and wrinkles all over his mahogany features, which told of a hard, open-air life. There was a singular prominence about his bearded chin which marked a man who was not to be easily turned from his purpose. His age may have been fifty or thereabouts, for his black, curly hair was thickly shot with grey. His face in repose was not an unpleasing one, though his heavy brows and aggressive chin gave him, as I had lately seen, a terrible expression when moved to anger. He sat now with his handcuffed hands upon his lap, and his head sunk upon his breast, while he looked with his keen, twinkling eyes at the box which had been the cause of his ill-doings. It seemed to me that there was more sorrow than anger in his rigid and contained countenance. Once he looked up at me with a gleam of something like humour in his eyes. “Well, Jonathan Small," said Holmes, lighting a cigar, “I am sorry that it has come to this." “And so am I, sir," he answered, frankly. “I don’t believe that I can swing over the job. I give you my word on the book that I never raised hand against Mr. Sholto. It was that little hell-hound Tonga who shot one of his cursed darts into him. I had no part in it, sir. I was as grieved as if it had been my blood-relation. I welted the little devil with the slack end of the rope for it, but it was done, and I could not undo it again." “Have a cigar," said Holmes; “and you had best take a pull out of my flask, for you are very wet. How could you expect so small and weak a man as this black fellow to overpower Mr. Sholto and hold him while you were climbing the rope?" “You seem to know as much about it as if you were there, sir. The truth is that I hoped to find the room clear. I knew the habits of the house pretty well, and it was the time when Mr. Sholto usually went down to his supper. I shall make no secret of the business. The best defence that I can make is just the simple truth. Now, if it had 204 been the old major I would have swung for him with a light heart. I would have thought no more of knifing him than of smoking this cigar. But it’s cursed hard that I should be lagged over this young Sholto, with whom I had no quarrel whatever." “You are under the charge of Mr. Athelney Jones, of Scotland Yard. He is going to bring you up to my rooms, and I shall ask you for a true account of the matter. You must make a clean breast of it, for if you do I hope that I may be of use to you. I think I can prove that the poison acts so quickly that the man was dead before ever you reached the room." “That he was, sir. I never got such a turn in my life as when I saw him grinning at me with his head on his shoulder as I climbed through the window. It fairly shook me, sir. I’d have half killed Tonga for it if he had not scrambled off. That was how he came to leave his club, and some of his darts too, as he tells me, which I dare say helped to put you on our track; though how you kept on it is more than I can tell. I don’t feel no malice against you for it. But it does seem a queer thing," he added, with a bitter smile, “that I who have a fair claim to nigh upon half a million of money should spend the first half of my life building a breakwater A breakwater is a barrier built on a beach to the force of waves, to protect a harbor. See entry on the Andaman Islands and Ross Island Penal Colony. in the Andamans, and am like to spend the other half digging drains at Dartmoor. It was an evil day for me when first I clapped eyes upon the merchant Achmet and had to do with the Agra treasure, which never brought anything but a curse yet upon the man who owned it. To him it brought murder, to Major Sholto it brought fear and guilt, to me it has meant slavery for life." At this moment Athelney Jones thrust his broad face and heavy shoulders into the tiny cabin. “Quite a family party," he remarked. “I think I shall have a pull at that flask, Holmes. Well, I think we may all congratulate each other. Pity we didn’t take the other alive; but there was no choice. I say, Holmes, you must confess that you cut it rather fine. It was all we could do to overhaul her." “All is well that ends well," said Holmes. “But I certainly did not know that the Aurora was such a clipper." “Smith says she is one of the fastest launches on the river, and that if he had had another man to help him with the engines we should never have caught her. He swears he knew nothing of this Norwood business." “Neither he did," cried our prisoner,—“not a word. I chose his launch because I heard that she was a flier. We told him nothing, but we paid him well, and he was to get something handsome if we reached our vessel, the Esmeralda, at Gravesend, outward bound for the Brazils." “Well, if he has done no wrong we shall see that no wrong comes to him. If we are pretty quick in catching our men, we are not so quick in condemning them." It was amusing to notice how the consequential Jones was already beginning to give himself airs on the strength of the capture. From the slight smile which played over Sherlock Holmes’s face, I could see that the speech had not been lost upon him. 205 “We will be at Vauxhall Bridge presently," said Jones, “and shall land you, Dr. Watson, with the treasure-box. I need hardly tell you that I am taking a very grave responsibility upon myself in doing this. It is most irregular; but of course an agreement is an agreement. I must, however, as a matter of duty, send an inspector with you, since you have so valuable a charge. You will drive, no doubt?" “Yes, I shall drive." “It is a pity there is no key, that we may make an inventory first. You will have to break it open. Where is the key, my man?" “At the bottom of the river," said Small, shortly. “Hum! There was no use your giving this unnecessary trouble. We have had work enough already through you. However, doctor, I need not warn you to be careful. Bring the box back with you to the Baker Street rooms. You will find us there, on our way to the station." They landed me at Vauxhall, with my heavy iron box, and with a bluff, genial inspector as my companion. A quarter of an hour’s drive brought us to Mrs. Cecil Forrester’s. The servant seemed surprised at so late a visitor. Mrs. Cecil Forrester was out for the evening, she explained, and likely to be very late. Miss , however, was in the drawing-room: so to the drawing-room I went, box in hand, leaving the obliging inspector in the cab. She was seated by the open window, dressed in some sort of white diaphanous material, with a little touch of scarlet at the neck and waist. The soft light of a shaded lamp fell upon her as she leaned back in the basket chair, playing over her sweet, grave face, and tinting with a dull, metallic sparkle the rich coils of her luxuriant hair. One white arm and hand drooped over the side of the chair, and her whole pose and figure spoke of an absorbing melancholy. At the sound of my foot-fall she sprang to her feet, however, and a bright flush of surprise and of pleasure coloured her pale cheeks. “I heard a cab drive up," she said. “I thought that Mrs. Forrester had come back very early, but I never dreamed that it might be you. What news have you brought me?" “I have brought something better than news," said I, putting down the box upon the table and speaking jovially and boisterously, though my heart was heavy within me. “I have brought you something which is worth all the news in the world. I have brought you a fortune." She glanced at the iron box. “Is that the treasure, then?" she asked, coolly enough. “Yes, this is the great Agra treasure. Half of it is yours and half is Thaddeus Sholto’s. You will have a couple of hundred thousand each. Think of that! An annuity of ten thousand pounds. There will be few richer young ladies in England. Is it not glorious?" I think that I must have been rather overacting my delight, and that she detected a hollow ring in my congratulations, for I saw her eyebrows rise a little, and she glanced at me curiously. “If I have it," said she, “I owe it to you." “No, no," I answered, “not to me, but to my friend Sherlock 205 Holmes. With all the will in the world, I could never have followed up a clue which has taxed even his analytical genius. As it was, we very nearly lost it at the last moment." “Pray sit down and tell me all about it, Dr. Watson," said she. I narrated briefly what had occurred since I had seen her last,—Holmes’s new method of search, the discovery of the Aurora, the appearance of Athelney Jones, our expedition in the evening, and the wild chase down the Thames. She listened with parted lips and shining eyes to my recital of our adventures. When I spoke of the dart which had so narrowly missed us, she turned so white that I feared that she was about to faint. “It is nothing," she said, as I hastened to pour her out some water. “I am all right again. It was a shock to me to hear that I had placed my friends in such horrible peril." “That is all over," I answered. “It was nothing. I will tell you no more gloomy details. Let us turn to something brighter. There is the treasure. What could be brighter than that? I got leave to bring it with me, thinking that it would interest you to be the first to see it." “It would be of the greatest interest to me," she said. There was no eagerness in her voice, however. It had struck her, doubtless, that it might seem ungracious upon her part to be indifferent to a prize which had cost so much to win. “What a pretty box!" she said, stooping over it. “This is Indian work, I suppose?" “Yes; it is Benares metal-work Benares brass comes from the city of Benares (today known as Varanasi), India, which is a region rich in copper. This image, from The British Museum, shows a 19th-century vessel made from Benares brass.." “And so heavy!" she exclaimed, trying to raise it. “The box alone must be of some value. Where is the key?" “Small threw it into the Thames," I answered. “I must borrow Mrs. Forrester’s poker." There was in the front a thick and broad hasp, wrought in the image of a sitting Buddha. Under this I thrust the end of the poker and twisted it outward as a lever. The hasp sprang open with a loud snap. With trembling fingers I flung back the lid. We both stood gazing in astonishment. The box was empty! No wonder that it was heavy. The iron-work was two-thirds of an inch thick all round. It was massive, well made, and solid, like a chest constructed to carry things of great price, but not one shred or crumb of metal or jewelry lay within it. It was absolutely and completely empty. “The treasure is lost," said Miss, calmly. As I listened to the words and realised what they meant, a great shadow seemed to pass from my soul. I did not know how this Agra treasure had weighed me down, until now that it was finally removed. It was selfish, no doubt, disloyal, wrong, but I could realise nothing save that the golden barrier was gone from between us. “Thank God!" I ejaculated from my very heart. She looked at me with a quick, questioning smile. “Why do you say that?" she asked. “Because you are within my reach again," I said, taking her hand. She did not withdraw it. “Because I love you, Mary, as truly as ever a man loved a woman. Because this treasure, these riches, sealed my 207 lips. Now that they are gone I can tell you how I love you. That is why I said, ‘Thank God.’" “Then I say, ‘Thank God,’ too," she whispered, as I drew her to my side. Whoever had lost a treasure, I knew that night that I had gained one. CHAPTER XII. THE STRANGE STORY OF JONATHAN SMALL. A very patient man was that inspector in the cab, for it was a weary time before I rejoined him. His face clouded over when I showed him the empty box. “There goes the reward!" said he, gloomily. “Where there is no money there is no pay. This night’s work would have been worth a tenner each to Sam Brown and me if the treasure had been there." “Mr. Thaddeus Sholto is a rich man," I said. “He will see that you are rewarded, treasure or no." The inspector shook his head despondently, however. “It’s a bad job," he repeated; “and so Mr. Athelney Jones will think." His forecast proved to be correct, for the detective looked blank enough when I got to Baker Street and showed him the empty box. They had only just arrived, Holmes, the prisoner, and he, for they had changed their plans so far as to report themselves at a station upon the way. My companion lounged in his arm-chair with his usual listless expression, while Small sat stolidly opposite to him with his wooden leg cocked over his sound one. As I exhibited the empty box he leaned back in his chair and laughed aloud. “This is your doing, Small," said Athelney Jones, angrily. “Yes, I have put it away where you shall never lay hand upon it," he cried, exultantly. “It is my treasure; and if I can’t have the loot I’ll take darned good care that no one else does. I tell you that no living man has any right to it, unless it is three men who are in the Andaman convict-barracks and myself. I know now that I cannot have the use of it, and I know that they cannot. I have acted all through for them as much as for myself. It’s been the sign of four with us always. Well I know that they would have had me do just what I have done, and throw the treasure into the Thames rather than let it go to kith or kin of Sholto or of . It was not to make them rich that we did for Achmet. You’ll find the treasure where the key is, and where little Tonga is. When I saw that your launch must catch us, I put the loot away in a safe place. There are no rupee A rupee is a unit of money in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Mauritius, and the Seychelles. (OED) for you this journey." “You are deceiving us, Small," said Athelney Jones, sternly. “If you had wished to throw the treasure into the Thames it would have been easier for you to have thrown box and all." “Easier for me to throw, and easier for you to recover," he answered, with a shrewd, sidelong look. “The man that was clever enough to hunt me down is clever enough to pick an iron box from the bottom of a river. Now that they are scattered over five miles or so, 208 it may be a harder job. It went to my heart to do it, though. I was half mad when you came up with us. However, there’s no good grieving over it. I’ve had ups in my life, and I’ve had downs, but I’ve learned not to cry over spilled milk." “This is a very serious matter, Small," said the detective. “If you had helped justice, instead of thwarting it in this way, you would have had a better chance at your trial." “Justice!" snarled the ex-convict. “A pretty justice! Whose loot is this, if it is not ours? Where is the justice that I should give it up to those who have never earned it? Look how I have earned it! Twenty long years in that fever-ridden swamp, all day at work under the mangrove-tree, all night chained up in the filthy convict-huts, bitten by mosquitoes, racked with ague, bullied by every cursed black-faced policeman who loved to take it out of a white man. That was how I earned the Agra treasure; and you talk to me of justice because I cannot bear to feel that I have paid this price only that another may enjoy it! I would rather swing a score of times, or have one of Tonga’s darts in my hide, than live in a convict’s cell and feel that another man is at his ease in a palace with the money that should be mine." Small had dropped his mask of stoicism, and all this came out in a wild whirl of words, while his eyes blazed, and the handcuffs clanked together with the impassioned movement of his hands. I could understand, as I saw the fury and the passion of the man, that it was no groundless or unnatural terror which had possessed Major Sholto when he first learned that the injured convict was upon his track. “You forget that we know nothing of all this," said Holmes quietly. “We have not heard your story, and we cannot tell how far justice may originally have been on your side." “Well, sir, you have been very fair-spoken to me, though I can see that I have you to thank that I have these bracelets upon my wrists. Still, I bear no grudge for that. It is all fair and above-board. If you want to hear my story I have no wish to hold it back. What I say to you is God’s truth, every word of it. Thank you; you can put the glass beside me here, and I’ll put my lips to it if I am dry. “I am a Worcestershire man myself,—born near Pershore. I dare say you would find a heap of Smalls living there now if you were to look. I have often thought of taking a look round there, but the truth is that I was never much of a credit to the family, and I doubt if they would be so very glad to see me. They were all steady, chapel-going folk, small farmers, well-known and respected over the country-side, while I was always a bit of a rover. At last, however, when I was about eighteen, I gave them no more trouble, for I got into a mess over a girl, and could only get out of it again by taking the Queen’s shillingTo "take the Queen's shilling"--or the King's--refers to the initial payment made to those who were recruited to serve in the army or navy. Often, those recruited were in poverty, and so this inducement was later seen as a sign of impressment. According to Wikipedia, the practice is very old, but being associated unwilling recruitment, it was stopped in 1879. and joining the 3rd Buffs According to the UK National Army Museum, the Buffs was one of the first regiments in the British Army, originating in 1577, and serving for 17 years in India during the 19th century. The Buffs merged and now are part of The Queen's Own Buffs, The Royal Kent Regiment. To read , see The National Army Museum., which was just starting for India. “I wasn’t destined to do much soldiering, however. I had just got past the goose-step, and learned to handle my musket, when I was fool enough to go swimming in the Ganges. Luckily for me, my company sergeant, John Holder, was in the water at the same time, and he was one of the finest swimmers in the service. A crocodile took me, just as 209 I was half-way across, and nipped off my right leg as clean as a surgeon could have done it, just above the knee. What with the shock and the loss of blood, I fainted, and should have drowned if Holder had not caught hold of me and paddled for the bank. I was five months in hospital over it, and when at last I was able to limp out of it with this timber toe strapped to my stump I found myself invalided out of the army and unfitted for any active occupation. “I was, as you can imagine, pretty down on my luck at this time, for I was a useless cripple though not yet in my twentieth year. However, my misfortune soon proved to be a blessing in disguise. A man named Abel White, who had come out there as an indigo-planter Indigo refers to a dye-like substance created from the powder of Indigofera plants (OED). In British India, indigo plantations were greatly expanded because of the demand for the dye in western Europe, leading to the exploitation of those who worked the land. To learn more about the cultivation of indigo, see this film from the National Council of Science Museums, India., wanted an overseer to look after his coolies and keep them up to their work. He happened to be a friend of our colonel’s, who had taken an interest in me since the accident. To make a long story short, the colonel recommended me strongly for the post and, as the work was mostly to be done on horseback, my leg was no great obstacle, for I had enough knee left to keep good grip on the saddle. What I had to do was to ride over the plantation, to keep an eye on the men as they worked, and to report the idlers. The pay was fair, I had comfortable quarters, and altogether I was content to spend the remainder of my life in indigo-planting. Mr. Abel White was a kind man, and he would often drop into my little shanty and smoke a pipe with me, for white folk out there feel their hearts warm to each other as they never do here at home. “Well, I was never in luck’s way long. Suddenly, without a note of warning, the great mutiny The Indian Mutiny of 1857, also referred to as the Rebellion, was an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow British rulers in colonial India. It began with the uprising of Indian troops (sepoys) against the British East India Company, ultimately resulting in direct rule by the British raj for the following century. It is also referred to as the First War of Independence in India. To learn more about this historical event, see Britannica. broke upon us. One month India lay as still and peaceful, to all appearance, as Surrey or Kent; the next there were two hundred thousand black devils let loose, and the country was a perfect hell. Of course you know all about it, gentlemen,—a deal more than I do, very like, since reading is not in my line. I only know what I saw with my own eyes. Our plantation was at a place called Muttra, near the border of the Northwest Provinces. Night after night the whole sky was alight with bungalows A 19th century bungalow in India was typically a one-story building that sit on a large, landscaped compound. The construction of Bungalows was rooted to British military engineers who wanted to standardize permanent dwellings for the East India Company. To learn more about this imperial architecture, check out Architectural Review., and day after day we had small companies of Europeans passing through our estate with their wives and children, on their way to Agra, where were the nearest troops. Mr. Abel White was an obstinate man. He had it in his head that the affair had been exaggerated, and that it would blow over as suddenly as it had sprung up. There he sat on his veranda, drinking whiskey-pegs and smoking cheroots, while the country was in a blaze about him. Of course we stuck by him, I and Dawson, who, with his wife, used to do the book-work and the managing. Well, one fine day the crash came. I had been away on a distant plantation, and was riding slowly home in the evening, when my eye fell upon something all huddled together at the bottom of a steep nullah. I rode down to see what it was, and the cold struck through my heart when I found it was Dawson’s wife, all cut into ribbons, and half eaten by jackals and native dogs. A little further up the road Dawson himself was lying on his face, quite dead, with an empty revolver in his hand and four greg.gillespie (edited) Sep 6 Sepoys A sepoy is a native Indian who serves as a soldier in the British army. (OED). lying across each other in front of him. I reined up my horse, wondering which way I should turn, but at that moment I saw thick smoke curling up from Abel White’s bungalow and the flames beginning to burst through the roof. 210 I knew then that I could do my employer no good, but would only throw my own life away if I meddled in the matter. From where I stood I could see hundreds of the black fiends, with their red coats still on their backs, dancing and howling round the burning house. Some of them pointed at me, and a couple of bullets sang past my head; so I broke away across the paddy-fields, and found myself late at night safe within the walls at Agra. “As it proved, however, there was no great safety there, either. The whole country was up like a swarm of bees. Wherever the English could collect in little bands they held just the ground that their guns commanded. Everywhere else they were helpless fugitives. It was a fight of the millions against the hundreds; and the cruellest part of it was that these men that we fought against, foot, horse, and gunners, were our own picked troops, whom we had taught and trained, handling our own weapons, and blowing our own bugle-calls. At Agra there were the 3rd Bengal Fusiliers, some Sikhs A Sikh is a person who follows Sikhism, a monotheistic religion which originated in the Punjab region of India in the 15h century. During the 19th century, the British Army recruited a number Sikhs, who remained loyal to them during the 1857 rebellion and decades afterwards. To read more about these people, see Wikipedia. , two troops of horse, and a battery of artillery. A volunteer corps of clerks and merchants had been formed, and this I joined, wooden leg and all. We went out to meet the rebels at Shahgunge early in July, and we beat them back for a time, but our powder gave out, and we had to fall back upon the city. “Nothing but the worst news came to us from every side,—which is not to be wondered at, for if you look at the map you will see that we were right in the heart of it. Lucknow is rather better than a hundred miles to the east, and Cawnpore about as far to the south. From every point on the compass there was nothing but torture and murder and outrage. “The city of Agra is a great place, swarming with fanatics and fierce devil-worshippers of all sorts. Our handful of men were lost among the narrow, winding streets. Our leader moved across the river, therefore, and took up his position in the old fort at Agra The historical fort in Agra, India, was bult in 1565-1573 for Mughal Emperor Akbar, and used as the main residence for rulers until 1638, when the capital shifted to Delhi. Agra Fort was the site of the 1857 rebellion, which resulted in the end of the British East India Company's ruling of India, instead turning into direct rule. To read more about this fort, see Wikipedia.. I don’t know if any of you gentlemen have ever read or heard anything of that old fort. It is a very queer place,—the queerest that ever I was in, and I have been in some rum corners, too. First of all, it is enormous in size. I should think that the enclosure must be acres and acres. There is a modern part, which took all our garrison, women, children, stores, and everything else, with plenty of room over. But the modern part is nothing like the size of the old quarter, where nobody goes, and which is given over to the scorpions and the centipedes. It is all full of great deserted halls, and winding passages, and long corridors twisting in and out, so that it is easy enough for folk to get lost in it. For this reason it was seldom that any one went into it, though now and again a party with torches might go exploring. “The river washes along the front of the old fort, and so protects it, but on the sides and behind there are many doors, and these had to be guarded, of course, in the old quarter as well as in that which was actually held by our troops. We were short-handed, with hardly men enough to man the angles of the building and to serve the guns. It was impossible for us, therefore, to station a strong guard at every one of the innumerable gates. What we did was to organise a central guard-house in the middle of the fort, and to leave each gate under the charge of one white man and two or three natives. I was selected to 211 take charge during certain hours of the night of a small isolated door upon the southwest side of the building. Two Sikh troopers were placed under my command, and I was instructed if anything went wrong to fire my musket, when I might rely upon help coming at once from the central guard. As the guard was a good two hundred paces away, however, and as the space between was cut up into a labyrinth of passages and corridors, I had great doubts as to whether they could arrive in time to be of any use in case of an actual attack. “Well, I was pretty proud at having this small command given me, since I was a raw recruit, and a game-legged one at that. For two nights I kept the watch with my Punjaubees. They were tall, fierce-looking chaps, Mahomet Singh and Abdullah Khan by name, both old fighting-men who had borne arms against us at Chilian-wallah. They could talk English pretty well, but I could get little out of them. They preferred to stand together and jabber all night in their queer Sikh lingo. For myself, I used to stand outside the gateway, looking down on the broad, winding river and on the twinkling lights of the great city. The beating of drums, the rattle of tomtoms, and the yells and howls of the rebels, drunk with opium and with bang, were enough to remind us all night of our dangerous neighbours across the stream. Every two hours the officer of the night used to come round to all the posts, to make sure that all was well. “The third night of my watch was dark and dirty, with a small, driving rain. It was dreary work standing in the gateway hour after hour in such weather. I tried again and again to make my Sikhs talk, but without much success. At two in the morning the rounds passed, and broke for a moment the weariness of the night. Finding that my companions would not be led into conversation, I took out my pipe, and laid down my musket to strike the match. In an instant the two Sikhs were upon me. One of them snatched my firelock up and levelled it at my head, while the other held a great knife to my throat and swore between his teeth that he would plunge it into me if I moved a step. “My first thought was that these fellows were in league with the rebels, and that this was the beginning of an assault. If our door were in the hands of the Sepoys the place must fall, and the women and children be treated as they were in Cawnpore. Maybe you gentlemen think that I am just making out a case for myself, but I give you my word that when I thought of that, though I felt the point of the knife at my throat, I opened my mouth with the intention of giving a scream, if it was my last one, which might alarm the main guard. The man who held me seemed to know my thoughts; for, even as I braced myself to it, he whispered, ‘Don’t make a noise. The fort is safe enough. There are no rebel dogs on this side of the river.’ There was the ring of truth in what he said, and I knew that if I raised my voice I was a dead man. I could read it in the fellow’s brown eyes. I waited, therefore, in silence, to see what it was that they wanted from me. “‘Listen to me, Sahib,’ said the taller and fiercer of the pair, the one whom they called Abdullah Khan. ‘You must either be with us 212 now or you must be silenced forever. The thing is too great a one for us to hesitate. Either you are heart and soul with us on your oath on the cross of the Christians, or your body this night shall be thrown into the ditch and we shall pass over to our brothers in the rebel army. There is no middle way. Which is it to be, death or life? We can only give you three minutes to decide, for the time is passing, and all must be done before the rounds come again.’ “‘How can I decide?’ said I. ‘You have not told me what you want of me. But I tell you now that if it is anything against the safety of the fort I will have no truck with it, so you can drive home your knife and welcome.’ “‘It is nothing against the fort,’ said he. ‘We only ask you to do that which your countrymen come to this land for. We ask you to be rich. If you will be one of us this night, we will swear to you upon the naked knife, and by the threefold oath which no Sikh was ever known to break, that you shall have your fair share of the loot. A quarter of the treasure shall be yours. We can say no fairer.’ “‘But what is the treasure, then?’ I asked. ‘I am as ready to be rich as you can be, if you will but show me how it can be done.’ “‘You will swear, then,’ said he, ‘by the bones of your father, by the honour of your mother, by the cross of your faith, to raise no hand and speak no word against us, either now or afterwards?’ “‘I will swear it,’ I answered, ‘provided that the fort is not endangered.’ “‘Then my comrade and I will swear that you shall have a quarter of the treasure which shall be equally divided among the four of us.’ “‘There are but three,’ said I. “‘No; Dost Akbar must have his share. We can tell the tale to you while we await them. Do you stand at the gate, Mahomet Singh, and give notice of their coming. The thing stands thus, Sahib, and I tell it to you because I know that an oath is binding upon a Feringhee, and that we may trust you. Had you been a lying Hindoo, though you had sworn by all the gods in their false temples, your blood would have been upon the knife, and your body in the water. But the Sikh knows the Englishman, and the Englishman knows the Sikh. Hearken, then, to what I have to say. “‘There is a rajah A rajah is an Indian king or prince (OED). in the northern provinces who has much wealth, though his lands are small. Much has come to him from his father, and more still he has set by himself, for he is of a low nature and hoards his gold rather than spend it. When the troubles broke out he would be friends both with the lion and the tiger,—with the Sepoy and with the Company's Raj Company Raj refers to the individual appointed by the East India Company to take charge in the area. To read more about this history, see Wikipedia.. Soon, however, it seemed to him that the white men’s day was come, for through all the land he could hear of nothing but of their death and their overthrow. Yet, being a careful man, he made such plans that, come what might, half at least of his treasure should be left to him. That which was in gold and silver he kept by him in the vaults of his palace, but the most precious stones and the choicest pearls that he had he put in an iron box, and sent it by a trusty servant who, under the guise of a merchant, should take it to the fort at Agra, there to lie until the land is at peace. Thus, if the 213 rebels won he would have his money, but if the Company conquered his jewels would be saved to him. Having thus divided his hoard, he threw himself into the cause of the Sepoys, since they were strong upon his borders. By doing this, mark you, Sahib, his property becomes the due of those who have been true to their salt. “‘This pretended merchant, who travels under the name of Achmet, is now in the city of Agra, and desires to gain his way into the fort. He has with him as travelling-companion my foster-brother Dost Akbar, who knows his secret. Dost Akbar has promised this night to lead him to a side-postern of the fort, and has chosen this one for his purpose. Here he will come presently, and here he will find Mahomet Singh and myself awaiting him. The place is lonely, and none shall know of his coming. The world shall know of the merchant Achmet no more, but the great treasure of the rajah shall be divided among us. What say you to it, Sahib?’ “In Worcestershire the life of a man seems a great and a sacred thing; but it is very different when there is fire and blood all round you and you have been used to meeting death at every turn. Whether Achmet the merchant lived or died was a thing as light as air to me, but at the talk about the treasure my heart turned to it, and I thought of what I might do in the old country with it, and how my folk would stare when they saw their ne’er-do-well coming back with his pockets full of gold moidores A moidore is a Portuguese gold coin from the 18th century. (OED). I had, therefore, already made up my mind. Abdullah Khan, however, thinking that I hesitated, pressed the matter more closely. “‘Consider, Sahib,’ said he, ‘that if this man is taken by the commandant he will be hung or shot, and his jewels taken by the government, so that no man will be a rupee the better for them. Now, since we do the taking of him, why should we not do the rest as well? The jewels will be as well with us as in the Company’s coffers. There will be enough to make every one of us rich men and great chiefs. No one can know about the matter, for here we are cut off from all men. What could be better for the purpose? Say again, then, Sahib, whether you are with us, or if we must look upon you as an enemy.’ “‘I am with you heart and soul,’ said I. “‘It is well,’ he answered, handing me back my firelock. ‘You see that we trust you, for your word, like ours, is not to be broken. We have now only to wait for my brother and the merchant.’ “‘Does your brother know, then, of what you will do?’ I asked. “‘The plan is his. He has devised it. We will go to the gate and share the watch with Mahomet Singh.’ “The rain was still falling steadily, for it was just the beginning of the wet season. Brown, heavy clouds were drifting across the sky, and it was hard to see more than a stone-cast. A deep moat lay in front of our door, but the water was in places nearly dried up, and it could easily be crossed. It was strange to me to be standing there with those two wild Punjaubees waiting for the man who was coming to his death. “Suddenly my eye caught the glint of a shaded lantern at the other side of the moat. It vanished among the mound-heaps, and then appeared again coming slowly in our direction. 214 “‘Here they are!’ I exclaimed. “‘You will challenge him, Sahib, as usual,’ whispered Abdullah. ‘Give him no cause for fear. Send us in with him, and we shall do the rest while you stay here on guard. Have the lantern ready to uncover, that we may be sure that it is indeed the man.’ “The light had flickered onwards, now stopping and now advancing, until I could see two dark figures upon the other side of the moat. I let them scramble down the sloping bank, splash through the mire, and climb half-way up to the gate, before I challenged them. “‘Who goes there?’ said I, in a subdued voice. “‘Friends,’ came the answer. I uncovered my lantern and threw a flood of light upon them. The first was an enormous Sikh, with a black beard which swept nearly down to his cummerbund. Outside of a show I have never seen so tall a man. The other was a little, fat, round fellow, with a great yellow turban, and a bundle in his hand, done up in a shawl. He seemed to be all in a quiver with fear, for his hands twitched as if he had the ague, and his head kept turning to left and right with two bright little twinkling eyes, like a mouse when he ventures out from his hole. It gave me the chills to think of killing him, but I thought of the treasure, and my heart set as hard as a flint within me. When he saw my white face he gave a little chirrup of joy and came running up towards me. “‘Your protection, Sahib,’ he panted,—‘your protection for the unhappy merchant Achmet. I have travelled across Rajpootana that I might seek the shelter of the fort at Agra. I have been robbed and beaten and abused because I have been the friend of the Company. It is a blessed night this when I am once more in safety,—I and my poor possessions.’ “‘What have you in the bundle?’ I asked. “‘An iron box,’ he answered, ‘which contains one or two little family matters which are of no value to others, but which I should be sorry to lose. Yet I am not a beggar; and I shall reward you, young Sahib, and your governor also, if he will give me the shelter I ask.’ “I could not trust myself to speak longer with the man. The more I looked at his fat, frightened face, the harder did it seem that we should slay him in cold blood. It was best to get it over. “‘Take him to the main guard,’ said I. The two Sikhs closed in upon him on each side, and the giant walked behind, while they marched in through the dark gateway. Never was a man so compassed round with death. I remained at the gateway with the lantern. “I could hear the measured tramp of their footsteps sounding through the lonely corridors. Suddenly it ceased, and I heard voices, and a scuffle, with the sound of blows. A moment later there came, to my horror, a rush of footsteps coming in my direction, with the loud breathing of a running man. I turned my lantern down the long, straight passage, and there was the fat man, running like the wind, with a smear of blood across his face, and close at his heels, bounding like a tiger, the great black-bearded Sikh, with a knife flashing in his hand. I have never seen a man run so fast as that little merchant. He was gaining on the Sikh, and I could see that if he once passed 215 me and got to the open air he would save himself yet. My heart softened to him, but again the thought of his treasure turned me hard and bitter. I cast my firelock between his legs as he raced past, and he rolled twice over like a shot rabbit. Ere he could stagger to his feet the Sikh was upon him, and buried his knife twice in his side. The man never uttered moan nor moved muscle, but lay were he had fallen. I think myself that he may have broken his neck with the fall. You see, gentlemen, that I am keeping my promise. I am telling you every work of the business just exactly as it happened, whether it is in my favour or not." He stopped, and held out his manacled hands for the whiskey-and-water which Holmes had brewed for him. For myself, I confess that I had now conceived the utmost horror of the man, not only for this cold-blooded business in which he had been concerned, but even more for the somewhat flippant and careless way in which he narrated it. Whatever punishment was in store for him, I felt that he might expect no sympathy from me. Sherlock Holmes and Jones sat with their hands upon their knees, deeply interested in the story, but with the same disgust written upon their faces. He may have observed it, for there was a touch of defiance in his voice and manner as he proceeded. “It was all very bad, no doubt," said he. “I should like to know how many fellows in my shoes would have refused a share of this loot when they knew that they would have their throats cut for their pains. Besides, it was my life or his when once he was in the fort. If he had got out, the whole business would come to light, and I should have been court-martialled and shot as likely as not; for people were not very lenient at a time like that." “Go on with your story," said Holmes, shortly. “Well, we carried him in, Abdullah, Akbar, and I. A fine weight he was, too, for all that he was so short. Mahomet Singh was left to guard the door. We took him to a place which the Sikhs had already prepared. It was some distance off, where a winding passage leads to a great empty hall, the brick walls of which were all crumbling to pieces. The earth floor had sunk in at one place, making a natural grave, so we left Achmet the merchant there, having first covered him over with loose bricks. This done, we all went back to the treasure. “It lay where he had dropped it when he was first attacked. The box was the same which now lies open upon your table. A key was hung by a silken cord to that carved handle upon the top. We opened it, and the light of the lantern gleamed upon a collection of gems such as I have read of and thought about when I was a little lad at Pershore. It was blinding to look upon them. When we had feasted our eyes we took them all out and made a list of them. There were one hundred and forty-three diamonds of the first water, including one which has been called, I believe, ‘‘the Great Mogul’ The Great Mogul Diamond is the 3rd biggest diamond from India, brought to Iran in the 18th century by the Persian shah Nadir, weighing about 787 karats. Read more on the Dictionary of Gems and Gemology. ’ and is said to be the second largest stone in existence. Then there were ninety-seven very fine emeralds, and one hundred and seventy rubies, some of which, however, were small. There were forty carbuncles, two hundred and ten sapphires, sixty-one agates, and a great quantity of beryls, onyxes, cats’-eyes, turquoises, and other stones, the very names of which I did not 216 know at the time, though I have become more familiar with them since. Besides this, there were nearly three hundred very fine pearls, twelve of which were set in a gold coronet. By the way, these last had been taken out of the chest and were not there when I recovered it. “After we had counted our treasures we put them back into the chest and carried them to the gateway to show them to Mahomet Singh. Then we solemnly renewed our oath to stand by each other and be true to our secret. We agreed to conceal our loot in a safe place until the country should be at peace again, and then to divide it equally among ourselves. There was no use dividing it at present, for if gems of such value were found upon us it would cause suspicion, and there was no privacy in the fort nor any place where we could keep them. We carried the box, therefore, into the same hall where we had buried the body, and there, under certain bricks in the best-preserved wall, we made a hollow and put our treasure. We made careful note of the place, and next day I drew four plans, one for each of us, and put the sign of the four of us at the bottom, for we had sworn that we should each always act for all, so that none might take advantage. That is an oath that I can put my hand to my heart and swear that I have never broken. “Well, there’s no use my telling you gentlemen what came of the Indian mutiny. After Wilson took Delhi and Sir Colin relieved Lucknow the back of the business was broken. Fresh troops came pouring in, and Nana Sahib made himself scarce over the frontier. A flying column under Colonel Greathed came round to Agra and cleared the Pandies A pandy (plural: pandies), refers to Indian soldiers who took part in the rebellion of 1857, named after Mangal Pandey, who played a significant role in it. To read more, see Wikipedia. The term is used in a derogatory way. away from it. Peace seemed to be settling upon the country, and we four were beginning to hope that the time was at hand when we might safely go off with our shares of the plunder. In a moment, however, our hopes were shattered by our being arrested as the murderers of Achmet. “It came about in this way. When the rajah put his jewels into the hands of Achmet he did it because he knew that he was a trusty man. They are suspicious folk in the East, however: so what does this rajah do but take a second even more trusty servant and set him to play the spy upon the first? This second man was ordered never to let Achmet out of his sight, and he followed him like his shadow. He went after him that night and saw him pass through the doorway. Of course he thought he had taken refuge in the fort, and applied for admission there himself next day, but could find no trace of Achmet. This seemed to him so strange that he spoke about it to a sergeant of guides, who brought it to the ears of the commandant. A thorough search was quickly made, and the body was discovered. Thus at the very moment that we thought that all was safe we were all four seized and brought to trial on a charge of murder,—three of us because we had held the gate that night, and the fourth because he was known to have been in the company of the murdered man. Not a word about the jewels came out at the trial, for the rajah had been deposed and driven out of India: so no one had any particular interest in them. The murder, however, was clearly made out, and it was certain that we must all have been concerned in it. The three Sikhs got penal servitude 217 for life, and I was condemned to death, though my sentence was afterwards commuted into the same as the others. “It was rather a queer position that we found ourselves in then. There we were all four tied by the leg and with precious little chance of ever getting out again, while we each held a secret which might have put each of us in a palace if we could only have made use of it. It was enough to make a man eat his heart out to have to stand the kick and the cuff of every petty jack-in-office, to have rice to eat and water to drink, when that gorgeous fortune was ready for him outside, just waiting to be picked up. It might have driven me mad; but I was always a pretty stubborn one, so I just held on and bided my time. “At last it seemed to me to have come. I was changed from Agra to Madras, and from there to Blair Island in the Andamans. There are very few white convicts at this settlement, and, as I had behaved well from the first, I soon found myself a sort of privileged person. I was given a hut in Hope Town, which is a small place on the slopes of Mount Harriet, and I was left pretty much to myself. It is a dreary, fever-stricken place, and all beyond our little clearings was infested with wild cannibal natives, who were ready enough to blow a poisoned dart at us if they saw a chance. There was digging, and ditching, and yam-planting, and a dozen other things to be done, so we were busy enough all day; though in the evening we had a little time to ourselves. Among other things, I learned to dispense drugs for the surgeon, and picked up a smattering of his knowledge. All the time I was on the lookout for a chance of escape; but it is hundreds of miles from any other land, and there is little or no wind in those seas: so it was a terribly difficult job to get away. “The surgeon, Dr. Somerton, was a fast, sporting young chap, and the other young officers would meet in his rooms of an evening and play cards. The surgery, where I used to make up my drugs, was next to his sitting-room, with a small window between us. Often, if I felt lonesome, I used to turn out the lamp in the surgery, and then, standing there, I could hear their talk and watch their play. I am fond of a hand at cards myself, and it was almost as good as having one to watch the others. There was Major Sholto, Captain , and Lieutenant Bromley Brown, who were in command of the native troops, and there was the surgeon himself, and two or three prison-officials, crafty old hands who played a nice sly safe game. A very snug little party they used to make. “Well, there was one thing which very soon struck me, and that was that the soldiers used always to lose and the civilians to win. Mind, I don’t say that there was anything unfair, but so it was. These prison-chaps had done little else than play cards ever since they had been at the Andamans, and they knew each other’s game to a point, while the others just played to pass the time and threw their cards down anyhow. Night after night the soldiers got up poorer men, and the poorer they got the more keen they were to play. Major Sholto was the hardest hit. He used to pay in notes and gold at first, but soon it came to notes of hand and for big sums. He sometimes would win for a few deals, just to give him heart, and then the luck would set in 218 against him worse than ever. All day he would wander about as black as thunder, and he took to drinking a deal more than was good for him. “One night he lost even more heavily than usual. I was sitting in my hut when he and Captain came stumbling along on the way to their quarters. They were bosom friends, those two, and never far apart. The major was raving about his losses. “‘It’s all up, ,’ he was saying, as they passed my hut. ‘I shall have to send in my papers. I am a ruined man.’ “‘Nonsense, old chap!’ said the other, slapping him upon the shoulder. ‘I’ve had a nasty facer myself, but—’ That was all I could hear, but it was enough to set me thinking. “A couple of days later Major Sholto was strolling on the beach: so I took the chance of speaking to him. “‘I wish to have your advice, major,’ said I. “‘Well, Small, what is it?’ he asked, taking his cheroot from his lips. “‘I wanted to ask you, sir,’ said I, ‘who is the proper person to whom hidden treasure should be handed over. I know where half a million worth lies, and, as I cannot use it myself, I thought perhaps the best thing that I could do would be to hand it over to the proper authorities, and then perhaps they would get my sentence shortened for me.’ “‘Half a million, Small?’ he gasped, looking hard at me to see if I was in earnest. “‘Quite that, sir,—in jewels and pearls. It lies there ready for any one. And the queer thing about it is that the real owner is outlawed and cannot hold property, so that it belongs to the first comer.’ “‘To government, Small,’ he stammered,—‘to government.’ But he said it in a halting fashion, and I knew in my heart that I had got him. “‘You think, then, sir, that I should give the information to the Governor-General?’ said I, quietly. “‘Well, well, you must not do anything rash, or that you might repent. Let me hear all about it, Small. Give me the facts.’ “I told him the whole story, with small changes so that he could not identify the places. When I had finished he stood stock still and full of thought. I could see by the twitch of his lip that there was a struggle going on within him. “‘This is a very important matter, Small,’ he said, at last. ‘You must not say a word to any one about it, and I shall see you again soon.’ “Two nights later he and his friend Captain came to my hut in the dead of the night with a lantern. “‘I want you just to let Captain hear that story from your own lips, Small,’ said he. “I repeated it as I had told it before. “‘It rings true, eh?’ said he. ‘It’s good enough to act upon?’ “Captain nodded. “‘Look here, Small,’ said the major. ‘We have been talking it over, my friend here and I, and we have come to the conclusion that 219 this secret of yours is hardly a government matter, after all, but is a private concern of your own, which of course you have the power of disposing of as you think best. Now, the question is, what price would you ask for it? We might be inclined to take it up, and at least look into it, if we could agree as to terms.’ He tried to speak in a cool, careless way, but his eyes were shining with excitement and greed. “‘Why, as to that, gentlemen,’ I answered, trying also to be cool, but feeling as excited as he did, ‘there is only one bargain which a man in my position can make. I shall want you to help me to my freedom, and to help my three companions to theirs. We shall then take you into partnership, and give you a fifth share to divide between you.’ “‘Hum!’ said he. ‘A fifth share! That is not very tempting.’ “‘It would come to fifty thousand apiece,’ said I. “‘But how can we gain your freedom? You know very well that you ask an impossibility.’ “‘Nothing of the sort,’ I answered. ‘I have thought it all out to the last detail. The only bar to our escape is that we can get no boat fit for the voyage, and no provisions to last us for so long a time. There are plenty of little yachts and yawls at Calcutta or Madras which would serve our turn well. Do you bring one over. We shall engage to get aboard her by night, and if you will drop us on any part of the Indian coast you will have done your part of the bargain.’ “‘If there were only one,’ he said. “‘None or all,’ I answered. ‘We have sworn it. The four of us must always act together.’ “‘You see, ,’ said he, ‘Small is a man of his word. He does not flinch from his friend. I think we may very well trust him.’ “‘It’s a dirty business,’ the other answered. ‘Yet, as you say, the money would save our commissions handsomely.’ “‘Well, Small,’ said the major, ‘we must, I suppose, try and meet you. We must first, of course, test the truth of your story. Tell me where the box is hid, and I shall get leave of absence and go back to India in the monthly relief-boat to inquire into the affair.’ “‘Not so fast,’ said I, growing colder as he got hot. ‘I must have the consent of my three comrades. I tell you that it is four or none with us.’ “‘Nonsense!’ he broke in. ‘What have three black fellows to do with our agreement?’ “‘Black or blue,’ said I, ‘they are in with me, and we all go together.’ “Well, the matter ended by a second meeting, at which Mahomet Singh, Abdullah Khan, and Dost Akbar were all present. We talked the matter over again, and at last we came to an arrangement. We were to provide both the officers with charts of the part of the Agra fort and mark the place in the wall where the treasure was hid. Major Sholto was to go to India to test our story. If he found the box he was to leave it there, to send out a small yacht provisioned for a voyage, which was to lie off Rutland Island, and to which we were to make our way, and finally to return to his duties. Captain was then to apply for leave of absence, to meet us at Agra, and there we 220 were to have a final division of the treasure, he taking the major’s share as well as his own. All this we sealed by the most solemn oaths that the mind could think or the lips utter. I sat up all night with paper and ink, and by the morning I had the two charts all ready, signed with the sign of four,—that is, of Abdullah, Akbar, Mahomet, and myself. “Well, gentlemen, I weary you with my long story, and I know that my friend Mr. Jones is impatient to get me safely stowed in chokey. I’ll make it as short as I can. The villain Sholto went off to India, but he never came back again. Captain showed me his name among a list of passengers in one of the mail-boats very shortly afterwards. His uncle had died, leaving him a fortune, and he had left the army, yet he could stoop to treat five men as he had treated us. went over to Agra shortly afterwards, and found, as we expected, that the treasure was indeed gone. The scoundrel had stolen it all, without carrying out one of the conditions on which we had sold him the secret. From that day I lived only for vengeance. I thought of it by day and I nursed it by night. It became an overpowering, absorbing passion with me. I cared nothing for the law,—nothing for the gallows. To escape, to track down Sholto, to have my hand upon his throat,—that was my one thought. Even the Agra treasure had come to be a smaller thing in my mind than the slaying of Sholto. “Well, I have set my mind on many things in this life, and never one which I did not carry out. But it was weary years before my time came. I have told you that I had picked up something of medicine. One day when Dr. Somerton was down with a fever a little Andaman Islander was picked up by a convict-gang in the woods. He was sick to death, and had gone to a lonely place to die. I took him in hand, though he was as venomous as a young snake, and after a couple of months I got him all right and able to walk. He took a kind of fancy to me then, and would hardly go back to his woods, but was always hanging about my hut. I learned a little of his lingo from him, and this made him all the fonder of me. “Tonga—for that was his name—was a fine boatman, and owned a big, roomy canoe of his own. When I found that he was devoted to me and would do anything to serve me, I saw my chance of escape. I talked it over with him. He was to bring his boat round on a certain night to an old wharf which was never guarded, and there he was to pick me up. I gave him directions to have several gourds of water and a lot of yams, cocoa-nuts, and sweet potatoes. “He was stanch and true, was little Tonga. No man ever had a more faithful mate. At the night named he had his boat at the wharf. As it chanced, however, there was one of the convict-guard down there,—a vile Pathan who had never missed a chance of insulting and injuring me. I had always vowed vengeance, and now I had my chance. It was as if fate had placed him in my way that I might pay my debt before I left the island. He stood on the bank with his back to me, and his carbine on his shoulder. I looked about for a stone to beat out his brains with, but none could I see. Then a queer thought came into my head and showed me where I could lay my hand on a weapon. I 221 sat down in the darkness and unstrapped my wooden leg. With three long hops I was on him. He put his carbine to his shoulder, but I struck him full, and knocked the whole front of his skull in. You can see the split in the wood now where I hit him. We both went down together, for I could not keep my balance, but when I got up I found him still lying quiet enough. I made for the boat, and in an hour we were well out at sea. Tonga had brought all his earthly possessions with him, his arms and his gods. Among other things, he had a long bamboo spear, and some Andaman cocoa-nut matting, with which I made a sort of sail. For ten days we were beating about, trusting to luck, and on the eleventh we were picked up by a trader which was going from Singapore to Jiddah with a cargo of Malay pilgrims. They were a rum crowd According to a BBC News Magazine article10 slang phrases that perfectly sum up their era, "rum" could be used in the criminal beggar world to mean something good, with 120+ possible meanings. , and Tonga and I soon managed to settle down among them. They had one very good quality: they let you alone and asked no questions. “Well, if I were to tell you all the adventures that my little chum and I went through, you would not thank me, for I would have you here until the sun was shining. Here and there we drifted about the world, something always turning up to keep us from London. All the time, however, I never lost sight of my purpose. I would dream of Sholto at night. A hundred times I have killed him in my sleep. At last, however, some three or four years ago, we found ourselves in England. I had no great difficulty in finding where Sholto lived, and I set to work to discover whether he had realised the treasure, or if he still had it. I made friends with someone who could help me,—I name no names, for I don’t want to get any one else in a hole,—and I soon found that he still had the jewels. Then I tried to get at him in many ways; but he was pretty sly, and had always two prize-fighters, besides his sons and his khitmutgar, on guard over him. “One day, however, I got word that he was dying. I hurried at once to the garden, mad that he should slip out of my clutches like that, and, looking through the window, I saw him lying in his bed, with his sons on each side of him. I’d have come through and taken my chance with the three of them, only even as I looked at him his jaw dropped, and I knew that he was gone. I got into his room that same night, though, and I searched his papers to see if there was any record of where he had hidden our jewels. There was not a line, however: so I came away, bitter and savage as a man could be. Before I left I bethought me that if I ever met my Sikh friends again it would be a satisfaction to know that I had left some mark of our hatred; so I scrawled down the sign of the four of us, as it had been on the chart, and I pinned it on his bosom. It was too much that he should be taken to the grave without some token from the men whom he had robbed and befooled. “We earned a living at this time by my exhibiting As the British Empire expanded throughout the 19th century, museums were built to showcase material and cultural items, curiosities, things from nature, etc. for public consumption. This included people from various ethnicities that were unfamiliar to everyday British citizens. To read more about this practice, see "Exhibiting People in the 19th Century" by Sarah Longair . poor Tonga at fairs and other such places as the black cannibal. He would eat raw meat and dance his war-dance: so we always had a hatful of pennies after a day’s work. I still heard all the news from Pondicherry Lodge, and for some years there was no news to hear, except that they were hunting for the treasure. At last, however, came what we had 222 waited for so long. The treasure had been found. It was up at the top of the house, in Mr. Bartholomew Sholto’s chemical laboratory. I came at once and had a look at the place, but I could not see how with my wooden leg I was to make my way up to it. I learned, however, about a trap-door in the roof, and also about Mr. Sholto’s supper-hour. It seemed to me that I could manage the thing easily through Tonga. I brought him out with me with a long rope wound round his waist. He could climb like a cat, and he soon made his way through the roof, but, as ill luck would have it, Bartholomew Sholto was still in the room, to his cost. Tonga thought he had done something very clever in killing him, for when I came up by the rope I found him strutting about as proud as a peacock. Very much surprised was he when I made at him with the rope’s end and cursed him for a little blood-thirsty imp. I took the treasure-box and let it down, and then slid down myself, having first left the sign of the four upon the table, to show that the jewels had come back at last to those who had most right to them. Tonga then pulled up the rope, closed the window, and made off the way that he had come. “I don’t know that I have anything else to tell you. I had heard a waterman speak of the speed of Smith’s launch the Aurora, so I thought she would be a handy craft for our escape. I engaged with old Smith, and was to give him a big sum if he got us safe to our ship. He knew, no doubt, that there was some screw loose, but he was not in our secrets. All this is the truth, and if I tell it to you, gentlemen, it is not to amuse you,—for you have not done me a very good turn,—but it is because I believe the best defence I can make is just to hold back nothing, but let all the world know how badly I have myself been served by Major Sholto, and how innocent I am of the death of his son." “A very remarkable account," said Sherlock Holmes. “A fitting wind-up to an extremely interesting case. There is nothing at all new to me in the latter part of your narrative, except that you brought your own rope. That I did not know. By the way, I had hoped that Tonga had lost all his darts; yet he managed to shoot one at us in the boat." “He had lost them all, sir, except the one which was in his blow-pipe at the time." “Ah, of course," said Holmes. “I had not thought of that." “Is there any other point which you would like to ask about?" asked the convict, affably. “I think not, thank you," my companion answered. “Well, Holmes," said Athelney Jones, “You are a man to be humoured, and we all know that you are a connoisseur of crime, but duty is duty, and I have gone rather far in doing what you and your friend asked me. I shall feel more at ease when we have our story-teller here safe under lock and key. The cab still waits, and there are two inspectors downstairs. I am much obliged to you both for your assistance. Of course you will be wanted at the trial. Good-night to you." “Good-night, gentlemen both," said Jonathan Small. 223 “You first, Small," remarked the wary Jones as they left the room. “I’ll take particular care that you don’t club me with your wooden leg, whatever you may have done to the gentleman at the Andaman Isles." “Well, and there is the end of our little drama," I remarked, after we had set some time smoking in silence. “I fear that it may be the last investigation in which I shall have the chance of studying your methods. Miss has done me the honour to accept me as a husband in prospective in the future (OED)." He gave a most dismal groan. “I feared as much," said he. “I really cannot congratulate you." I was a little hurt. “Have you any reason to be dissatisfied with my choice?" I asked. “Not at all. I think she is one of the most charming young ladies I ever met, and might have been most useful in such work as we have been doing. She had a decided genius that way: witness the way in which she preserved that Agra plan from all the other papers of her father. But love is an emotional thing, and whatever is emotional is opposed to that true cold reason which I place above all things. I should never marry myself, lest I bias my judgment." “I trust," said I, laughing, “that my judgment may survive the ordeal. But you look weary." “Yes, the reaction is already upon me. I shall be as limp as a rag for a week." “Strange," said I, “how terms of what in another man I should call laziness alternate with your fits of splendid energy and vigour." “Yes," he answered, “there are in me the makings of a very fine loafer and also of a pretty spry sort of fellow. I often think of those lines of old Goethe,— Schade dass die Natur nur einen Mensch aus Dir schuf, Denn zum würdigen Mann war und zum Schelmen der Stoff. This quote is often incorrectly attributed to Goethe's Faust. While it is Goethe's language, it is a description of Goethe's friend, Johan Kaspar Lavater, a clergyman. The text translates to "Pity 'tis, when thou wast born, that but one man nature created! / Stuff for a gentleman is, and fro a scoundrel in thee." For the source and translation, see "Goethe and Lavater," The Hibbert Journal (200). “By the way, à propos with regard to (French). (OED) of this Norwood business, you see that they had, as I surmised, a confederate in the house, who could be none other than Lal Rao, the butler: so Jones actually has the undivided honour of having caught one fish in his great haul." “The division seems rather unfair," I remarked. “You have done all the work in this business. I get a wife out of it, Jones gets the credit, pray what remains for you?" “For me," said Sherlock Holmes, “there still remains the cocaine-bottle." And he stretched his long white hand up for it. THE END. Stuart, Charles and Charles Stuart. ARTICLES OF PEACE Between The Most Serene and Mighty PRINCE CHARLES II. By the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. And Several Indian Kings and Queens, etc. Concluded the 29th day of May, 1677. Published by his Majesties Command, Printed by John Bill, Christopher Barker, Thomas Newcomb and Henry Hills, Printers to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty., 1677 , . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [Title Page] ARTICLES OF PEACE Between The Most Serene and Mighty PRINCE CHARLES II. By the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. And Several Indian Kings and Queens, etc. Concluded the 29th day of May, 1677. Published by his Majesties Command. London, Printed by John Bill, Christopher Barker, Thomas Newcomb and Henry Hills, Printers to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty 1677. 3 Articles of Peace between the most Mighty Prince, and our Dread Sovereign Lord CHARLES the Second, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. And the several Indian Kings and Queens, etc. Assenters and Subscribers hereunto, made and concluded at the Camp at Middle Plantation the Twenty ninth day of May 1677. being the day of the most happy Birth and Restauration of our said Sovereign Lord, and in the Nine and twentieth Year of His Majesties Reign, By the Right Honourable Herbert Jefferies Esquire, Lieutenant Governour of His Majesties Colony of Virginia. Present, The Honourable Sir John Berry Knight, and Francis Morison Esq; His most Sacred Majesties Comissioners appointed under the Great Seal of England for the Affairs of Virginia, And The Honourable Council of State of the said Colony. Whereas His most Sacred Majesty hath of His Own Royal Grace and meer Motion Intrusted to my Care and Endeavours the 4 Renewing, Management, and Concluding a good Peace with the Neighbour Indians: In Order whereunto (with the Advice and Assistance of the Honourable Sir John Berry Knight, and Francis Morison Esquire) I have caused to be drawn up these ensuing Articles and Overtures, for the firm Grounding, and sure Establishment of a good and just Peace with the said Indians. And that it may be a Secure and Lasting one (Founded upon the strong Pillars of Reciprocal Justice) by Confirming to them their Just Rights, and by Redress of their Wrongs and Injuries, That so the great God (who is a God of Peace, and lover of Justice) may uphold and prosper this our Mutual League and Amity, It is hereby Concluded, Consented to, and mutually Agreed, as followeth; 5 Artic. I. That the respective Indian Kings and Queens do from henceforth acknowledge to have their immediate Dependency on, and own all Subjection to the Great King of England, our now Dread Sovereign, His Heirs and Sucessors, when they pay their Tribute to His Majesties Governour for the time being. II. That thereupon the said Indian Kings and Queens and their Subjects, shall hold their Lands, and have the same Confirmed to them and their Posterity, by Patent under the Seal of this His Majesties Colony, without any Fee, Gratuity or Reward for the same, in such sort, and in as free and firm manner as others His Majesties Subjects have and enjoy their Lands and Possessions, paying 6 yearly for and in lieu of a Quit Rent, or Acknowledgment for the same, onely Three Indian Arrows. III. That all Indians who are in Amity with Us, and have not Land sufficient to Plant upon, be (upon Information) forthwith provided for, and Land laid out and Confirmed to them as aforesaid, never to be disturbed therein, or taken from them, so long as they own, keep and maintain their due Obedience and Subjection to His Majesty, His Governour and Government, and Amity and Friendship towards the English. IV. Whereas by the mutual Discontents, Complaints, Jealousies and Fears of English and Indians, occasioned by the Violent Intrusions of divers English into their Lands, forcing the Indians by way of Revenge, to kill the Cattel and Hogs of the English, 7 whereby Offence and Injuries being given and done on both sides, the Peace of this His Majesties Colony hath been much disturbed, and the late unhappy Rebellion by this means (in a great measure) begun and fomented, which hath Involved this Countrey into so much Ruine and Misery: For prevention of which Injuries and evil consequences (as much as possibly we may) for time to come; It is hereby Concluded and Established, That no English shall Seat or Plant nearer than Three miles of any Indian Town; and whosoever hath made, or shall make any Incroachment upon their Lands, shall be removed from thence, and proceeded against as by the former Peace made, when the Honourable Colonel Francis Morison was Governour, and the Act of Assembly grounded thereupon, is Provided and Enacted. V. That the said Indians be well Secured and Defended in their Persons, Goods and Properties, 8 against all hurts and injuries of the English; and that upon any breach or violation, hereof the aggrieved Indians do in the first place repair and Address themselves to the Governour, acquainting him therewith (without rashly and suddenly betaking themselves to any Hostile course for Satisfaction) who will Inflict such Punishment on the wilful Infringers hereof, as the Laws of England or this Countrey permit, and as if such hurt or injury had been done to any Englishman; which is but just and reasonable, they owning themselves to be under the Allegiance of His most Sacred Majesty. VI. That no Indian King or Queen be Imprisoned without a special Warrant from His Majesties Governour and Two of the Council, and that no other Indian be Imprisoned without a Warrant from a Justice of Peace, upon sufficient cause of Commitment 9 VII. That the said Indians have and enjoy their wonted conveniences of Oystering, Fishing, and gathering Tuchahoe, Curtenemons, Wild Oats, Rushes, Puckoone, or any thing else (for their natural support) not useful to the English, upon the English Dividends; Always provided they first repair to some Publick Magistrate of good Repute, and inform him of their number and business, who shall not refuse them a Certificate upon this or any other Lawful occasion, so that they make due return thereof when they come back, and go directly home about their business, without wearing or carrying any manner of Weapon, or lodging under any Englishmans Dwelling-house one night. VIII. That no Foreign Indian be suffered to come to any English Plantation without a friendly neighbor Indian in his company with such 10 Certificate as aforesaid: and no Indian King is to refuse to send a safe Conduct with the Foreigner, upon any Lawful occasion of his coming in, and that no Indian do paint or disguise themselves when they come in. IX. That all Indian Kings and Queens Tributary to the English, having notice of any March of strange Indians near the English Quarters or Plantations, do forthwith repair to some one of the next Officers of the Militia, and acquaint him of their Nation, number, and design, and which way they bend their course. X. That if necessary, a convenient Party be presently sent out by the next Colonel of the Militia, to Aid, Strengthen, and joyn with our friendly Indians against any Foreign Attempt, Incursion or Depredation upon the Indian Towns. 11 XI. That every Indian fit to bear Arms, of the Neighbouring Nations in Peace with us, have such quantity of Powder and Shot allotted him, as the Right Honourable the Governour shall think sufficient on any occasion, and that such numbers of them be ready to go out with out Forces upon any March against the Enemy, and to receive such Pay for their good Services, as shall be thought fit. XII. That each Indian King and Queen have equal Power to Govern their own People, and none to have greater Power then other, Except the Queen of Pamunkey, to whom several scattered Nations do now again own their ancient Subjection, and are agreed to come in and Plant themselves under her Power and Government; Who with her, are also hereby included into this present 12 League and Treaty of Peace, and are to keep and observe the same towards the said Queen in all things, as her Subjects, as well as towards the English. XIII. That no person whatsoever shall entertain or keep any Neighbouring Indian as Servant, or otherwise, but by Licence of the Governour, and to be upon Obligation answerable for all Injuries and Damages by him or them happening to be done to any English. XIV. That no English harbour or entertain any Vagrant or Runaway Indian, but convey him home by way of Pass, from Justice to Justice to his own Town, under Penalty of paying so much per day for harbouring him, as by the Law for entertaining of Runaways is recoverable. 13 XV. That no Indian (of those in Amity with us) shall serve for any longer time then English of the like Ages should serve by Act of Assembly, and shall not be sold as Slaves. XVI. That every Indian King and Queen in the Moneth of March every year, with some of their Great Men, shall tender their Obedience to the Right Honourable His Majesties Governour at the place of his Residence, whereever it shall be, and then and there pay the accustomed Tribute of Twenty Beaver Skins to the Governour, and also their Quit-Rent aforesaid, in acknowledgment they hold their Crowns and Lands of the Great King of England. XVII. That due care be had and taken that those Indian Kings and Queens, their Great Men and Attendants that come on any Publick 14 Business to the Right Honourable the Governour, Council or Assembly, may be accommodated with Provisions and Houseroom at the Publick Charge, and that no English Subject shall abuse, revile, hurt or wrong them at any time in word or deed. XVIII. That upon the Discord or Breach of Peace happening to arise between any of the Indians in Amity with the English, upon the first appearance and beginning thereof, and before they enter into any open Acts of Hostility or War one against another, they shall repair to His Majesties Governour, by whose Justice and Wisdom it is concluded such Difference shall be made up and decided, and to whose final Determination the said Indians shall submit and conform themselves. XIX. That for the preventing the frequent mischiefs 15 and mistakes occasioned by unfaithful and corrupt Interpreters, and for the more safety, satisfaction, and advantage both of the Indians and English, That there be one of each Nation of our Neighbouring Indians that can already speak, or may become capable of speaking English, admitted together with those of the English, to be their own Interpreters. XX. That the several Indians concluded in this Peace, do forthwith restore to the respective English Parents and Owners all such Children, Servants and Horses, which they have at any time taken from them, and are now remaining with them the said Indians, or which they can make discovery of. XXI. That the Trade with the said Indians be continued, limited, restrained or laid open, as shall make best for the Peace and Quiet 16 of the Countrey; upon which Affair the Governour will consult with the Council and Assembly, and conclude thereon at their next meeting. The Sign of the Queen of Pamunkey, on behalf of her self and the several Indians under her Subjection. The Sign of the Queen of Waonoke. The Sign of the King of the Nottoways. The Sign of the King of the Nancymond Indians. The Sign of Captain John West. Son to the Queen of Pamunkey. Convenit cum Originali. Test. Tho. Ludwell Secretary. 17 Memorandum the 29th day of May, 1677. That this Instrument of Peace being Read and Expounded to the several Indian Kings and Queens then present (at the Court at Middle Plantation) by Interpreters Sworn truly to perform the same, the said Indian Kings and Queens Signed and delivered the Articles to the Honourable Governour upon their Knees, and received that other part, Signed and Delivered on behalf of the Kings Majesty, in the same posture of kneeling, of their own accords kissing the Paper as they Transferred it from hand to hand to each other, until every one had done the like Mark of Reverence to it, in sign of a most free and joyful acceptance of this Peace concluded with them. At the same time Pericuhtah King of the Appomatucks being then present, did earnestly desire to be admitted to the Signing this Peace with the rest; but he being suspected and Complained of to have Committed by himself or Subjects 18 some Murthers on His Majesties Subjects of England, was not admitted or included into this League at that time, nor is to partake of the benefit of this Peace, before he shall have cleared himself of this Guilt imputed to him, and Committed since His Majesties Commissioners came into Virginia, as they were credibly informed: Which Exemption gave the English general satisfaction, to find there was so just Inquisition made of the Bloud of their Slaughtered Brethren. John Berry, Francis Morison London Printed by John Bill, Christopher Barker, Thomas Newcomb and Henry Hills, Printers to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty 1677. This document, most typically remembered as the “Treaty of Middle Plantation,” after the place where it was ratified (the site of present-day Williamsburg, Virginia) was signed in May 1677 by the governor representing the English colonial government and the leaders of several indigenous tribes, primarily the Pamunkey and Mattaponi, to bring an end to a series of conflicts between the English settlers and the native people of the region. The conflicts are most often referred to as “Bacon’s Rebellion” after its leader Nathaniel Bacon, who in 1676 led attacks against native groups and then an armed uprising against William Berkeley, then the English governor, and his administration. The Rebellion is a complicated and often ugly story, but a key component was that Bacon and the colonists who joined him in rising up against their own government, argued that Berkeley was not sufficiently brutal to the native American population in the area, which Bacon wished to eliminate completely to clear land for settlement. Bacon’s uprising exposed divisions with the colonists between the elite members of the government and the farmers, indentured servants, and also some enslaved African people who fought on Bacon’s side, but also exposed and exacerbated divisions with the local indigenous nations. Bacon and his followers burned the colonial capital of Jamestown down, but he died of unexpectedly of dysentery in October 1676. The rebellion lost its momentum with the loss of its leader. The British government restored order and executed some of the other central figures in the uprising. Berkeley was relieved of his office and went back to England, where he died in July 1677. Charles II sent a commission consisting of John Berry and Francis Morison to investigate the situation, as well as a new governor, Herbert Jeffreys, to replace the discredited Berkeley. The treaty to establish a durable peace was largely negotiated between the commissioners and a group of natives led by the Pamunkey leader Cockacoeske, who had become the most prominent representative of the indigenous people in the region. (We follow convention in identifying the “author” of the treaty as Charles Stuart or Charles II, as all royal proclamations and treaties were credited to him, but the terms were worked out on the ground, using language that followed legal and diplomatic precedent.) Under the terms of the treaty, the native peoples avowed their loyalty to the English crown. In return, the tribes were recognized as sovereign over their own citizens, and were granted various kinds of protection against future attempts at violence against them by English settlers. Colonists were, for example, not allowed to claim any land within three miles of a native village; this in effect established the first reservations for indigenous people in territory that was becoming increasingly dominated by the English. The treaty also consolidated Cockacoeske, the “Queen of Pamunkey” as the leader of the indigenous people of the area, insisting that other tribes declare their allegiance to her. English settlers often ignored the three-mile rule, and Cockacoeske had mixed success in getting other indigenous leaders to acknowledge her authority. But the Treaty of Middle Plantation remains in force to this day. Representatives of the Mattaponi and Pamunky people bring gifts such as turkey and deer to the Governor of Virginia each year, usually around Thanksgiving, in symbolic fulfillment of their obligations for the "tribute" called for by the treaty. In theory, the Treaty of Middle Plantation protected indigenous people from acts of violence and codified their sovereignty, something that Bacon and his followers would not have accepted. But the document is also one of many that marks the long history of the displacement of native people in the Americas from the lands that they had lived on for many centuries. May 29th was indeed the birthday of Charles II, as well as the anniversary of the day that he had been restored to the English throne in 1660. It is impossible to know whether this is a coincidence, or whether the English commissioners planned the treaty signing to occur on a day that they knew that their boss considered to be an auspicious one. Tuckahoe is a generic name for a number of marsh grasses that indigenous people used for food and medicine. Curtunemons is the Pamunkey word for the plant that English speakers usually call "dock"; it's a green that can be used fresh in salads or cooked. A Pamunkey word for a plant that the indigenous people used to make a dye for clothes. Wheatley, Phillis and Phillis Wheatley. "On Being Brought from Africa to America". Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral, Printed for A. Bell, 1773 , p 18 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z 18 On being brought from AFRICA to AMERICA.The title of one Wheatley's most (in)famous poems, "On being brought from AFRICA to AMERICA" alludes to the experiences of many Africans who became subject to the transatlantic slave trade. Wheatley uses biblical references and direct address to appeal to a Christian audience, while also defending the ability of her "sable race" to become "refin'd" through Christian theology. Henry Louis Gates, who in Figures in Black: Words, Signs, and the "Racial" Self (1989) situates Wheatley as an important voice in the eighteenth-century debate about natural human rights, summarizes the "recurrent suggestion that Wheatley has remained aloof from matters that were in any sense racial, or more correctly, 'positively' racial," as a "misreading" (74-75). Notable for the complexity of its brief discussion of blackness in the Christian slaveholding American republic, this poem in particular is frequently criticized for its apparent rejection of Africa and African-ness. However, Wheatley was working within a non-free context, and her critique of slavery is mediated by Christianity acquired as part of her enslavement. For a fuller exploration of Wheatley’s poem, see Authority and Female Authorship in Colonial America, by William Scheick (especially chapter 4). The image included here, via the British Library, shows a diagram of the Brookes' slave ship (c.1801). 1 'TWAS mercy brought me from my Pagan land, 2 Taught my benighted soul to understand 3 That there's a God, that there's a Saviour too: 4 Once I redemption neither sought nor knew. 5 Some viewWheatley's description of those who "view our sable race with scornful eye" (5) is a clear rejection of what Lena Hill describes as "ignorant" interpretations of "visual blackness" (37-38), as is her attribution of speech in direct discourse: "'Their color is a diabolic die'" (6). Henry Louis Gates argues that Wheatley's very presence as an author complicated assumptions of "natural" inferiority. For more about this topic, see Gates' Figures in Black and Walt Nott's discussion of Wheatley's public persona in "From 'Uncultivated Barbarian' to 'Poetical Genius': The Public Presence of Phillis Wheatley." our sable race with scornful eye, 6 "Their colour is a diabolic die." 7 Remember, Christians, Negros, black as Cain,The phrase "black as Cain" is a distortion of the biblical idea of the mark of Cain (Genesis 4:15) and was used as justification for the enslavement of people of color. Many scholars point out that this was Wheatley's "most maligned poem," (Hill 37) which is ultimately about the inclusion of Africans in the "Christian family" and her critique of "ignorant" interpretations of "visual blackness" (37-38). For an interesting contemporary read of the mark of Cain in anti-abolitionist discourse, see Josiah Priest's Slavery as it Relates to the Negro (1843), where he rejects the possibility that dark-skinned peoples could be related to Adam by blood (134-136). For a larger reading of Wheatley's use of blackness and the role of blackness in the early American imagination, see Lena Hill's chapter "Witnessing Moral Authority in Pre-Abolition Literature," from Visualizing Blackness and the Creation of the African American Literary Tradition (2014) 8 May be refin'd, and join th' angelic train. Wollstonecraft, Mary and Mary Wollstonecraft. "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, introduction and excerpt" . A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, J. Johnson, 1792 , 1-11, 414, 425-432 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [TP] A VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMAN: WITH STRICTURES ON POLITICAL AND MORAL SUBJECTS BY MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT LONDON:PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, No.71, ST. PAUL’S CHURCH YARD. 1792. 1 INTRODUCTION AFTER considering the historic page, and viewing the living world with anxious solicitude, the most melancholy emotions of sorrowful indignation have depressed my spirits, and I have sighed when obligated to confess, that either nature has made a great difference between man and man, or that the civilization which has hitherto taken place in the world has been very partial. I have turned over various books written on the subject of education, and patiently observed the conduct of parents and the management of schools; but what has been the result? --a profound conviction that the neglected education of my fellow-creatures is the grand source of the misery I deplore; and that women, in particular, are rendered weak and wretched by a variety of concurring causes, originating from a hasty conclusion. The conduct and manners of women, in fact, evidently prove 2 that their minds are not in a healthy state; for, like the flowers which are planted in too rich a soil, strength and usefulness are sacrificed to beauty; and the flaunting leaves, after having pleased a fastidious eye, fade, disregarded on the stalk, long before the season when they ought to have arrived at maturity.--One cause of this barren blooming I attribute to a false system of education, gathered from the books written on this subject by men, who considering females rather than human creatures, have been more anxious to make them alluring mistresses than rational wives; and the understanding of sex has been so bubbled by this specious homage, that the civilized women of the present century, with a few exceptions, are only anxious to inspire love, when they ought to cherish a nobler ambition, and by their abilities and virtues exact respect. In a treatise, therefore, on female rights and manners, the works which have been particularly written for their improvement must not be overlooked; especially when it is asserted, in direct terms, that the minds of women are enfeebled by false refinement; 3 that the books of instruction, written by men of genius, have had the same tendency as more frivolous productions; and that, in the true style of Mahometanism, they are only considered as females, and not as a part of the human species, when improvable reason is allowed to be the dignified distinction which raises men above the brute creation, and puts a natural sceptre in a feeble hand. Yet, because I am a woman, I would not lead my reader to suppose that I mean violently to agitate the contested question respecting the equality or inferiority of the sex; but as the subject lies in my way, and I cannot pass it over without subjecting the main tendency of my reasoning to misconstruction, I shall stop a moment to deliver, in a few words, my opinion. --In the government of the physical world it is observable that the female, in general, is inferior to the male. The male pursues, the female yields--this is the law of nature; and it does not appear to be suspended or abrogated in favour of woman. This physical superiority cannot be denied--and it is a noble prerogative! But not content with this natural preeminence, 4 [break after pre-] men endeavour to sink us still lower, merely to render us alluring objects for a moment; and women, intoxicated by the adoration which men, under the influence of their senses, pay them, do not seek to obtain a durable interest in their hearts, or to become the friends of the fellow creatures who find amusement in their society. I am aware of an obvious inference: from every quarter have I hear exclamations against masculine women; but where are they to be found? If by this appellation men mean to inveigh against their ardour in hunting, shooting, and gaming, I shall most cordially join in the cry; but if it be against the imitation of manly virtues or, more properly speaking, the attainment of those talents and virtues, the exercise of which ennobles the human character, and which raise females in the scale of animal being, when they are comprehensively termed mankind; all those who view them with a philosophical eye must, I should think, wish with me, that they may every day grow more and more masculine. This discussion naturally divides the subject. I shall first consider women in the 5 grand light of human creatures, who, in common with men, are placed on this earth to unfold their faculties; and afterwards I shall more particularly point out their peculiar designation. I wish also to steer clear of an error which many respectable writers have fallen into; for the instruction which has hither been addressed to women, has rather been applicable to ladies, if the little indirect advice, that is scattered through Sandford and Merton, be excepted; but, addressing my sex in a firmer tone, I pay particular attention to those in the middle class, because they appear to be in the most natural state. Perhaps the seeds of false-refinement, immorality, and vanity, have ever been shed by the great. Weak, artificial beings, raised above the common wants and affections of their race, in a premature unnatural manner, undermine the very foundation of virtue, and spread corruption through the whole mass of society! As a class of mankind they have the strongest claim to pity; the education of the rich tends to render them vain and helpless, and the unfolding mind is not strengthened by the practice of those duties which dignify the human 6 [break after 'hu-'] character.—They only live to amuse themselves, and by the same law which in nature invariably produces certain effects, they soon only afford barren amusement. But as I purpose taking a separate view of the different ranks of society, and of the moral character of women, in each, this hint is, for the present, sufficient; and I have only alluded to the subject, because it appears to me to be the very essence of an introduction to give a cursory account of the contents of the work it introduces. My own sex, I hope, will excuse me, if I treat them like rational creatures, instead of flattering their fascinating graces, and viewing them as if they were in a state of perpetual childhood, unable to stand alone. I earnestly wish to point out in what true dignity and human happiness consists—I wish to persuade women to endeavour to acquire strength, both of mind and body, and to convince them that the soft phrases, susceptibility of heart, delicacy of sentiment, and refinement of taste, are almost synonymous with epithets of weakness, and that those beings who are only the objects of pity and that kind of love, which has been termed its sister, will soon become objects of contempt. 7 Dismissing then those pretty feminine phrases, which the men condescendingly use to soften our slavish dependence, and despising that weak elegancy of mind, exquisite sensibility, and sweet docility of manners, supposed to be the sexual characteristics of the weaker vessel, I wish to shew that elegance is inferior to virtue, that the first object of laudable ambition is to obtain a character as a human being, regardless of the distinction of sex; and that secondary views should be brought to this simple touchstone. This is a rough sketch of my plan; and should I express my conviction with the energetic emotions that I feel whenever I think of the subject, the dictates of experience and reflection will be felt by some of my readers. Animated by this important object, I shall disdain to cull my phrases or polish my style;--I aim at being useful, and sincerity will render me unaffected; for, wishing rather to persuade by the force of my arguments, than dazzle by the elegance of my language, I shall not waste my time in rounding periods, or in fabricating the turgid bombast of artificial feelings, which, coming from the head, never reach the heart. – I shall be employed about 8 things, not words! – and, anxious to render my sex more respectable members of society, I shall try to avoid that flowery diction which has slided from essays into novels, and from novels into familiar letters and conversation. These pretty nothings – these caricatures of the real beauty of sensibility, dropping glibly from the tongue, vitiate the taste, and create a kind of sickly delicacy that turns away from simple unadorned truth; and a deluge of false sentiments and overstretched feelings, stifling the natural emotions of the heart, render the domestic pleasures insipid,--that ought to sweeten the exercise of those severe duties, which educate a rational and immortal being for a nobler field of action. The education of women has, of late, been more attended to than formerly; yet they are still reckoned a frivolous sex, and ridiculed or pitied by the writers who endeavor by satire or instruction to improve them. It is acknowledged that they spend many of the first years of their lives in acquiring a smattering of accomplishments: meanwhile strength of body and mind are sacrificed to libertine notions of beauty, to the desire of establishing 9 [break after 'establish-'] themselves, --the only way women can rise in the world,--by marriage. And this desire making mere animals of them, when they marry they act as such children may be expected to act: --they dress; they paint, and nickname God’s creatures. --Surely there weak beings are only fit for a seraglio! --Can they govern a family, or take care of the poor bebes whom they bring into the world? If then it can be fairly deduced from the present conduct of the sex, from the prevalent fondness for pleasure which takes place of ambition and those nobler passions that open and enlarge the soul; that the instruction which women have received has only tended, with the constitution of civil society, to render them insignificant object of desire--more propagators of fools! --if it can be proved that in aiming to accomplish them, without cultivating their understandings, they are taken out of their sphere of duties, and make ridiculous and useless when the short-lived bloom of beauty is over*, I presume 10 that rational men will excuse me for endeavoring to persuade them to become more masculine and respectable. Indeed the word masculine is only a bugbear: there is little reason to fear that women will acquire too much courage or fortitude; for their apparent inferiority with respect to bodily strength, must render them, in some degree, dependent on men in the in the various relations of life; but why should it be increased by prejudices that give a sex to virtue, and confound simple truths with sensual reveries? Women are, in fact, so much degraded by mistaken notions of female excellence, that I do not mean to add a paradox when I assert, that this artificial weakness produces a propensity to tyrannize, and gives birth to cunning, the natural opponent of strength, which leads them to play off those contemptible infantine airs that undermine esteem even whilst they excite desire. Do not foster these prejudices, and they will naturally fall into their subordinate, yet respectable station in life. It seems scarcely necessary to say, that I now speak of the sex in general. Many individuals 11 [break after 'in-'] have more sense than their male relatives; and, as nothing preponderates where there is a constant struggle for an equilibrium, without it has naturally more gravity, some women govern their husbands without degrading themselves, because intellect will always govern. 414 CHAP. XIII SOME INSTANCES OF THE FOLLY WHICH THE IGNORANCE OF WOMEN GENERATES; WITH CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS ON THE MORAL IMPROVEMENT THAT A REVOLUTION IN FEMALE MANNERS MIGHT NATURALLY BE EXPECTED TO PRODUCE. 425 SECT. II Another instance of that feminine weakness of character, often produced by a confined education, is a romantic twist of the mind, which has been very properly termed sentimental. Women subjected by ignorance to their sensations, and only taught to look for happiness in love, refine on sensual feelings, and adopt metaphysical notions respecting that passion, which lead them shamefully to neglect the duties of life, and frequently in the midst of these sublime refinements they plump into actual vice. Theses are women who are amused by the reveries of the stupid novelists, who, knowing little of human nature, work up stale tales, and describe meretricious scenes, all retailed in sentimental jargon, which equally tend to corrupt the taste and draw the heart aside 426 from its daily duties. I do not mention the understanding, because never having been exercised, its slumbering energies rest inactive, like the lurking particles of fire which are supposed universally to pervade matter. Females, in fact, denied all political privileges, and not allowed, as married women, excepting in criminal cases, a civil existence, have their attention naturally drawn from the interest of the whole community to that of the minute parts, though the private duty of any member of society must be very imperfectly performed when not connected with the general good. The mighty business of female life is to please, and restrained from entering into more important concerns by political and civil oppression, sentiments become events, and reflection deepens what it should, and would have effaced, if the understanding had been allowed to take a wider range. But, confined to trifling employments, they naturally imbibe opinions which the only kind of reading calculated to interest an innocent frivolous mind, inspires. Unable to grasp anything great, is it surprising that they find the reading of history a very dry talk, and 427 disquisitions addressed to the understanding intolerably tedious, and almost unintelligible? Thus are they necessarily dependent on the novelist for amusement. Yet, when I exclaim against novels, I mean when contrasted with those works which exercise the understanding and regulate the imagination.--For any kind of reading I think better than leaving a blank still a blank, because the mind must receive a degree of enlargement and obtain a little strength by a slight exertion of its thinking powers; besides, even the productions that are only addressed to the imagination, raise the reader a little above the gross gratification of appetites, to which the mind has not given shade of delicacy. This observation is the result of experience; for I have known several notable women, and one in particular, who was a very good woman--as good as such a narrow mind would allow her to be, who took care that her daughters (three in number), should never see a novel. As she was a woman of fortune and fashion, they had various masters to attend them, and a sort of menial governess to watch their footsteps. From their masters they learned how tables, chairs, &c. were 428 called in French and Italian; but as the few books thrown in their way were far above their capacities, or devotional, they neither acquired ideas nor sentiments, and passed their time when not compelled to repeat words, in dressing, quarrelling with each other, or conversing with their maids by stealth, till they were brought into company as marriageable. Their mother, a widow, was busy in the meantime keeping up her connections, as she termed a numerous acquaintance, lest her girls should want a proper introduction into the great world. And these young ladies with minds vulgar in every sense of the word, and spoiled tempers, entered life puffed up with notions of their own consequence, and looking down with contempt on those who could not vie with them in dress and parade. With respect to love, nature, or their nurses had taken care to teach them the physical meaning of the word; and, as they had few topics of conversation, and fewer refinements on sentiment, they expressed their gross wishes not in very delicate phrases, when they spoke freely, talking of matrimony. 429 Could these girls have been injured by the perusal of novels? I almost forgot a shade in the character of one of them; she affected a simplicity bordering on folly, and with a simper would utter the most immodest remarks and questions, the full meaning of which she had learned whilst secluded from the world, and afraid to speak in her mother’s presence, who governed with a high hand: they were all educated, as the prided herself, in most exemplary manner; and read their chapters and psalms before breakfast, never touching a silly novel. This is only one influence; but I recollect many other women who, not led by degrees to proper studies, and not permitted to choose for themselves, have indeed been overgrown children; or have obtained, by mixing in the world, a little of what is termed common sense; that is a distinct manner of feeling common occurrences, as they stand detached: but what deserves the name of intellect, the power of gaining general or abstract ideas, or even intermediate ones, was out of the question. Their minds were quiescent, and when they were not roused by sensible objects 430 [break after 'ob-'] and employments of that kind, they were low-spirited, would cry, or go to sleep. When, therefore, I advise my sex not to reach such flimsy works, it is to induce them to read something superior; for I coincide in opinion with sagacious man, who, having a daughter and niece under his care, pursued a very different plan with each. The niece, who had considerable abilities, had, before she was left to his guardianship, been indulged in desultory reading. There she endeavoured to lead, and did lead to history and moral essays; but his daughter, whom a fond, weak mother had indulged, and who consequently was averse to everything like application, he allowed to read novels: and used to justify his conduct by saying, that if she ever attained a relish for reading them, he should have some foundation to work upon; and that erroneous opinions were better than none at all. In fact the female mind has been so totally neglected, that knowledge was only to be acquired from this muddy source, till from reading novels some women of superior talents learned to despite them. 431 The best method, I believe, that can be adopted to correct a fondness for novels is to ridicule them: not indiscriminately, for then it would have little effect; but, if a judicious person, with some turn for humour, would read several to a young girl, and point out both tones, and apt comparisons with pathetic incidents and heroic characters in history, how foolishly and ridiculously they captured human nature, just opinions might be substituted instead of romantic sentiments. In one respect, however, the majority of both sexes resemble, and equally shew a want of taste and modesty. Ignorant women, forced to be chaste to preserve their reputation, allow their imagination to revel in the unnatural and meretricious scenes sketched by the novel writers of the day, slighting as insipid the sober dignity and matronly graces of history *, whilst men carry the same vitiated taste into life, and fly for amusement to the wanton, from the unsophisticated charms 432 of virtue, and the grave respectability of sense. Besides, the reading of novels makes women, and particularly ladies of fashion, very fond of using strong expressions and superlatives in conversation; and, though the dissipated artificial life which they lead prevents their cherishing and strong legitimate passion, the language of passion in affected tones slips for ever from their glib tongues, and every trifle produces those phosphoric bursts which only mimick in the dark the flame of passion. Born in London on April 27, 1759, Mary Wollstonecraft is considered one of the principal figures in modern feminism. Her works reflected her unmarried middle class experience, emphasizing gender injustice, the failure of the education system for young women, and the position of women in unhappy marriages. Her best known work, Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792), argues that to attain virtue, women need access to systemic education. See this biographical essay on Wollstonecraft by Janet Todd. The portrait of Wollstonecraft included here, painted by John Opie (1797), is housed in the National Portrait Gallery, London. A term used by Westerners to refer to Muslims, in this context Mahometanism is associated with the limited opportunities and oppressed status of women in the eighteenth century. As discussed in The Feminization Debate in Eighteenth-Century England (2004) by E. Clery, women were trained to obey their father and husband. This confinement and domesticization was frequently described as "Mahometan" due to the misguided belief among the English that Islam sees women as not possessing souls. Social reformer and leader of the Blue Stockings Society, Elizabeth Montagu lamented in a letter about the effects of such "Mahometan" belief, which is used to justify women's domestic confinement (Clery 136). The image included here, an 1848 lithograph by James Rattray, shows Afgan women under purdah. Image via Wikimedia Commons. * A lively writer, I cannot recollect his name, asks what business women turned of forty have to do in the world? [Wollstonecraft's note.] The "lively writer" may be a mistaken reference to Lord Merton, a character in Frances Burney's epistolary novel Evelina (1778), who says of the masculine Mrs. Selwyn, "I don't know what the devil a woman lives for after thirty: she is only in other folks way" (III.1, 7). Readers may also find this satirical essay from The London Magazine of 1777 of interest, in which a gentleman proposes a tax on unmarried women over the age of 35. The image below, from the Yale Center for British Art, shows "An Old Maid Treating a Favorite Cat to a Duck and Green Peas," a colored etching by Richard Newton (c.1792).] Mary Wollstonecraft noted the absence of proficient education for young women in the eighteenth century and decided to establish a school. Wollstonecraft, along with her sister Eliza, and friend Fanny Blood, opened the school in 1784. The school was established in Newington Green just outside of London. Although the school closed from financial distress in 1785, Wollstonecraft drew from her experience as a teacher and wrote Thoughts on the Education of Daughters with Reflections on Female Conduct in the more important Duties of Life (1787). The above picture shows a plaque dedicated to Mary Wollstonecraft at the Newington Green Primary School near where the school was located in the 18th century. For more information on the life of Mary Wollstonecraft, read this biographical essay written by Sylvana Tomaselli. To look through a copy of Wollstonecraft's Thoughts on the Education of Daughters with Reflections on Female Conduct in the more important Duties of Life click here for an online version of the book from the London School of Economics’ digital library. * I am not now alluding to that superiority of mind which leads to the creation of ideal beauty, when life, surveyed with a penetrating eye, appears a tragi-comedy, in which little can be seen to satisfy the heart without the help of fancy. [Wollstonecraft’s note.] By "trifling employments," Wollstonecraft refers to the kinds of things elegant women did to employ their time such as needlepoint. Not allowed to participate in the masculine public sphere, women instead spent their time in domestic labor and activities. Many were mothers and homemakers. These activities were not masculine and serious but feminine and trifling. Read more on women’s work in the eighteenth century in this article by Susan E. Jones, also the source of this annotation. The portrait above, via the Frick Collection, is a conversation piece by Joshua Reynolds (1723–1792) showing the genteel young ladies Waldegrave engaged in such domestic work. This is likely a reference to discussions about the hierarchy of genres during the eighteenth century. Dorothee Birke, author of Writing the Reader: Configurations of Cultural Practice in English Novel (2016), explains that historical and philosophical works were seen to have higher value than novels and poetry. The reason behind such a hierarchical placement is the perception of fictional reading to be connected with ignorance as people are fed unrealistic words. Thus, historical and philosophical works which were often based on truth and it reality, were insightful readings that were ranked higher than unrealistic or exaggerated works (Birke 63). Likely a reference to a popular children’s book written in the eighteenth century, Sandford and Merton (1783), by Thomas Day, is about two boys who grow up differently based on social status. According to Stephen Bending and Stephen Bygrave, the book is an indictment of upper class "effete" masculinity (23). Tommy Merton is spoiled by middle class privileges and needs to be re-educated to become as fine a man as Sandford, whose lower-class status challenged him to develop, physically and mentally, into an admirable young man (3-4). Interested viewers can also read an abridged version of Day’s children’s book, published in 1792, at the Internet Archive. Wollstonecraft's question refers to an ongoing discussion about the work of novel-reading on young girls' intellectual growth. It was thought dangerous for women to read novels because society feared that they would not, as Anna North writes in "When Novels Were Bad for You," be able to "differentiate between fiction and life." According to the Oxford English Dictionary, in the eighteenth-century the word "bubbled" meant befooled, cheated, or deceived. Here, Wollstonecraft is saying women’s understandings have been fooled by the popularization and distribution of conduct books and their false depiction of women. "Bubbled" in this usage is also derived from the devastating financial bubble in the eighteenth century, including the South Sea Bubble of 1720. Many engravings and satirical prints of the time depict how the people were deceived and cheated financially, most notably, The Bubbler’s Medley, or a Sketch of the Times being Europe’s Memoriam for 1720. The image included here is from the British Museum's online collection. To read more, visit Harvard Business School’s online exhibit on the South Sea Bubble, and the source of this annotation. This is most likely a reference to Dr. John Gregory’s A Father’s Legacy to His Daughters, a conduct book written prior to Dr. Gregory’s wife’s passing in 1761 and addressed to his daughters about etiquette, religion, conduct, and behaviors. Wollstonecraft references this book directly in many of her arguments. The image of the book's title page (1795) is from the University of Delaware Special Collections Department is from the National Library of Scotland. View a 1793 edition of A Father’s Legacy to His Daughters at the Internet Archive. Throughout the eighteenth century, St. Paul’s Church Yard was the center of the publishing trade. Wollstonecraft's Vindications was published by Joseph Johnson, a liberal publisher with radical views, who published work by William Godwin, Joseph Priestly, and William Blake. Wollstonecraft lived near St. Paul’s Church Yard and spent many hours in this workshop as Joseph Johnson gave her writing and translating jobs throughout the day. For more on the relationship between Mary Wollstonecraft and Joseph Johnson, see this letter from Wollstonecraft to her publisher reprinted in The American Reader. The image here, from a University of Louisville news article on William Shakespeare's first folio, shows the locations of printers around St. Paul's during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Elegance in the 18th century has a specific meaning when applied to women. According to Robert W. Jones, author of Gender and the Formation of Taste in Eighteenth-Century Britain, feminine elegance is the combination of docility and enticement of men. In the eighteenth century, elegance is feminized with the goal that women should use it to please and seduce men through beauty and refinement. Elegance of the eighteenth century is the area of the pleasing and amiable actions from women to men, these beauty standards were important and a source of intrigue for the culture (Jones 109). The image here, drawn from the National Gallery of Art in Washington, DC, shows An Elegant Lady Playing a Cittern (1770), by Nathaniel Dance-Holland. Mary Wollstonecraft uses "virtue" with its eighteenth-century sense of power. Men were often seen as virtuous because of their physical strength, whereas women acquired virtue through sensibility and virginity. Wollstonecraft argues that true virtue can only exist with knowledge and education. Therefore, women must be properly educated or they would only be mimicking true virtue. Views of Women in Eighteenth Century Literature," published in the International Journal of Communication Research by Adrian Brunello and Florina-Elena Borsan reviews the way that understandings of womanhood shifted in the period, resulting in the need for an exterior display of virtue, rather than true virtue (325-326). clicking here will direct you to the UK National Gallery of Art, showing An Allegory of Virtue and Riches, painted in 1667 by Godfried Schalcken. The most common schools available for lower working class families in eighteenth-century were dame schools. An elderly, barely literate, woman would teach reading and sewing for a small fee. Read more in English Heritage’s brochure on England’s School. The image of children learning in a dame school, painted by Thomas Webster (1845), is housed in the Tate Art Museum, London. The sentimental novel is a genre which rose into popularity in the eighteenth century. This genre is characterized by excessively passionate characters, tearful scenes and dramatic, flowery dialogue. Mary Wollstonecraft may be using the popularity of these novels among young women to explain their apparent lack of rationality rather than claiming irrationality to be a naturally female trait. Read more about the sentimental novel in Encyclopedia Britannica. As novels became more accessible they became more popular. Some believed that excessive exposure to fiction novels would cause readers to lose touch with reality and identify with characters to the point of mimicking dangerous or immoral behavior. Read more about a popular novel that was blamed for youthful suicides in this article by Frank Furedi from History Today. The different ranks of society in England during the eighteenth century were not simply divided between the rich or poor. According to the eighteenth-century writer Daniel Defoe, there were seven categories: the great, the rich, the middle sort, the working trades, the country people, the poor, and the miserable. The country still relied on agriculture and, although some still died of hunger, there was usually enough food to go around. Trade was increasing and more men and women acquired jobs in industry. However, wealth was unequally distributed, with only 5% of the national income belonging to the general population. Read more in this Encyclopedia Britannica entry for eighteenth-century Britain, and the source of this annotation. Wollstonecraft’s argument in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman is that women spend most of their lives acquiring knowledge to be perfect wives instead of strengthening their minds and bodies to place a man. Because the only way women can rise the world is through marriage, they are being groomed to become lovers much like women in a Turkish seraglio, as Susan Gubar notes in "Feminist Misogyny" (Gubar 151). Wollstonecraft is pointing out the lack of freedom for women. The image included here illustrates the women’s quarter of a seraglio painted in 1873 by John Frederick Lewis. This image is from Wikimedia Commons. In the eighteenth century, women were encouraged to focus on their dress, meaning their overall attire, because as Dr. Gregory argues in A Father’s Legacy to His Daughters, it was supposedly natural to them (55). Women were dressed in hope of catching the attention of a man; they would parade, or flaunt themselves to men, hoping to find a husband, which is the only way for a woman to "rise in the world," as Wollstonecraft notes above (9). Wollstonecraft didn’t want women to dress and flaunt themselves only for men’s attention; she wanted women to focus on their own education. This portrait of Madame Pompadour, located in the Alte Pinkothek Museum in Munich and via Wikimedia Commons, provides an example of women’s attire in the 1700s in which Wollstonecraft was advising them not to do. Learn more about eighteenth-century fashion at the Victoria and Albert Museum. According to Katheryn Hughes, the governess was one of the most familiar figures in the Romantic period and throughout the Victorian period. Governesses were women who earned their living by teaching and caring for other women’s children. Most governesses lived with their employers and were paid a small salary on top of their board and lodging. The governess was seen as an outsider, not quite fitting in with the family she governed for but not exactly fitting in as a servant either. "Manly virtues" in the eighteenth century refers to social behavior that encourages men to be kind, loving, and courageous both in the home and in the public domain. Since masculinity is, as Intertextual War: Edmund Burke and the French Revolution in the Writings of Mary Wollstonecraft, Thomas Paine, and James Mackintosh by Steven Blakemore, states, a "restrictive misnomer for qualities or virtues that are human," Mary Wollstonecraft opposes men that inveigh against masculine women because of its imitation of manly virtues (Blakemore 42). The portrait here, Mr. and Mrs. Andrews by Thomas Gainsborough (1748), is housed in the National Gallery London. This painting, via Wikimedia Commons, illustrates manliness in terms of gentility. Used by alchemists throughout the seventeenth century, phosphorous was officially designated the thirteenth element by Antoine Lavosier in 1777. Quack physicians incorporated the eerily-glowing phosphorous into their "cure all" medicines. Here, Wollstonecraft may be referring to a long-standing association between the element and its use in false medicines as well as its generation of artificial light. The image included here, The Alchymist, In Search of the Philosopher’s Stone, Discovers Phosphorus (1770) is by Joseph Wright of Derby, via Wikimedia Commons. Read more about the discovery of phosphorus on the personal blog Res Obscura. Wheatley, Phillis and Phillis Wheatley. "On IMAGINATION". Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral, Printed for A. Bell, 1773 , pp 65-68 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z 65 On IMAGINATION. 1 THY various works, imperial queen, we see, 2 How bright their forms! how deck'd with pomp by thee! 3 Thy wond'rous acts in beauteous order stand, 4 And all attest how potent is thine hand. 5 From Helicon's refulgent heights attend, 6 Ye sacred choir, and my attempts befriend: 7 To tell her glories with a faithful tongue, 8 Ye blooming graces, triumph in my song. 9 Now here, now there, the roving Fancy flies, 10 Till some lov'd object strikes her wand'ring eyes, 11 Whose silken fetters all the senses bind, 12 And soft captivity involves the mind. 66 13 Imagination! who can sing thy force? 14 Or who describe the swiftness of thy course? 15 Soaring through air to find the bright abode, 16 Th' empyreal palace of the thund'ring God, 17 We on thy pinions can surpass the wind, 18 And leave the rolling universe behind: 19 From star to star the mental optics rove, 20 Measure the skies, and range the realms above. 21 There in one view we grasp the mighty whole, 22 Or with new worlds amaze th' unbounded soul. 23 Though Winter frowns to Fancy's raptur'd eyes 24 The fields may flourish, and gay scenes arise; 25 The frozen deeps may break their iron bands, 26 And bid their waters murmur o'er the sands. 27 Fair Flora may resume her fragrant reign, 28 And with her flow'ry riches deck the plain; 29 Sylvanus may diffuse his honours round, 30 And all the forest may with leaves be crown'd: 67 31 Show'rs may descend, and dews their gems disclose, 32 And nectar sparkle on the blooming rose. 33 Such is thy pow'r, nor are thine orders vain, 34 O thou the leader of the mental train: 35 In full perfection all thy works are wrought, 36 And thine the sceptre o'er the realms of thought. 37 Before thy throne the subject-passions bow, 38 Of subject-passions sov'reign ruler Thou; 39 At thy command joy rushes on the heart, 40 And through the glowing veins the spirits dart. 41 Fancy might now her silken pinions try 42 To rise from earth, and sweep th' expanse on high; 43 From Tithon's bed now might Aurora rise, 44 Her cheeks all glowing with celestial dies, 45 While a pure stream of light o'erflows the skies. 46 The monarch of the day I might behold, 47 And all the mountains tipt with radiant gold, 68 48 But I reluctant leave the pleasing views, 49 Which Fancy dresses to delight the Muse; 50 Winter austere forbids me to aspire, 51 And northern tempests damp the rising fire; 52 They chill the tides of Fancy's flowing sea, 53 Cease then, my song, cease the unequal lay. Behn, Aphra and Aphra Behn. Oroonoko; ; or, The Royal Slave; a True History, Printed for William Canning, 1688 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [TP] OROONOKO:OR, THERoyal Slave. A TRUEHISTORY. By Mrs. A. BEHN. LONDON, Printed for Will. Canning, at his Shop in the Temple-Cloysters. 1688. [i] TO THERight HonourableTHE Lord MAITLAND. My Lord, Since the World is grown so Nice and Critical upon Dedications, and will Needs be Judging the Book, by the Wit of the Patron; we ought, with a great deal of Circumspection, to chuse a Person against whom there can be no [ii] Exception; and whose Wit, and Worth, truly Merits all that one is capable of saying upon that Occasion. The most part of Dedications are charg'd with Flattery; and if the World knows a Man has some Vices, they will not allow one to speak of his Virtues. This, my Lord, is for want of thinking Rightly; if Men wou'd consider with Reason, they wou'd have another sort of Opinion, and Esteem of Dedications; and wou'd believe almost every Great Man has enough to make him Worthy of all that can be said of him there. My Lord, a Picture-drawer, when he intends to make a good Picture, essays the Face many Ways, and in [iii] many Lights, before he begins; that he may chuse, from the several turns of it, which is most Agreeable, and gives it the best Grace; and if there be a Scar, an ungrateful Mole, or any little Defect, they leave it out; and yet make the Picture extreamly like: But he who has the good Fortune to draw a Face that is exactly Charming in all its Parts and Features, what Colours or Agreements can be added to make it Finer? All that he can give is but its due; and Glories in a Piece whose Original alone gives it its Perfection. An ill Hand may diminish, but a good Hand cannot augment its Beauty. A Poet is a Painter [iv] in his way; he draws to the Life, but in another kind; we draw the Nobler part, the Soul and Mind; the Pictures of the Pen shall out-last those of the Pencil, and even Worlds themselves. 'Tis a short Chronicle of those Lives that possibly wou'd be forgotten by other Historians, or lye neglected there, however deserving an immortal Fame; for Men of eminent Parts are as Exemplary as even Monarchs themselves; and Virtue is a noble Lesson to be learn'd, and 'tis by Comparison we can Judge and Chuse. 'Tis by such illustrious Presidents Precedents. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, as your Lordship, the World can be Better'd and Refin'd; when a great part of the lazy Nobility [v] - breaks after 'Nobi' lity shall, with Shame, behold the admirable Accomplishments of a Man so Great, and so Young. Your Lordship has Read innumerable Volumes of Men, and Books; not Vainly for the gust of Novelty, but Knowledge, excellent Knowledge: Like the industrious Bee, from every Flower you return Laden with the precious Dew, which you are sure to turn to the Publick Good. You hoard no one Perfection, but lay it all out in the Glorious Service of your Religion and Country; to both which you are a useful and necessary Honour: They both want such Supporters; and 'tis only Men of so elevated Parts, [vi] and fine Knowledge; such noble Principles of Loyalty and Religion this Nation Sighs for. Where shall we find a Man so Young, like St. Augustine, in the midst of all his Youth and Gaiety, Teaching the World divine Precepts, true Notions of Faith, and Excellent Morality, and, at the same time, be also a perfect Pattern of all that accomplish a Great Man? You have, my Lord, all that refin'd Wit that Charms, and the Affability that Obliges; a Generosity that gives a Lustre to your Nobility; that Hospitality, and Greatness of Mind, that ingages the World; and that admirable Conduct, that so [vii] well Instructs it. Our Nation ought to regret and bemoan their Misfortunes, for not being able to claim the Honour of the Birth of a Man who is so fit to serve his Majesty, and his Kingdoms, in all Great and Publick Affairs: And to the Glory of your Nation be it spoken, it produces more considerable Men, for all fine Sence, Wit, Wisdom, Breeding, and Generosity (for the generality of the Nobility) than all other Nations can Boast; and the Fruitfulness of your Virtues sufficiently make amends for the Barrenness of your Soil: Which however cannot be incommode to your Lordship; since your Quality, and the [viii] Veneration that the Commonalty naturally pay their Lords, creates a flowing Plenty there—that makes you Happy. And to compleat your Happiness, my Lord, Heaven has blest you with a Lady, to whom it has given all the Graces, Beauties, and Virtues of her Sex; all the Youth, Sweetness of Nature; of a most illustrious Family; and who is a most rare Example to all Wives of Quality, for her eminent Piety, Easiness, and Condescention; and as absolutely merits Respect from all the World, as she does that Passion and Resignation she receives from your Lordship; and which is, on her part, with so much Tenderness [ix] - breaks after 'Tend' return'd. Methinks your tranquil Lives are an Image of the new Made and Beautiful Pair in Paradise: And 'tis the Prayers and Wishes of all, who have the Honour to know you, that it may Eternally so continue, with Additions of all the Blessings this World can give you. My Lord, the Obligations I have to some of the Great Men of your Nation, particularly to your Lordship, gives me an Ambition of making my Acknowledgments, by all the Opportunities I can; and such humble Fruits, as my Industry produces, I lay at your Lordships Feet. This is a [x] true Story, of a Man Gallant enough to merit your Protection; and, had he always been so Fortunate, he had not made so Inglorious an end: The Royal Slave I had the Honour to know in my Travels to the other World; and though I had none above me in that Country, yet I wanted power to preserve this Great Man. If there be any thing that seems Romantick, I beseech your Lordship to consider, these Countries do, in all things, so far differ from ours, that they produce unconceivable Wonders; at least, they appear so to us, because New and Strange. What I have mention'd I have taken-care shou'd [xi] be Truth, let the Critical Reader judge as he pleases. 'Twill be no Commendation to the Book, to assure your Lordship I writ it in a few Hours, though it may serve to Excuse some of its Faults of Connexion; for I never rested my Pen a Moment for Thought: 'Tis purely the Merit of my Slave that must render it worthy of the Honour it begs; and the Author of that of Subscribing herself, My Lord, Your Lordship's most oblig'dand obedient Servant, A. BEHN. [1] THEHISTORYOF THERoyal Slave. I do not pretend, in giving you the History of this Royal Slave, to entertain my Reader with the Adventures of a feign'd Hero, whose Life and Fortunes Fancy may manage at the Poets Pleasure; nor in relating the Truth, design to adorn it with any Accidents, but such as arriv'd in earnest to him: And it shall come 2 simply into the World, recommended by its own proper Merits, and natural Intrigues; there being enough of Reality to support it, and to render it diverting, without the Addition of Invention. I was my self an Eye-WitnessNot only one who has observed something firsthand, but in a legal sense, one who is "able to describe or testify to it." Source: Oxford English Dictionary, to a great part, of what you will find here set down; and what I cou'd not be Witness of, I receiv'd from the Mouth of the chief Actor in this History, the Hero himself, who gave us the whole Transactions of his Youth; and though I shall omit, for Brevity's sake, a thousand little Accidents of his Life, which, however pleasant to us, where History was scarce, and Adventures very rare; yet might prove tedious and heavy to my Reader, in a World where he finds Diversions for every Minute, 3 new and strange: But we who were perfectly charm'd with the Character of this great Man, were curious to gather every Circumstance of his Life. The Scene of the last part of his Adventures lies in a Colony in America, called Surinam, A colony neighbored by Brazil to the south and Guiana to the West. At the time of the action of the story, the colony was in British control, but it was lost to the Dutch shortly thereafter in the West-Indies. But before I give you the Story of this Gallant Slave, 'tis fit I tell you the manner of bringing them to these new Colonies; for those they make use of there, are not Natives of the place; for those we live with in perfect Amity, without daring to command 'em; but on the contrary, caress 'em with all the brotherly and friendly Affection in the World; trading with 'em for their Fish, Venison, Buffilo's, Skins, and little Rarities; as MarmosetsA particularly tiny species of monkey that is, indeed, about the size of a mouse. Notably adorable., a sort of Monkey as 4 big as a Rat or Weesel, but of a marvellous and delicate shape, and has Face and Hands like an Humane Creature: and Cousheries, It is not clear what kind of animal Behn is referring to here, but it probably a species of feline. a little Beast in the form and fashion of a Lion, as big as a Kitten; but so exactly made in all parts like that noble Beast, that it is it in Minature. Then for little Parakeetoes, great Parrots, Muckaws, and a thousand other Birds and Beasts of wonderful and surprizing Forms, Shapes, and Colours. For Skins of prodigious Snakes, of which there are some threescore Yards in length; as is the Skin of one that may be seen at His Majesty's Antiquaries:An "antiquary" was a collection of unusual and exotic items. Janet Todd suggests that this could be a reference to the museum of the Royal Society in London. The singular form "antiquary" could describe a collector of antiques or rare objects. Where are also some rare Flies, of amazing Forms and Colours, presented to 'em by my self; some as big as my Fist, some less; and all of various Excellencies, such as Art 5 cannot imitate. Then we trade for Feathers, which they order into all Shapes, make themselves little short Habits of 'em, and glorious Wreaths for their Heads, Necks, Arms and Legs, whose Tinctures are unconceivable. I had a Set of these presented to me, and I gave 'em to the King's Theatre, and it was the Dress of the Indian QueenHere is an image of Anne Bracegirdle, performing in John Dryden's play The Indian Queen, wearing the feathered headress referred to in this passage. Whether this headdress was the same one that Behn brought back to England from Surinam in the 1660s is impossible to know at this point. (Folger Shakespeare Library) infinitely admir'd by Persons of Quality; and were unimitable. Besides these, a thousand little Knacks, and Rarities in Nature, and some of Art; as their Baskets, Weapons, Aprons, &c. We dealt with 'em with Beads of all Colours, Knives, Axes, Pins and Needles; which they us'd only as Tools to drill Holes Behn is describing the process of piercing ears and other parts of the body with in their Ears, Noses and Lips, where they hang a great many little things; as long Beads, bits of Tin, 6 Brass, or Silver, beat thin; and any shining Trincket. The Beads they weave into Aprons about a quarter of an Ell long, and of the same breadth; working them very prettily in Flowers of several Colours of Beads; which Apron they wear just before 'em, as Adam and Eve did the Fig-leaves; the Men wearing a long Stripe of Linen, which they deal with us for. They thread these Beads also on long Cotton-threads, and make Girdles to tie their Aprons to, which come twenty times, or more, about the Waste; and then cross, like a Shoulder-belt, both ways, and round their Necks, Arms and Legs. This Adornment, with their long black Hair, and the Face painted in little Specks or Flowers here and there, makes 'em a wonderful Figure to 7 behold. Some of the Beauties which indeed are finely shap'd, as almost all are, and who have pretty Features, are very charming and novel; for they have all that is called Beauty, except the Colour, which is a reddish Yellow; or after a new Oiling, which they often use to themselves, they are of the colour of a new Brick, but smooth, soft and sleek. They are extream modest and bashful, very shy, and nice of being touch'd. And though they are all thus naked, if one lives for ever among 'em, there is not to be seen an indecent Action, or Glance; and being continually us'd to see one another so unadorn'd, so like our first Parents before the Fall, it seems as if they had no Wishes; there being nothing to heighten Curiosity, but all you can see, you 8 see at once, and every Moment see; and where there is no Novelty, there can be no Curiosity. Not but I have seen a handsom young Indian, dying for Love of a very beautiful young Indian Maid; but all his Courtship was, to fold his Arms, pursue her with his Eyes, and Sighs were all his Language: While she, as if no such Lover were present; or rather, as if she desired none such, carefully guarded her Eyes from beholding him; and never approach'd him, but she look'd down with all the blushing Modesty I have seen in the most severe and cautious of our World. And these People represented to me an absolute Idea of the first State of Innocence, before Man knew how to sin: And 'tis most evident and plain, that simple Nature is the most harmless, inoffen 9 sive and vertuous Mistress. 'Tis she alone, if she were permitted, that better instructs the World, than all the Inventions of Man: Religion wou'd here but destroy that Tranquillity, they possess by Ignorance; and Laws wou'd but teach 'em to know Offence, of which now they have no Notion. They once made Mourning and Fasting for the Death of the English Governor, who had given his Hand to come on such a Day to 'em, and neither came, nor sent; believing, when once a Man's Word was past, nothing but Death cou'd or shou'd prevent his keeping it: And when they saw he was not dead, they ask'd him, what Name they had for a Man who promis'd a thing he did not do? The Governor told them, Such a man was a Lyar, which 10 was a Word of Infamy to a Gentleman. Then one of 'em reply'd, Governor, you are a Lyar, and guilty of that Infamy. They have a Native Justice, which knows no Fraud; and they understand no Vice, or Cunning, but when they are taught by the White Men. They have Plurality of Wives, which, when they grow old, they serve those that succeed 'em, who are young; but with a Servitude easie and respected; and unless they take Slaves in War, they have no other Attendants. Those on that Continent where I was, had no King; but the oldest War-Captain was obey'd with great Resignation. A War-Captain is a Man who has lead them on to Battel with Conduct, and Success; of whom I shall have Occasion to speak 11 more hereafter, and of some other of their Customs and Manners, as they fall in my way. With these People, as I said, we live in perfect Tranquillity, and good Understanding, as it behooves us to do; they knowing all the places where to seek the best Food of the Country, and the Means of getting it; and for very small and unvaluable Trifles, supply us with what 'tis impossible for us to get; for they do not only in the Wood, and over the Sevana's, in Hunting, supply the parts of Hounds, by swiftly scouring through those almost impassable places; and by the meer Activity of their Feet, run down the nimblest Deer, and other eatable Beasts: But in the water, one wou'd think they were Gods of the Rivers, or Fellow-Citizens of the 12 Deep; so rare an Art they have in Swimming, Diving, and almost Living in Water; by which they command the less swift Inhabitants of the Floods. And then for Shooting; what they cannot take, or reach with their Hands, they do with Arrows; and have so admirable an Aim, that they will split almost an Hair; and at any distance that an Arrow can reach, they will shoot down Oranges, and other Fruit, and only touch the Stalk with the Dart's Points, that they may not hurt the Fruit. So that they being, on all Occasions, very useful to us, we find it absolutely necessary to caress 'em as Friends, and not to treat 'em as Slaves; nor dare we do other, their Numbers so far surpassing ours in that Continent. 13 Those then whom we make use of to work in our Plantations of Sugar, are Negro's, Black-Slaves altogether; which are transported thither in this manner. Those who want Slaves, make a Bargain with a Master, or Captain of a Ship, and contract to pay him so much a-piece, a matter of twenty Pound a Head for as many as he agrees for, and to pay for 'em when they shall be deliver'd on such a Plantation: So that when there arrives a Ship laden with Slaves, they who have so contracted, go a-board, and receive their Number by Lot; and perhaps in one Lot that may be for ten, there may happen to be three or four Men; the rest, Women and Children: Or be there more or less of either Sex, you are oblig'd to be contented with your Lot. 14 CoramantienCoramantien was the name both of slave-trading castle, depicted here, and of the coastal area of what is now the nation of Ghana where several such fortified trading posts were located. In the 1660s, when this story is set, both English and Dutch slave traders used the fort at Coramantien. By the late seventeenth century, it was controlled by the Dutch, who renamed it Fort Amsterdam. Its ruins can still be visited today. , a Country of Blacks so called, was one of those places in which they found the most advantageous Trading for these Slaves; and thither most of our great Traders in that Merchandice traffick'd; for that Nation is very war-like and brave; and having a continual Campaign, being always in Hostility with one neighbouring Prince or other, they had the fortune to take a great many Captives; for all they took in Battel, were sold as Slaves; at least, those common Men who cou'd not ransom themselves. Of these Slaves so taken, the General only has all the profit; and of these Generals, our Captains and Masters of Ships buy all their Freights. The King of Coramantien was himself a Man of a Hundred and 15 odd Years old, and had no Son, though he had many beautiful Black-Wives; for most certainly, there are Beauties that can charm of that Colour. In his younger Years he had had many gallant Men to his Sons, thirteen of which died in Battel, conquering when they fell; and he had only left him for his Successor, one Grand-Child, Son to one of these dead Victors; who, as soon as he cou'd bear a Bow in his Hand, and a Quiver at his Back, was sent into the Field, to be trained up by one of the oldest Generals, to War; where, from his natural Inclination to Arms, and the Occasions given him, with the good Conduct of the old General, he became, at the Age of Seventeen, one of the most expert Captains, and bravest Soldiers, that ever saw 16 the Field of Mars: So that he was ador'd as the Wonder of all that World, and the Darling of the Soldiers. Besides, he was adorn'd with a native Beauty so transcending all those of his gloomy Race, that he strook an Awe and Reverence, even in those that knew not his Quality; as he did in me, who beheld him with Surprize and Wonder, when afterwards he arriv'd in our World. He had scarce arriv'd at his Seventeenth Year, when fighting by his Side, the General was kill'd with an Arrow in his Eye, which the Prince Oroonoko (for so was this gallant Moor call'd) very narrowly avoided; nor had he, if the General, who saw the Arrow shot, and perceiving it aim'd at the Prince, had not bow'd his Head between, on purpose to receive it in his own 17 Body rather than it shou'd touch that of the Prince, and so saved him. 'Twas then, afflicted as Oroonoko was, that he was proclaim'd Genéral in the old Man's place; and then it was, at the finishing of that War, which had continu'd for two Years, that the Prince came to Court; where he had hardly been a Month together, from the time of his fifth Year, to that of Seventeen; and 'twas amazing to imagine where it was he learn'd so much Humanity; or, to give his Accomplishments a juster Name, where 'twas he got that real Greatness of Soul, those refin'd Notions of true Honour, that absolute Generosity, and that Softness that was capable of the highest Passions of Love and Gallantry, whose Objects were almost 18 continually fighting Men, or those mangl'd, or dead; who heard no Sounds, but those of War and Groans: Some part of it we may attribute to the Care of a French-Man of Wit and Learning; who finding it turn to very good Account to be a sort of Royal Tutor to this young Black, & perceiving him very ready, apt, and quick of Apprehension, took a great pleasure to teach him Morals, Language and Science; and was for it extreamly belov'd and valu'd by him. Another Reason was, He lov'd, when he came from War, to see all the English Gentlemen that traded thither; and did not only learn their Language, but that of the Spaniards also, with whom he traded afterwards for Slaves. I have often seen and convers'd with this great Man, and been a 19 Witness to many of his mighty Actions; and do assure my Reader, the most Illustrious Courts cou'd not have produc'd a braver Man, both for Greatness of Courage and Mind, a Judgment more solid, a Wit more quick, and a Conversation more sweet and diverting. He knew almost as much as if he had read much: He had heard of, and admir'd the Romans; he had heard of the late Civil Wars in England, The English Civil Wars of 1642 1649 between the supporters of the Stuart monarchy and the supporters of Parliament, which led to the execution of Charles I in 1649. and the deplorable Death of our great Monarch; and wou'd discourse of it with all the Sense, and Abhorrence of the Injustice imaginable. He had an extream good and graceful Mien, and all the Civility of a well-bred great Man. He had nothing of Barbarity in his Nature, but in all Points address'd himself, as if his Education had been in some European Court. 20 This great and just Character of Oroonoko gave me an extream Curiosity to see him, especially when I knew he spoke French and EnglishBehn's emphasis on Oroonoko's knowledge of French and English associates him with civilized Europeans; eloquent Africans in European literature were often imagined as here, as more European than African., and that I cou'd talk with him. But though I had heard so much of him, I was as greatly surpriz'd when I saw him, as if I had heard nothing of him; so beyond all Report I found him. He came into the Room, and address'd himself to me, and some other Women, with the best Grace in the World. He was pretty tall, but of a Shape the most exact that can be fansy'd: The most famous Statuary An artist who makes statues, a sculptor of statues. Source: Oxford English Dictionarycou'd not form the Figure of a Man more admirably turn'd from Head to Foot. His Face was not of that brown, rusty Black which most of that Nation are, but a perfect Ebony, or polish'd Jett. His Eyes were the most 21 awful awe-inspiringthat cou'd be seen, and very piercing; the White of 'em being like Snow, as were his Teeth. His Nose was rising and Roman, instead of African and flat. His Mouth, the finest shap'd that cou'd be seen; far from those great turn'd Lips, which are so natural to the rest of the Negroes. The whole Proportion and Air of his Face was so noble, and exactly form'd, that, bating exceptinghis Colour, there cou'd be nothing in Nature more beautiful, agreeable and handsome. There was no one Grace wanting, that bears the Standard of true Beauty: His Hair came down to his Shoulders, by the Aids of Art; which was, by pulling it out with a Quill, and keeping it comb'd; of which he took particular Care. Nor did the Perfections of his Mind come short of 22 those of his Person; for his Discourse was admirable upon almost any Subject; and who-ever had heard him speak, wou'd have been convinc'd of their Errors, that all fine Wit is confin'd to the White Men, especially to those of Christendom; and wou'd have confess'd that Oroonoko was as capable even of reigning well, and of governing as wisely, had as great a Soul, as politick prudent, shrewd, sagacious. Source: Oxford English DictionaryMaxims, and was as sensible of Power as any Prince civiliz'd in the most refin'd Schools of Humanity and Learning, or the most Illustrious Courts. This Prince, such as I have describ'd him, whose Soul and Body were so admirably adorn'd, was (while yet he was in the Court of his Grandfather) as I said, as capable of Love, as 'twas possible for a brave and gallant Man to be; 23 and in saying that, I have nam'd the highest Degree of Love; for sure, great Souls are most capable of that Passion. I have already said, the old General was kill'd by the shot of an Arrow, by the Side of this Prince, in Battel; and that Oroonoko was made General. This old dead Hero had one only Daughter left of his Race; a Beauty that, to describe her truly, one need say only, she was Female to the noble Male; the beautiful Black Venus, to our young Mars; as charming in her Person as he, and of delicate Vertues. I have seen an hundred White Men sighing after her, and making a thousand Vows at her Feet, all vain, and unsuccessful: And she was, indeed, too great for any, but a Prince of her own Nation to adore. 24 Oroonoko coming from the Wars, (which were now ended) after he had made his Court to his Grandfather, he thought in Honour he ought to make a Visit to Imoinda, the Daughter of his Foster-father, the dead General; and to make some Excuses to her, because his Preservation was the Occasion of her Father's Death; and to present her with those Slaves that had been taken in this last Battel, as the Trophies of her Father's Victories. When he came, attended by all the young Soldiers of any Merit, he was infinitely surpriz'd at the Beauty of this fair Queen of Night, whose Face and Person was so exceeding all he had ever beheld, that lovely Modesty with which she receiv'd him, that Softness in her Look, and Sighs, upon the melancholy Occasion of 25 this Honour that was done by so great a Man as Oroonoko, and a Prince of whom she had heard such admirable things; the Awfulness wherewith she receiv'd him, and the Sweetness of her Words and Behaviour while he stay'd, gain'd a perfect Conquest over his fierce Heart, and made him feel, the Victor cou'd be subdu'd. So that having made his first Complements, and presented her an hundred and fifty Slaves in Fetters, he told her with his Eyes, that he was not insensible of her Charms; while Imoinda, who wish'd for nothing more than so glorious a Conquest, was pleas'd to believe, she understood that silent Language of new-born Love; and from that Moment, put on all her Additions to Beauty. 26 The Prince return'd to Court with quite another Humour than before; and though he did not speak much of the fair Imoinda, he had the pleasure to hear all his Followers speak of nothing but the Charms of that Maid; insomuch that, even in the Presence of the old King, they were extolling her, and heightning, if possible, the Beauties they had found in her: So that nothing else was talk'd of, no other Sound was heard in every Corner where there were Whisperers, but Imoinda! Imoinda! 'Twill be imagin'd Oroonoko stay'd not long before he made his second Visit; nor, considering his Quality, not much longer before he told her, he ador'd her. I have often heard him say, that he admir'd by what strange Inspiration he came to talk things so soft, and 27 so passionate, who never knew Love, nor was us'd to the Conversation of Women; but (to use his own Words) he said, Most happily, some new, and till then unknown Power instructed his Heart and Tongue in the Language of Love, and at the same time, in favour of him, inspir'd Imoinda with a Sense of his Passion. She was touch'd with what he said, and return'd it all in such Answers as went to his very Heart, with a Pleasure unknown before: Nor did he use those Obligations ill, that Love had done him; but turn'd all his happy Moments to the best advantage; and as he knew no Vice, his Flame aim'd at nothing but Honour, if such a distinction may be made in Love; and especially in that Country, where Men take to themselves as many 28 as they can maintain; and where the only Crime and Sin with Woman is, to turn her off, to abandon her to Want, Shame and Misery: Such ill Morals are only practis'd in Christian-Countries, where they prefer the bare Name of Religion; and, without Vertue or Morality, think that's sufficient. But Oroonoko was none of those Professors; but as he had right Notions of Honour, so he made her such Propositions as were not only and barely such; but, contrary to the Custom of his Country, he made her Vows, she shou'd be the only woman he wou'd possess while he liv'd; that no Age or Wrinkles shou'd incline him to change, for her Soul wou'd be always fine, and always young; and he shou'd have an eternal Idea in his Mind of the Charms she now 29 bore, and shou'd look into his Heart for that Idea, when he cou'd find it no longer in her Face. After a thousand Assurances of his lasting Flame, and her eternal Empire over him, she condescended to receive him for her Husband; or rather, receiv'd him, as the greatest Honour the God's cou'd do her. There is a certain Ceremony in these Cases to be observ'd, which I forgot to ask him how perform'd; but 'twas concluded on both sides, that, in Obedience to him, the Grand-father was to be first made acquainted with the Design: for they pay a most absolute Resignation to the Monarch, especially when he is a Parent also. On the other side, the old King, who had many Wives, and many 30 Concubines, wanted not Court-Flatterers to insinuate in his Heart a thousand tender Thoughts for this young Beauty; and who represented her to his Fancy, as the most charming he had ever possess'd in all the long Race of his numerous Years. At this Character his old Heart, like an extinguish'd Brand, most apt to take Fire, felt new Sparks of Love, and began to kindle; and now grown to his second Childhood, long'd with Impatience to behold this gay thing, with whom, alas! he cou'd but innocently play. But how he shou'd be confirm'd she was this Wonder, before he us'd his Power to call her to Court (where Maidens never came, unless for the King's private Use) he was next to consider; and while he was so doing, he had Intelligence 31 brought him, that Imoinda was most certainly Mistress to the Prince Oroonoko. This gave him some Shagrien; however, it gave him also an Opportunity, one Day, when the Prince was a-hunting, to wait on a Man of Quality, as his Slave and Attendant, who shou'd go and make a Present to Imoinda, as from the Prince; he shou'd then, unknown, see this fair Maid, and have an Opportunity to hear what Message she wou'd return the Prince for his Present; and from thence gather the state of her Heart, and degree of her Inclination. This was put in Execution, and the old Monarch saw, and burnt: He found her all he had heard, and wou'd not delay his Happiness, but found he shou'd have some Obstacle to overcome her Heart; for she express'd 32 her Sense of the Present the Prince had sent her, in terms so sweet, so soft and pretty, with an Air of Love and Joy that cou'd not be dissembl'd; insomuch that 'twas past doubt whether she lov'd Oroonoko entirely. This gave the old King some Affliction; but he salv'd it with this, that the Obedience the People pay their King, was not at all inferior to what they pay'd their Gods: And what Love wou'd not oblige Imoinda to do, Duty wou'd compel her to. He was therefore no sooner got to his Apartment, but he sent the Royal Veil to Imoinda; that is, the Ceremony of Invitation; he sends the Lady, he has a Mind to honour with his Bed, a Veil, with which she is cover'd, and secur'd for the King's Use; and 'tis Death to disobey; besides, held a most impious Disobedience. 33 'Tis not to be imagin'd the Surprize and Grief that seiz'd this lovely Maid at this News and Sight. However, as Delays in these Cases are dangerous, and Pleading worse than Treason; trembling, and almost fainting, she was oblig'd to suffer her self to be cover'd, and led away. They brought her thus to Court; and the King, who had caus'd a very rich Bath to be prepar'd, was led into it, where he sate under a Canopy, in State, to receive this long'd for Virgin; whom he having commanded shou'd be brought to him, they (after dis-robing her) led her to the Bath, and making fast the Doors, left her to descend. The King, without more Courtship, bad her throw off her Mantle, and come to his Arms. But Imoinda, all in 34 Tears, threw her self on the Marble, on the Brink of the Bath, and besought him to hear her. She told him, as she was a Maid, how proud of the Divine Glory she should have been of having it in her power to oblige her King: but as by the Laws, he cou'd not; and from his Royal Goodness, wou'd not take from any Man his wedded Wife: So she believ'd she shou'd be the Occasion of making him commit a great Sin, if she did not reveal her State and Condition; and tell him, she was anothers, and cou'd not be so happy to be his. The King, enrag'd at this Delay, hastily demanded the Name of the bold Man, that had marry'd a Woman of her Degree, without his Consent. Imoinda, seeing his Eyes fierce, and his Hands tremble; 35 whether with Age, or Anger, I know not; but she fansy'd the last, almost repented she had said so much, for now she fear'd the Storm wou'd fall on the Prince; she therefore said a thousand things to appease the raging of his Flame, and to prepare him to hear who it was with Calmness; but before she spoke, he imagin'd who she meant, but wou'd not seem to do so, but commanded her to lay aside her Mantle a protective cloak or garment; a loose, sleeveless cloak. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, and suffer her self to receive his Caresses; or, by his Gods, he swore, that happy Man whom she was going to name shou'd die, though it were even Oroonoko himself. Therefore (said he) deny this Marriage, and swear thy self a Maid. That (reply'd Imoinda) by all our Powers I do; for I am not yet known to my Husband. 'Tis enough (said the King:) 'tis enough 36 to satisfie both my Conscience, and my Heart. And rising from his Seat, he went, and led her into the Bath; it being in vain for her to resist. In this time the Prince, who was return'd from Hunting, went to visit his Imoinda, but found her gone; and not only so, but heard she had receiv'd the Royal Veil A veil delivered by the king as an invitation to his harem.. This rais'd him to a Storm; and in his Madness, they had much ado to save him from laying violent Hands on himself. Force first prevail'd, and then Reason: They urg'd all to him, that might oppose his Rage; but nothing weigh'd so greatly with him as the King's Old Age uncapable of injuring him That is, the King is impotent. It's notable that the narrator thinks first of the potential cost to Oroonoko rather than the cost to Imoinda. with Imoinda. He wou'd give way to that Hope, because it pleas'd him most, and flatter'd best his Heart. Yet this 37 serv'd not altogether to make him cease his different Passions, which sometimes rag'd within him, and sometimes softned into Showers. 'Twas not enough to appease him, to tell him, his Grand-father was old, and cou'd not that way injure him, while he retain'd that awful Duty which the young Men are us'd there to pay to their grave Relations. He cou'd not be convinc'd he had no Cause to sigh and mourn for the Loss of a Mistress, he cou'd not with all his Strength and Courage retrieve. And he wou'd often cry, O my Friends! were she in wall'd Cities, or confin'd from me in Fortifications of the greatest Strength; did Inchantments or Monsters detain her from me, I wou'd venture through any Hazard to free her: Buthere, in the Arms of a feeble old Man, my Youth, my violent Love, my Trade 38 in Arms, and all my vast Desire of Glory, avail me nothing: Imoinda is as irrecoverably lost to me, as if she were snatch'd by the cold Arms of Death: Oh! she is never to be retriev'd. If I wou'd wait tedious Years, till Fate shou'd bow the old King to his Grave; even that wou'd not leave me Imoinda free; but still that Custom that makes it so vile a Crime for a Son to marry his Father's Wives or Mistresses, wou'd hinder my Happiness; unless I wou'd either ignobly set an ill President to my Successors, or abandon my Country, and fly with her to some unknown World, who never heard our Story. But it was objected to him, that his Case was not the same; for Imoinda being his lawful Wife, by solemn Contract, 'twas he was the injur'd Man, and might, if he so pleas'd, take Imoinda back, the 39 Breach of the Law being on his Grand-father's side; and that if he cou'd circumvent him, and redeem her from the Otan "Otan" seems to be derived from the Turkish word "odan," referring to a room or small enclosure in a harem. This is one of the moments when this part of the story, though set in Africa, feels more like an "Oriental" tale., which is the Palace of the King's Women, a sort of Seraglio, it was both just and lawful for him so to do. This Reasoning had some force upon him, and he shou'd have been entirely comforted, but for the Thought that she was possess'd by his Grand-father. However, he lov'd so well, that he was resolv'd to believe what most favour'd his Hope; and to endeavour to learn from Imoinda's own Mouth, what only she cou'd satisfie him in; whether she was robb'd of that Blessing, which was only due to his Faith and Love. But as it was very hard to get a Sight of the Women, for no Men ever enter'd into the Otan, but when 40 the King went to entertain himself with some one of his Wives, or Mistresses; and 'twas Death at any other time, for any other to go in; so he knew not how to contrive to get a Sight of her. While Oroonoko felt all the Agonies of Love, and suffer'd under a Torment the most painful in the World, the old King was not exempted from his share of Affliction. He was troubl'd for having been forc'd by an irresistable Passion, to rob his Son Oroonoko is actually his grandson. of a Treasure, he knew, cou'd not but be extreamly dear to him, since she was the most beautiful that ever had been seen; and had besides, all the Sweetness and Innocence of Youth and Modesty, with a Charm of Wit surpassing all. He found that, however she was forc'd to expose her lovely Person to his wither'd Arms, she 41 cou'd only sigh and weep there, and think of Oroonoko; and oftentimes cou'd not forbear speaking of him, though her Life were, by Custom, forfeited by owning her Passion. But she spoke not of a Lover only, but of a Prince dear to him, to whom she spoke; and of the Praises of a Man, who, till now, fill'd the old Man's Soul with Joy at every Recital of his Bravery, or even his Name. And 'twas this Dotage on our young Hero, that gave Imoinda a thousand Privileges to speak of him, without offending; and this Condescention in the old King, that made her take the Satisfaction of speaking of him so very often. Besides, he many times enquir'd how the Prince bore himself; and those of whom he ask'd, being entirely Slaves to the Merits and Vertues 42 of the Prince, still answer'd what they thought conduc'd best to his Service; which was, to make the old King fansy that the Prince had no more Interest in Imoinda, and had resign'd her willingly to the Pleasure of the King; that he diverted himself with his Mathematicians, his Fortifications, his Officers, and his Hunting. This pleas'd the old Lover, who fail'd not to report these things again to Imoinda, that she might, by the Example of her young Lover, withdraw her Heart, and rest better contented in his Arms. But however she was forc'd to receive this unwelcome News, in all Appearance, with Unconcern, and Content, her Heart was bursting within, and she was only happy when she cou'd get alone, to vent her Griefs and Moans with Sighs and Tears. 43 What Reports of the Prince's Conduct were made to the King, he thought good to justifie as far as possibly he cou'd by his Actions; and when he appear'd in the Presence of the King, he shew'd a Face not at all betraying his Heart: So that in a little time the old Man, being entirely convinc'd that he was no longer a Lover of Imoinda, he carry'd him with him, in his Train, to the Otan, often to banquet with his Mistress. But as soon as he enter'd, one Day, into the Apartment of Imoinda, with the King, at the first Glance from her Eyes, notwithstanding all his determin d Resolution, he was ready to sink in the place where he stood; and had certainly done so, but for the Support of Aboan, a young Man, who was next to him; which, with his Change of Countenance, 44 had betray'd him, had the King chanc'd to look that way. And I have observ'd, 'tis a very great Error in those, who laugh when one says, A Negro can change Colour; for I have seen 'em as frequently blush, and look pale, and that as visibly as ever I saw in the most beautiful White. And 'tis certain that both these Changes were evident, this Day, in both these Lovers. And Imoinda, who saw with some Joy the Change in the Prince's Face, and found it in her own, strove to divert the King from beholding either, by a forc'd Caress, with which she met him; which was a new Wound in the Heart of the poor dying Prince. But as soon as the King was busy'd in looking on some fine thing of Imoinda's making, she had time to tell the Prince with her angry, 45 but Love-darting Eyes, that she resented his Coldness, and bemoan'd her own miserable Captivity. Nor were his Eyes silent, but answer'd hers again, as much as Eyes cou'd do, instructed by the most tender, and most passionate Heart that ever lov'd: And they spoke so well, and so effectually, as Imoinda no longer doubted, but she was the only Delight, and the Darling of that Soul she found pleading in 'em its Right of Love, which none was more willing to resign than she. And 'twas this powerful Language alone that in an Instant convey'd all the Thoughts of their Souls to each other; that they both found, there wanted but Opportunity to make them both entirely happy. But when he saw another Door open'd by Onahal, a former old Wife of 46 the King's, who now had Charge of Imoinda; and saw the Prospect of a Bed of State made ready, with Sweets and Flowers for the Dalliance of the King; who immediately lead the trembling Victim from his Sight, into that prepar'd Repose. What Rage! what wild Frenzies seiz'd his Heart! which forcing to keep within Bounds, and to suffer without Noise, it became the more insupportable, and rent his Soul with ten thousand Pains. He was forc'd to retire, to vent his Groans; where he fell down on a Carpet, and lay struggling a long time, and only breathing now and then,—O Imoinda! When Onahal had finish'd her necessary Affair within, shutting the Door, she came forth to wait, till the King call'd; and hearing some one sighing in the other 47 Room, she pass'd on, and found the Prince in that deplorable Condition, which she thought needed her Aid: She gave him Cordials, but all in vain; till finding the nature of his Disease, by his Sighs, and naming Imoinda. She told him, he had not so much Cause as he imagin'd, to afflict himself; for if he knew the King so well as she did, he wou'd not lose a Moment in Jealousie, and that she was confident that Imoinda bore, at this Minute, part in his Affliction. Aboan was of the same Opinion; and both together, perswaded him to re-assume his Courage; and all sitting down on the Carpet, the Prince said so many obliging things to Onahal, that he half perswaded her to be of his Party. And she promis'd him, she wou'd thus far comply with his just Desires, that she 48 wou'd let Imoinda know how faithful he was, what he suffer'd, and what he said. This Discourse lasted till the King call'd, which gave Oroonoko a certain Satisfaction; and with the Hope Onahal had made him conceive, he assum'd a Look as gay as 'twas possible a Man in his Circumstances cou'd do; and presently after, he was call'd in with the rest who waited without. The King commanded Musick to be brought, and several of his young Wives and Mistresses came all together by his Command, to dance before him; where Imoinda perform'd her Part with an Air and Grace so passing all the rest, as her Beauty was above 'em; and receiv'd the Present, ordain'd as a Prize. The Prince was every Moment more charm'd with the 49 new Beauties and Graces he beheld in this fair One: And while he gaz'd, and she danc'd, Onahal was retir'd to a Window with Aboan. This Onahal, as I said, was one of the Cast-Mistresses Discarded, former mistresses of the old King; and 'twas these (now past their Beauty) that were made Guardians, or Governants to the new, and the young Ones; and whose Business it was, to teach them all those wanton Arts of Love, with which they prevail'd and charm'd heretofore in their Turn; and who now treated the triumphing happy Ones with all the Severity, as to Liberty and Freedom, that was possible, in revenge of those Honours they rob them of; envying them those Satisfactions, those Gallantries and Presents, that were once made to themselves, while Youth and 50 Beauty lasted, and which they now saw pass were regardless by, and pay'd only to the Bloomings. And certainly, nothing is more afflicting to a decay'd Beauty, than to behold in it self declining Charms, that were once ador'd; and to find those Caresses paid to new Beauties, to which once she laid a Claim; to hear 'em whisper as she passes by, That once was a delicate Woman. These abandon'd Ladies therefore endeavour to revenge all the Despights, and Decays of Time, on these flourishing happy Ones. And 'twas this Severity, that gave Oroonoko a thousand Fears he shou'd never prevail with Onahal, to see Imoinda. But, as I said, she was now retir'd to a Window with Aboan. This young Man was not only one of the best Quality, but a Man 51 extreamly well made, and beautiful; and coming often to attend the King to the Otan, he had subdu'd the Heart of the antiquated Onahal, which had not forgot how pleasant it was to be in Love: And though she had some Decays in her Face, she had none in her Sence and Wit; she was there agreeable still, even to Aboan's Youth; so that he took pleasure in entertaining her with Discourses of Love: He knew also, that to make his Court to these She-Favourites, was the way to be great; these being the Persons that do all Affairs and Business at Court. He had also observ'd that she had given him Glances more tender and inviting, than she had done to others of his Quality: And now, when he saw that her Favour cou'd so absolutely oblige the Prince, he 52 fail'd not to sigh in her Ear, and to look with Eyes all soft upon her, and give her Hope that she had made some Impressions on his Heart. He found her pleas'd at this, and making a thousand Advances to him; but the Ceremony ending, and the King departing, broke up the Company for that Day, and his Conversation. Aboan fail'd not that Night to tell the Prince of his Success, and how advantageous the Service of Onahal might be to his Amour with Imoinda. The Prince was overjoy'd with this good News, and besought him, if it were possible, to caress her so, as to engage her entirely; which he cou'd not fail to do, if he comply'd with her Desires: For then (said the Prince) her Life lying at your Mercy, she must grant you the Request you make in my 53 Behalf. Aboan understood him; and assur'd him, he would make Love so effectually, that he wou'd defie the most expert Mistress of the Art, to find out whether he dissembl'd it, or had it really. And 'twas with Impatience they waited the next Opportunity of going to the Otan. The Wars came on, the Time of taking the Field approach'd, and 'twas impossible for the Prince to delay his going at the Head of his Army, to encounter the Enemy: So that every Day seem'd a tedious Year, till he saw his Imoinda; for he believ'd he cou'd not live, if he were forc'd away without being so happy. 'Twas with Impatience therefore, that he expected the next Visit the King wou'd make; and, according to his Wish, it was not long. 54 The Parley of the Eyes of these two Lovers had not pass'd so secretly, but an old jealous Lover cou'd spy it; or rather, he wanted not Flatterers, who told him, they observ'd it: So that the Prince was hasten'd to the Camp, and this was the last Visit he found he shou'd make to the Otan; he therefore urg'd Aboan to make the best of this last Effort, and to explain himself so to Onahal, that she, deferring her Enjoyment of her young Lover no longer, might make way for the Prince to speak to Imoinda. The whole Affair being agreed on between the Prince and Aboan, they attended the King, as the Custom was, to the Otan; where, while the whole Company was taken up in beholding the Dancing, and antick Postures the Women 55 Royal made, to divert the King, Onahal singl'd out Aboan, whom she found most pliable to her Wish. When she had him where she believ'd she cou'd not be heard, she sigh'd to him, and softly cry'd, Ah, Aboan! When will you be sensible of my Passion? I confess it with my Mouth, because I wou'd not give my Eyes the Lye; and you have but too much already perceiv'd they have confess'd my Flame: Nor wou'd I have you believe, that because I am the abandon'd Mistress of a King, I esteem my self altogether divested of Charms. No, Aboan; I have still a Rest of Beauty enough engaging, and have learn'd to please too well, not to be desirable. I can have Lovers still, but will have none but Aboan. Madam (reply'd the half-feigning Youth) you have already, by my Eyes, found, you can still conquer; and I believe 'tis in pity of me, 56 you condescend to this kind Confession. But, Madam, Words are us'd to be so small a part of our Country-Courtship, that 'tis rare one can get so happy an Opportunity as to tell one's Heart; and those few Minutes we have are forc'd to be snatch'd for more certain Proofs of Love, than speaking and sighing; and such I languish for. He spoke this with such a Tone, that she hop'd it true, and cou'd not forbear believing it; and being wholly transported with Joy, for having subdu'd the finest of all the King's Subjects to her Desires, she took from her Ears two large Pearls, and commanded him to wear 'em in his. He wou'd have refus'd 'em, crying, Madam, these are not the Proofs of your Love that I expect; 'tis Opportunity, 'tis a Lonehour only, that can make me happy. But forcing the Pearls into his 57 Hand, she whisper'd softly to him, Oh! Do not fear a Woman's Invention, when Love sets her a-thinking. And pressing his Hand, she cry'd, This Night you shall be happy. Come to the Gate of the Orange-Groves, behind the Otan; and I will be ready, about Mid-night, to receive you. 'Twas thus agreed, and she left him, that no notice might be taken of their speaking together. The Ladies were still dancing, and the King, laid on a Carpet, with a great deal of pleasure, was beholding them, especially Imoinda; who that Day appear'd more lovely than ever, being enliven'd with the good Tidings Onahal had brought her of the constant Passion the Prince had for her. The Prince was laid on another Carpet, at the other end of the Room, with his Eyes fix'd on the Object 58 of his Soul; and as she turn'd, or mov'd, so did they; and she alone gave his Eyes and Soul their Motions: Nor did Imoinda employ her Eyes to any other Use, than in beholding with infinite Pleasure the Joy she produc'd in those of the Prince. But while she was more regarding him, than the Steps she took, she chanc'd to fall; and so near him, as that leaping with extream force from the Carpet, he caught her in his Arms as she fell; and 'twas visible to the whole Presence, the Joy wherewith he receiv'd her: He clasp'd her close to his Bosom, and quite forgot that Reverence that was due to the Mistress of a King, and that Punishment that is the Reward of a Boldness of this nature; and had not the Presence of Mind of Imoinda (fonder of his Safety, than her 59 own) befriended him, in making her spring from his Arms, and fall into her Dance again, he had, at that Instant, met his Death; for the old King, jealous to the last degree, rose up in Rage, broke all the Diversion, and led Imoinda to her Apartment, and sent out Word to the Prince, to go immediately to the Camp; and that if he were found another Night in Court, he shou'd suffer the Death ordain'd for disobedient Offenders. You may imagine how welcome this News was to Oroonoko, whose unseasonable Transport and Caress of Imoinda was blam'd by all Men that lov'd him; and now he perceiv'd his Fault, yet cry'd, That for such another Moment, he wou'd be content to die. All the Otan was in disorder about this Accident; and Onahal 60 was particularly concern'd, because on the Prince's Stay depended her Happiness; for she cou'd no longer expect that of Aboan. So that, e'er they departed, they contriv'd it so, that the Prince and he shou'd come both that Night to the Grove of the Otan, which was all of Oranges and Citrons; and that there they shou'd wait her Orders. They parted thus, with Grief enough, till Night; leaving the King in possession of the lovely Maid. But nothing cou'd appease the Jealousie of the old Lover: He wou'd not be impos'd on, but wou'd have it, that Imoinda made a false Step on purpose to fall into Oroonoko's Bosom, and that all things look'd like a Design on both sides, and 'twas in vain she protested her Innocence: He was old and obstinate, and left her more 61 than half assur'd that his Fear was true. The King going to his Apartment, sent to know where the Prince was, and if he intended to obey his Command. The Messenger return'd, and told him, he found the Prince pensive, and altogether unpreparing for the Campaign; that he lay negligently on the Ground, and answer'd very little. This confirm'd the Jealousie of the King, and he commanded that they shou'd very narrowly and privately watch his Motions; and that he shou'd not stir from his Apartment, but one Spy or other shou'd be employ'd to watch him: So that the Hour approaching, wherein he was to go to the Citron-Grove; and taking only Aboan along with him, he leaves his Apartment, and was watch'd to the 62 very Gate of the Otan; where he was seen to enter, and where they left him, to carry back the Tidings to the King. Oroonoko and Aboan were no sooner enter'd, but Onahal led the Prince to the Apartment of Imoinda; who, not knowing any thing of her Happiness, was laid in Bed. But Onahal only left him in her Chamber, to make the best of his Opportunity, and took her dear Aboan to her own; where he shew'd the heighth of Complaisance for his Prince, when, to give him an Opportunity, he suffer'd himself to be caress'd in Bed by Onahal. The Prince softly waken'd Imoinda, who was not a little surpriz'd with Joy to find him there; and yet she trembl'd with a thousand Fears. I believe, he omitted saying nothing to this young Maid, 63 that might perswade her to suffer him to seize his own, and take the Rights of Love; and I believe she was not long resisting those Arms, where she so long'd to be; and having Opportunity, Night and Silence, Youth, Love and Desire, he soon prevail'd; and ravish'd in a Moment, what his old Grand-father had been endeavouring for so many Months. 'Tis not to be imagin'd the Satisfaction of these two young Lovers; nor the Vows she made him, that she remain'd a spotless Maid, till that Night; and that what she did with his Grand-father, had robb'd him of no part of her Virgin-Honour, the Gods, in Mercy and Justice, having reserv'd that for her plighted Lord, to whom of Right it belong'd. And 'tis impossible to express the Transports 64 he suffer'd, while he listen'd to a Discourse so charming, from her lov'd Lips; and clasp'd that Body in his Arms, for whom he had so long languish'd; and nothing now afflicted him, but his suddain Departure from her; for he told her the Necessity, and his Commands; but shou'd depart satisfy'd in this, That since the old King had hitherto not been able to deprive him of those Enjoyments which only belong'd to him, he believ'd for the future he wou'd be less able to injure him; so that, abating the Scandal of the Veil, which was no otherwise so, than that she was Wife to another: He believ'd her safe, even in the Arms of the King, and innocent; yet wou'd he have ventur'd at the Conquest of the World, and have given it all, to have had her avoided that Honour 65 of receiving the Royal Veil. 'Twas thus, between a thousand Caresses, that both bemoan'd the hard Fate of Youth and Beauty, so liable to that cruel Promotion: 'Twas a Glory that cou'd well have been spar'd here, though desir'd, and aim'd at by all the young Females of that Kingdom. But while they were thus fondly employ'd, forgetting how Time ran on, and that the Dawn must conduct him far away from his only Happiness, they heard a great Noise in the Otan, and unusual Voices of Men; at which the Prince, starting from the Arms of the frighted Imoinda, ran to a little Battel-Ax he us'd to wear by his Side; and having not so much leisure, as to put on his Habit, he oppos'd himself against some who were already opening the Door; 66 which they did with so much Violence, that Oroonoko was not able to defend it; but was forc'd to cry out with a commanding Voice, Whoever ye are that have the Boldness to attempt to approach this Apartment thus rudely, know, that I, the Prince Oroonoko, will revenge it with the certain Death of him that first enters: Therefore stand back, and know, this place is sacred to Love, and me this Night; to Morrow 'tis the King's. This he spoke with a Voice so resolv'd and assur'd, that they soon retir'd from the Door, but cry'd, 'Tis by the King's Command we are come; and being satisfy'd by thy Voice, O Prince, as much as if we had enter'd, we can report to the King the Truth of all his Fears, and leave thee to provide for thy own Safety, as thou art advis'd by thy Friends. 67 At these Words they departed, and left the Prince to take a short and sad Leave of his Imoinda; who trusting in the strength of her Charms, believ'd she shou'd appease the Fury of a jealous King, by saying, She was surpriz'd, and that it was by force of Arms he got into her Apartment. All her Concern now was for his Life, and therefore she hasten'd him to the Camp; and with much a-do, prevail'd on him to go: Nor was it she alone that prevail'd, Aboan and Onahal both pleaded, and both assur'd him of a Lye that shou'd be well enough contriv'd to secure Imoinda. So that, at last, with a Heart sad as Death, dying Eyes, and sighing Soul, Oroonoko departed, and took his way to the Camp. 68 It was not long after the King in Person came to the Otan; where beholding Imoinda with Rage in his Eyes, he upbraided her Wickedness and Perfidy, and threatning her Royal Lover, she fell on her Face at his Feet, bedewing the Floor with her Tears, and imploring his Pardon for a Fault which she had not with her Will committed; as Onahal, who was also prostrate with her, cou'd testifie: That, unknown to her, he had broke into her Apartment, and ravish'd her. She spoke this much against her Conscience; but to save her own Life, 'twas absolutely necessary she shou'd feign this Falsity. She knew it cou'd not injure the Prince, he being fled to-an-Army that wou'd stand by him, against any Injuries that shou'd assault him. However, 69 this last Thought of Imoinda's being ravish'd, chang'd the Measures of his Revenge; and whereas before he design'd to be himself her Executioner, he now resolv'd she shou'd not die. But as it is the greatest Crime in nature amongst 'em to touch a Woman, after having been possess'd by a Son, a Father, or a Brother; so now he look'd on Imoinda as a polluted thing, wholly unfit for his Embrace; nor wou'd he resign her to his Grand-son, because she had receiv'd the Royal Veil. He therefore removes her from the Otan, with Onahal; whom he put into safe Hands, with Order they shou'd be both sold off, as Slaves, to another Country, either Christian, or Heathen; 'twas no matter where. 70 This cruel Sentence, worse than Death, they implor'd, might be revers'd; but their Prayers were vain, and it was put in Execution accordingly, and that with so much Secrecy, that none, either without, or within the Otan, knew any thing of their Absence, or their Destiny. The old King, nevertheless, executed this with a great deal of Reluctancy; but he believ'd he had made a very great Conquest over himself, when he had once resolv'd, and had perform'd what he resolv'd. He believ'd now, that his Love had been unjust; and that he cou'd not expect the Gods, or Captain of the Clouds Here Behn seems to be informed by knowledge of African religious traditions, as such references to a sky deity appear there, but we do not know her source for this term., (as they call the unknown Power) shou'd suffer a better Consequence from so ill a Cause. He now begins to hold Oroonoko excus'd; and 71 to say, he had Reason for what he did: And now every Body cou'd assure the King, how passionately Imoinda was belov'd by the Prince; even those confess'd it now, who said the contrary before his Flame was abated. So that the King being old, and not able to defend himself in War, and having no Sons of all his Race remaining alive, but only this, to maintain him on his Throne; and looking on this as a Man disoblig'd, first by the Rape of his Mistress, or rather, Wife; and now by depriving of him wholly of her, he fear'd, might make him desperate, and do some cruel thing, either to himself, or his old Grand-father, the Offender; he began to repent him extreamly of the Contempt he had, in his Rage, put on Imoinda. Besides, he consider'd he ought in 72 Honour to have kill'd her, for this Offence, if it had been one: He ought to have had so much Value and Consideration for a Maid of her Quality, as to have nobly put her to death; and not to have sold her like a common Slave, the greatest Revenge, and the most disgraceful of any; and to which they a thousand times prefer Death, and implore it; as Imoinda did, but cou'd not obtain that Honour. Seeing therefore it was certain that Oroonoko wou'd highly resent this Affront, he thought good to make some Excuse for his Rashness to him; and to that End he sent a Messenger to the Camp, with Orders to treat with him about the Master, to gain his Pardon, and to endeavour to mitigate his Grief; but that by no means he shou'd tell him, she was sold, but secretly put to death; 73 for he knew he shou'd. never obtain his Pardon for the other. When the Messenger came, he found the Prince upon the point of Engaging with the Enemy; but as soon as he heard of the Arrival of the Messenger, he commanded him to his Tent, where he embrac'd him, and receiv'd him with Joy; which was soon abated, by the down-cast Looks of the Messenger, who was instantly demanded the Cause by Oroonoko, who, impatient of Delay, ask'd a thousand Questions in a Breath; and all concerning Imoinda: But there needed little Return, for he cou'd almost answer himself of all he demanded, from his Sighs and Eyes. At last, the Messenger casting himself at the Prince's Feet, and kissing them, with all the Submission of a Man that had something to implore 74 which he dreaded to utter, he besought him to hear with Calmness what he had to deliver to him, and to call up all his noble and Heroick Courage, to encounter with his Words, and defend himself against the ungrateful things he must relate. Oroonoko reply'd, with a deep Sigh, and a languishing Voice,—I am arm'd against their worst Efforts—; for I know they will tell me, Imoinda is no more—; and after that, you may spare the rest. Then, commanding him to rise, he laid himself on a Carpet, under a rich Pavillion, and remain'd a good while silent, and was hardly heard to sigh. When he was come a little to himself, the Messenger ask'd him leave to deliver that part of his Embassy, which the Prince had not yet devin'd: And the Prince cry'd, I permit thee—Then he told him the Affliction 75 the old King was in, for the Rashness he had committed in his Cruelty to Imoinda; and how he daign'd to ask Pardon for his Offence, and to implore the Prince wou'd not suffer that Loss to touch his Heart too sensibly, which now all the Gods cou'd not restore him, but might recompence him in Glory, which he begg'd he wou'd pursue; and that Death, that common Revenger of all Injuries, wou'd soon even the Account between him, and a feeble old Man. Oroonoko bad him return his Duty to his Lord and Master; and to assure him, there was no Account of Revenge to be adjusted between them; if there were, 'twas he was the Agressor, and that Death wou'd be just, and, maugreIn spite of his Age, wou'd see him righted; and he was contented to leave his Share of 76 Glory to Youths more fortunate, and worthy of that Favour from the Gods. That henceforth he wou'd never lift a Weapon, or draw a Bow; but abandon the small Remains of his Life to Sighs and Tears, and the continual Thoughts of what his Lord and Grand-father had thought good to send out of the World, with all that Youth, that Innocence, and Beauty. After having spoken this, whatever his greatest Officers, and Men of the best Rank could do, they cou'd not raise him from the Carpet, or perswade him to Action, and Resolutions of Life; but commanding all to retire, he shut himself into his Pavillion all that Day, while the Enemy was ready to engage; and wondring at the Delay, the whole Body of the chief 77 of the Army then address'd themselves to him, and to whom they had much a-do to get Admittance. They fell on their Faces at the Foot of his Carpet; where they lay, and besought him with earnest Prayers and Tears, to lead 'em forth to Battel, and not let the Enemy take Advantages of them; and implor'd him to have regard to his Glory, and to the World, that depended on his Courage and Conduct. But he made no other Reply to all their Supplications but this, That he had now no more Business for Glory; and for the World, it was a Trifle not worth his Care. Go, (continu'd he, sighing) and divide it amongst you; and reap with Joy what you so vainly prize, and leave me to my more welcome Destiny. They then demanded what they shou'd do, and whom he 78 wou'd constitute in his Room, that the Confusion of ambitious Youth and Power might not ruin their Order, and make them a Prey to the Enemy. He reply'd, He wou'd not give himself the Trouble—; but wish'd 'em to chuse the bravest Man amongst 'em, let his Quality or Birth be what it wou'd: For, O my Friends (said he!) it is not Titles make Men brave, or good; or Birth that bestows Courage and Generosity, or makes the Owner happy. Believe this, when you behold Oroonoko, the most wretched, and abandon'd by Fortune, of all the Creation of the Gods. So turning himself about, he wou'd make no more Reply to all they cou'd urge or implore. The Army beholding their Officers return unsuccessful, with sad Faces, and ominous Looks, that 79 presag'd no good Luck, suffer'd a thousand Fears to take Possession of their Hearts, and the Enemy to come even upon 'em, before they wou'd provide for their Safety, by any Defence; and though they were assur'd by some, who had a mind to animate 'em, that they shou'd be immediately headed by the Prince, and that in the mean time Aboan had Orders to command as General; yet they were so dismay'd for want of that great Example of Bravery, that they cou'd make but a very feeble Resistance; and at last, down-right, fled before the Enemy, who pursu'd 'em to the very Tents, killing 'em: Nor cou'd all Aboan's Courage, which that Day gain'd him immortal Glory, shame 'em into a Manly Defence of themselves. The Guards that were left behind, 80 about the Prince's Tent, seeing the Soldiers flee before the Enemy, and scatter themselves all over the Plain, in great Disorder, made such Out-cries as rouz'd the Prince from his amorous Slumber, in which he had remain'd bury'd for two Days, without permitting any Sustenance to approach him: But, in spight of all his Resolutions, he had not the Constancy of Grief to that Degree, as to make him insensible of the Danger of his Army; and in that Instant he leap'd from his Couch, and cry'd,—Come, if we must die, let us meet Death the noblest Way; and 'twill be more like Oroonoko to encounter him at an Army's Head, opposing the Torrent of a conquering Foe, than lazily, on a Couch, to wait his lingering Pleasure, and die every Moment by a thousand wrecking Thought; or be tamely taken by an 81 Enemy, and led a whining, Love-sick Slave, to adorn the Triumphs of Jamoan, that young Victor, who already is enter'd beyond the Limits I had prescrib d him. While he was speaking, he suffer'd his People to dress him for the Field; and sallying out of his Pavillion, with more Life and Vigour in his Countenance than ever he shew'd, he appear'd like some Divine Power descended to save his Country from Destruction; and his People had purposely put him on all things that might make him shine with most Splendor, to strike a reverend Awe into the Beholders. He flew into the thickest of those that were pursuing his Men; and being animated with Despair, he fought as if he came on purpose to die, and did such things as will not be believ'd that Humane 82 Strength cou'd perform; and such as soon inspir'd all the rest with new Courage, and new Order: And now it was, that they began to fight indeed; and so, as if they wou'd not be out-done, even by their ador'd Hero; who turning the Tide of the Victory, changing absolutely the Fate of the Day, gain'd an entire Conquest; and Oroonoko having the good Fortune to single out Jamoan, he took him Prisoner with his own Hand, having wounded him almost to death. This Jamoan afterwards became very dear to him, being a Man very gallant, and of excellent Graces, and fine Parts; so that he never put him amongst the Rank of Captives, as they us'd to do, without distinction, for the common Sale, or Market; but kept him 83 in his own Court, where he retain'd nothing of the Prisoner, but the Name, and return'd no more into his own Country, so great an Affection he took for Oroonoko; and by a thousand Tales and Adventures of Love and Gallantry, flatter'd his Disease of Melancholy and Languishment; which I have often heard him say, had certainly kill'd him, but for the Conversation of this Prince and Aboan, the French Governor he had from his Childhood, of whom I have spoken before, and who was a Man of admirable Wit, great Ingenuity and Learning; all which he had infus'd into his young Pupil. This French-Man was banish'd out of his own Country, for some Heretical Notions he held; and though he was a Man of very little Religion, he 84 had admirable Morals, and a brave Soul. After the total Defeat of Jamoan's Army, which all fled, or were left dead upon the Place, they spent some time in the Camp; Oroonoko chusing rather to remain a while there in his Tents, than enter into a Place, or live in a Court where he had so lately suffer d so great a Loss. The Officers therefore, who saw and knew his Cause of Discontent, invented all sorts of Diversions and Sports, to entertain their Prince: So that what with those Amuzements abroad, and others at home, that is, within their Tents, with the Perswasions, Arguments and Care of his Friends and Servants that he more peculiarly priz'd, he wore off in time a great part of that ShagrienChagrin; that is, disappointment or vexation, and Torture of Despair, 85 which the first Efforts of Imoinda's Death had given him: Insomuch as having receiv'd a thousand kind Embassies from the King, and Invitations to return to Court, he obey'd, though with no little Reluctancy; and when he did so, there was a visible Change in him, and for a long time he was much more melancholy than before. But Time lessens all Extreams, and reduces 'em to Mediums and Unconcern; but no Motives or Beauties, though all endeavour'd it, cou'd engage him in any sort of Amour, though he had all the Invitations to it, both from his own Youth, and others Ambitions and Designs. Oroonoko was no sooner return'd from this last Conquest, and receiv'd at Court with all the Joy 86 and Magnificence that cou'd be express'd to a young Victor, who was not only return'd triumphant, but belov'd like a Deity, when there arriv'd in the Port an English Ship. This PersonThe commander of the ship had often before been in these Countries, and was very well known to Oroonoko, with whom he had traffick'd for Slaves, and had us'd to do the same with his Predecessors. This Commander was a Man of a finer sort of Address, and Conversation, better bred, and more engaging, than most of that sort of Men are; so that he seem'd rather never to have been bred out of a Court, than almost all his Life at Sea. This Captain therefore was always better receiv'd at Court, than most of the Traders to those Countries were; and 87 especially by Oroonoko, who was more civiliz'd, according to the European Mode, than any other had been, and took more Delight in the White Nations; and, above all, Men of Parts and Wit. To this Captain he sold abundance of his Slaves; and for the Favour and Esteem he had for him, made him many Presents, and oblig'd him to stay at Court as long as possibly he cou'd. Which the Captain seem'd to take as a very great Honour done him, entertaining the Prince every Day with Globes and Maps, and Mathematical Discourses and Instruments; eating, drinking, hunting and living with him with so much Familiarity, that it was not to be doubted, but he had gain'd very greatly upon the Heart of this gallant young Man. And the Captain, 88 in Return of all these mighty Favours, besought the Prince to honour his Vessel with his Presence, some Day or other, to Dinner, before he shou'd set Sail; which he condescended to accept, and appointed his Day. The Captain, on his part, fail'd not to have all things in a Readiness, in the most magnificent Order he cou'd possibly: And the Day being come, the Captain, in his Boat, richly adorn'd with Carpets and Velvet-Cushions, row'd to the Shoar to receive the Prince; with another Long-Boat, where was plac'd all his Musick and Trumpets, with which Oroonoko was extreamly delighted; who met him on the Shoar, attended by his French Governor, Jamoan, Aboan, and about an hundred of the noblest of the Youths of the 89 Court: And after they had first carry'd the Prince on Board, the Boats fetch'd the rest off; where they found a very splendid Treat, with all sorts of fine Wines; and were as well entertain'd, as 'twas possible in such a place to be. The Prince having drunk hard of Punch, and several Sorts of Wine, as did all the rest (for great Care was taken, they shou'd want nothing of that part of the Entertainment) was very merry, and in great Admiration of the Ship, for he had never been in one before; so that he was curious of beholding every place, where he decently might descend. The rest, no less curious, who were not quite overcome with Drinking, rambl'd at their pleasure Fore and Aft, as their Fancies guided 'em: So that the Captain, who had 90 well laid his Design before, gave the Word, and seiz'd on all his Guests; they clapping great Irons suddenly on the Prince, when he was leap'd down in the Hold, to view that part of the Vessel; and locking him fast down, secur'd him. The same Treachery was us'd to all the rest; and all in one Instant, in several places of the Ship, were lash'd fast in Irons, and betray'd to Slavery. That great Design over, they set all Hands to work to hoise Sail; and with as treacherous and fair a Wind, they made from the Shoar with this innocent and glorious Prize, who thought of nothing less than such an Entertainment. Some have commended this Act, as brave, in the Captain; but I will spare my Sence of it, and leave it to my Reader, to judge as he pleases. 91 It may be easily guess'd, in what manner the Prince resented this Indignity, who may be best resembl'd to a Lion taken in a Toil; so he rag'd, so he struggl'd for Liberty, but all in vain; and they had so wisely manag'd his Fetters, that he cou'd not use a Hand in his Defence, to quit himself of a Life that wou'd by no Means endure Slavery; nor cou'd he move from the Place, where he was ty'd, to any solid part of the Ship, against which he might have beat his Head, and have finish'd his Disgrace that way: So that being deprived of all other means, he resolved to perish for want of Food: And pleased at last with that Thought, and toil'd and tired by Rage and Indignation, he laid himself down, and sullenly resolved upon dying, 92 and refused all things that were brought him. This did not a little vex the Captain, and the more so, because, he found almost all of 'em of the same Humour; so that the loss of so many brave Slaves, so tall and goodly to behold, wou'd have been very considerable: He therefore order'd one to go from him (for he wou'd not be seen himself) to Oroonoko, and to assure him he was afflicted for having rashly done so unhospitable a Deed, and which cou'd not be now remedied, since they were far from shore; but since he resented it in so high a nature, he assur'd him he wou'd revoke his Resolution, and set both him and his Friends a-shore on the next Land they shou'd touch at; and of this the Messenger gave 93 him his Oath, provided he wou'd resolve to live: And Oroonoko, whose Honour was such as he never had violated a Word in his Life himself, much less a solemn Asseveration; believ'd in an instant what this Man said, but reply'd, He expected for a Confirmation of this, to have his shameful Fetters dismiss'd. This Demand was carried to the Captain, who return'd him answer, That the Offence had been so great which he had put upon the Prince, that he durst not trust him with Liberty while he remained in the Ship, for fear lest by a Valour natural to him, and a Revenge that would animate that Valour, he might commit some Outrage fatal to himself and the King his Master, to whom his Vessel did belong. To this Oroonoko replied, 94 he would engage his Honour to behave himself in all friendly Order and Manner, and obey the Command of the Captain, as he was Lord of the King's Vessel, and General of those Men under his Command. This was deliver'd to the still doubting Captain, who could not resolve to trust a Heathen he said, upon his ParolePledge, oath, a Man that had no sence or notion of the God that he Worshipp'd. Oroonoko then replied, He was very sorry to hear that the Captain pretended to the Knowledge and Worship of any Gods, who had taught him no better Principles, than not to Credit as he would be Credited: but they told him the Difference of their Faith occasion'd that Distrust: For the Captain had protested to him upon the Word of a Christian, 95 and sworn in the Name of a Great GOD; which if he shou'd violate, he would expect eternal Torment in the World to come. Is that all the Obligation he has to be Just to his Oath, replied Oroonoko? Let him know I Swear by my Honour, which to violate, wou'd not only render me contemptible and despised by all brave and honest Men, and so give my self perpetual pain, but it wou'd be eternally offending and diseasing all Mankind, harming, betraying, circumventing and outraging all Men; but Punishments hereafter are suffer'd by ones self; and the World takes no cognizances whether this God have revenged em, or not, tis done so secretly, and deferr'd so long: While the Man of no Honour, suffers every moment the scorn and contempt of the honester World, and dies every day ignominiously in his Fame, which 96 is more valuable than Life: I speak not this to move Belief, but to shew you how you mistake, when you imagine, That he who will violate his Honour, will keep his Word with his Gods. So turning from him with a disdainful smile, he refused to answer him, when he urg'd him to know what Answer he shou'd carry back to his Captain; so that he departed without saying any more. The Captain pondering and consulting what to do, it was concluded that nothing but Oroonoko's Liberty wou'd encourage any of the rest to eat, except the French-man, whom the Captain cou'd not pretend to keep Prisoner, but only told him he was secured because he might act something in favour of the Prince, but that he shou'd be freed as soon 97 as they came to Land. So that they concluded it wholly necessary to free the Prince from his Irons, that he might show himself to the rest; that they might have an Eye upon him, and that they cou'd not fear a single Man. This being resolv'd, to make the Obligation the greater, the Captain himself went to Oroonoko; where, after many Complements, and Assurances of what he had already promis'd, he receiving from the Prince his Parole, and his Hand, for his good Behaviour, dismiss'd his Irons, and brought him to his own Cabin; where, after having treated and repos'd him a while, for he had neither eat nor slept in four Days before, he besought him to visit those obstinate People in Chains, who refus'd all manner 98 of Sustenance; and intreated him to oblige 'em to eat, and assure 'em of their Liberty the first Opportunity. Oroonoko, who was too generous, not to give Credit to his Words, shew'd himself to his People, who were transported with Excess of Joy at the sight of their Darling Prince; falling at his Feet, and kissing and embracing 'em; believing, as some Divine Oracle, all he assur'd 'em. But he besought 'em to bear their Chains with that Bravery that became those whom he had seen act so nobly in Arms; and that they cou'd not give him greater Proofs of their Love and Friendship, since 'twas all the Security the Captain (his Friend) cou'd have, against the Revenge, he said, they might possibly justly take, for the 99 Injuries sustain'd by him. And they all, with one Accord, assur'd him, they cou'd not suffer enough, when it was for his Repose and Safety. After this they no longer refus'd to eat, but took what was brought 'em, and were pleas'd with their Captivity, since by it they hop'd to redeem the Prince, who, all the rest of the Voyage, was treated with all the Respect due to his Birth, though nothing cou'd divert his Melancholy; and he wou'd often sigh for Imoinda, and think this a Punishment due to his Misfortune, in having left that noble Maid behind him, that fatal Night, in the Otan, when he fled to the Camp. Possess'd with a thousand Thoughts of past Joys with this fair young Person, and a thousand 100 Griefs for her eternal Loss, he endur'd a tedious Voyage, and at last arriv'd at the Mouth of the River of Surinam, a Colony belonging to the King of England, and where they were to deliver some part of their Slaves. There the Merchants and Gentlemen of the Country going on Board, to demand those Lots of Slaves they had already agreed on; and, amongst those, the Over-seers of those Plantations where I then chanc'd to be, the Captain, who had given the Word, order'd his Men to bring up those noble Slaves in Fetters, whom I have spoken of; and having put 'em, some in one, and some in other Lots, with Women and Children (which they call PickaniniesDark-skinned children, usually of African descent. The term is likely a pidgin form of the Portuguese word pequenino.,) they sold 'em off, as Slaves, to several Merchants and Gentlemen; not 101 putting any two in one Lot, because they wou'd separate 'em far from each other; not daring to trust 'em together, lest Rage and Courage shou'd put 'em upon contriving some great Action, to the Ruin of the Colony. Oroonoko was first seiz'd on, and sold to our Over-seer, who had the first Lot, with seventeen more of all sorts and sizes; but not one of Quality with him. When he saw this, he found what they meant; for, as I said, he understood English pretty well; and being wholly unarm'd and defenceless, so as it was in vain to make any Resistance, he only beheld the Captain with a Look all fierce and disdainful, upbraiding him with Eyes, that forc'd Blushes on his guilty Cheeks, he only cry'd, in passing over the Side of the Ship, 102 Farewel, Sir: 'Tis worth my Suffering, to gain so true a Knowledge both of you, and of your Gods by whom you swear. And desiring those that held him to forbear their pains, and telling 'em he wou'd make no Resistance, he cry'd, Come, my Fellow-Slaves; let as descend, and see if we can meet with more Honour and Honesty in the next World we shall touch upon. So he nimbly leap'd into the Boat, and shewing no more Concern, suffer'd himself to be row'd up the River, with his seventeen Companions. The Gentleman that bought him was a young Cornish Gentleman, whose Name was Trefry; a Man of great Wit, and fine Learning, and was carry'd into those Parts by the Lord—GovernorLord Willoughby was the governor of Surinam and the owner of the Parham plantation. Trefy was there to oversee the plantation in Willoughby's absence., to manage all his Affairs. He reflecting on the last Words of Oroonoko to the 103 Captain, and beholding the Richness of his Vestclothing, no sooner came into the Boat, but he fix'd his Eyes on him; and finding something so extraordinary in his Face, his Shape and Mien, a Greatness of Look, and Haughtiness in his Air, and finding he spoke English, had a great mind to be enquiring into his Quality and Fortune; which, though Oroonoko endeavour'd to hide, by only confessing he was above the Rank of common Slaves, Trefry soon found he was yet something greater than he confess'd; and from that Moment began to conceive so vast an Esteem for him, that he ever after lov'd him as his dearest Brother, and shew'd him all the Civilities due to so great a Man. Trefry was a very good Mathematician, and a Linguist; cou'd 104 speak French and Spanish; and in the three Days they remain'd in the Boat (for so long were they going from the Ship, to the Plantation) he entertain'd Oroonoko so agreeably with his Art and Discourse, that he was no less pleas'd with Trefry, than he was with the Prince; and he thought himself, at least, fortunate in this, that since he was a Slave, as long as he wou'd suffer himself to remain so, he had a Man of so excellent Wit and Parts for a Master: So that before they had finish'd their Voyage up the River, he made no scruple of declaring to Trefry all his Fortunes, and most part of what I have here related, and put himself wholly into the Hands of his new Friend, whom he found resenting all the Injuries were done him, and was charm'd with all the Greatnesses of his Actions; 105 which were recited with that Modesty, and delicate Sence, as wholly vanquish'd him, and subdu'd him to his Interest. And he promis'd him on his Word and Honour, he wou'd find the Means to re-conduct him to his own Country again: assuring him, he had a perfect Abhorrence of so dishonourable an Action; and that he wou'd sooner have dy'd, than have been the Author of such a Perfidy. He found the Prince was very much concern'd to know what became of his Friends, and how they took their Slavery; and Trefry promis'd to take care about the enquiring after their Condition, and that he shou'd have an Account of 'em. Though, as Oroonoko afterwards said, he had little Reason to credit the Words of a BackeararyAn altered from of bakra, buckra, or buccra, a word used in Surinam for master., yet he knew not why; but he saw a kind 106 of Sincerity, and awful Truth in the Face of Trefry; he saw an Honesty in his Eyes, and he found him wise and witty enough to understand Honour; for it was one of his Maxims, A Man of Wit cou'd not be a Knave or Villain. In their passage up the RiverThe Suriname River, they put in at several Houses for Refreshment; and ever when they landed, numbers of People wou'd flock to behold this Man; not but their Eyes were daily entertain'd with the sight of Slaves, but the Fame of Oroonoko was gone before him, and all People were in Admiration of his Beauty. Besides, he had a rich Habit on, in which he was taken, so different from the rest, and which the Captain cou'd not strip him of, because he was forc'd to surprize his Person in the Minute he sold him. When he found his 107 Habit made him liable, as he thought, to be gaz'd at the more, he begg'd Trefry to give him something more befitting a Slave; which he did, and took off his Robes. Nevertheless, he shone through all; and his OsenbrigsA kind of coarse linen used for hard-wearing clothing that was produced in Osnabruck, Germany. Source: Oxford English Dictionary (a sort of brown Holland Suit he had on) cou'd not conceal the Graces of his Looks and Mien; and he had no less Admirers, than when he had his dazeling Habit on: The Royal Youth appear'd in spight of the Slave, and People cou'd not help treating him after a different manner, without designing it: As soon as they approach'd him, they venerated and esteem'd him; his Eyes insensibly commanded Respect, and his Behaviour insinuated it into every Soul. So that there was nothing talk'd of but this young and gallant Slave, even by those who yet knew not that he was a Prince. 108 I ought to tell you, that the Christians never buy any Slaves but they give 'em some Name of their own, their native ones being likely very barbarous, and hard to pronounce; so that Mr. Trefry gave Oroonoko that of CaesarSlaves were often given the names of powerful Romans, which was often a way of mocking their profound lack of power. Here, too, as Janet Todd notes, Behn sometimes referred to James II as Caesar, so this forms another link between Oroonoko and the Stuart monarchy.; which Name will live in that Country as long as that (scarce more) glorious one of the great Roman; for 'tis most evident, he wanted no part of the Personal Courage of that Caesar, and acted things as memorable, had they been done in some part of the World replenish'd with People, and Historians, that might have given him his due. But his Misfortune was, to fall in an obscure World, that afforded only a Female Pen to celebrate his Fame; though I doubt not but it had liv'd from others Endeavours, if the Dutch, who, immediately after his 109 Time, took that CountrySurinam was turned over to the Dutch in the Treaty of Breda in 1667, just after the action of this story takes place., had not kill'd, banish'd and dispers'd all those that were capable of giving the World this great Man's Life, much better than I have done. And Mr. Trefry, who design'd it, dy'd before he began it; and bemoan'd himself for not having undertook it in time. For the future therefore, I must call Oroonoko, Caesar, since by that Name only he was known in our Western World, and by that Name he was receiv'd on Shoar at Parham-HouseThe main house on the Parham plantation., where he was destin'd a Slave. But if the King himself (God bless him) had come a-shore, there cou'd not have been greater Expectations by all the whole Plantation, and those neighbouring ones, than was on ours at that time; and he was receiv'd more like a Governor, than 110 a Slave. Notwithstanding, as the Custom was, they assign'd him his Portion of Land, his House, and his Business, up in the Plantation. But as it was more for Form, than any Design, to put him to his Task, he endur'd no more of the Slave but the Name, and remain'd some Days in the House, receiving all Visits that were made him, without stirring towards that part of the Plantation where the Negroes were. At last, he wou'd needs go view his Land, his House, and the Business assign'd him. But he no sooner came to the Houses of the Slaves, which are like a little Town by it self, the Negroes all having left Work, but they all came forth to behold him, and found he was that Prince who had, at several times, sold most of 'em to these 111 Parts; and, from a Veneration they pay to great Men, especially if they know 'em, and from the Surprize and Awe they had at the sight of him, they all cast themselves at his Feet, crying out, in their Language, Live, O King! Long live, O King! And kissing his Feet, paid him even Divine Homage. Several English Gentlemen were with him; and what Mr. Trefry had told 'em, was here confirm'd; of which he himself before had no other Witness than Caesar himself: But he was infinitely glad to find his Grandure confirm'd by the Adoration of all the Slaves. Caesar troubl'd with their Over-Joy, and Over-Ceremony, besought 'em to rise, and to receive him as their Fellow-Slave; assuring them, he was no better. At which 112 they set up with one Accord a most terrible and hidious Mourning and condoling, which he and the English had much a-do to appease; but at last they prevail'd with 'em, and they prepar'd all their barbarous Musick, and every one kill'd and dress'd something of his own Stock (for every Family has their Land apart, on which, at their leisuretimes, they breed all eatable things;) and clubbing it together, made a most magnificent Supper, inviting their GrandeeA Spanish or Portugese nobleman of the highest rank. Source: Oxford English Dictionary Captain, their Prince, to honour it with his Presence; which he did, and several English with him; where they all waited on him, some playing, others dancing before him all the time, according to the Manners of their several Nations; and with unwearied Industry, endeavouring to please and delight him. 129 In the first edition, there is a page number skip from page 112 to page 129. One possible explanation for this as that a sheet, which would have had exactly sixteen pages in the original octavo format of this book, was removed for corrections. When he returned the sheet with the corrected type, the printed continued with the original pagination of the preceding sheet, perhaps forgetting that sixteen page numbers would then be missing. No text is missing; it's simply an error in pagination. While they sat at Meat Mr. Trefry told Caesar, that most of these young Slaves were undon in Love, with a fine she Slave, whom they had had about Six Months on their Land; the Prince, who never heard the Name of Love without a Sigh, nor any mention of it without the Curiosity of examining further into that tale, which of all Discourses was most agreeable to him, asked, how they came to be so Unhappy, as to be all Undon for one fair Slave? Trefry, who was naturally Amorous, and lov'd to talk of Love as well as any body, proceeded to tell him, they had the most charming Black that ever was beheld on their Plantation, about Fifteen or Sixteen Years old, as he guest; that, for his part, he had done nothing but Sigh for her 130 ever since she came; and that all the white Beautys he had seen, never charm'd him so absolutely as this fine Creature had done; and that no Man, of any Nation, ever beheld her, that did not fall in Love with her; and that she had all the Slaves perpetually at her Feet; and the whole Country resounded with the Fame of Clemene, for so, said he, we have Christ'ned her: But she denys us all with such a noble Disdain, that 'tis a Miracle to see, that she, who can give such eternal Desires, shou'd herself be all Ice, and all Unconcern. She is adorn'd with the most Graceful Modesty that ever beautifyed Youth; the softest Sigher—that, if she were capable of Love, one would swear she languish'd for some absent happy Man; and 131 so retir'd, as if she fear'd a Rape even from the God of Day; or that the Breezes would steal Kisses from her delicate Mouth. Her Task of Work some sighing Lover every day makes it his Petition to perform for her, which she excepts blushing, and with reluctancy, for fear he will ask her a Look for a Recompence, which he dares not presume to hope; so great an Awe she strikes into the Hearts of her Admirers. I do not wonder, replied the Prince, that Clemene shou'd refuse Slaves, being as you say so Beautiful, but wonder how she escapes those who can entertain her as you can do; or why, being your Slave, you do not oblige her to yield. I confess, said Trefry, when I have, against her will, entertain'd her with Love so long, as to be transported 132 with my Passion; even above Decency, I have been ready to make use of those advantages of Strength and Force Nature has given me. But oh! she disarms me, with that Modesty and Weeping so tender and so moving, that I retire, and thank my Stars she overcame me. The Company laught at his Civility to a Slave, and Caesar only applauded the nobleness of his Passion and Nature; since that Slave might be Noble, or, what was better, have true Notions of Honour and Vertue in her. Thus past they this Night, after having received, from the Slaves, all imaginable Respect and Obedience. The next Day Trefry ask'd Caesar to walk, when the heat was allay'd, and designedly carried him by the Cottage of the fair Slave; and 133 told him, she whom he spoke of last Night liv'd there retir'd. But, says he, I would not wish you to approach, for, I am sure, you will be in Love as soon as you behold her. Caesar assur'd him, he was proof against all the Charms of that Sex; and that if he imagin'd his Heart cou'd be so perfidious to Love again, after Imoinda, he believ'd he shou'd tear it from his Bosom: They had no sooner spoke, but a little shock Dog, that Clemene had presented her, which she took great Delight in, ran out; and she, not knowing any body was there, ran to get it in again, and bolted out on those who were just Speaking of her: When seeing them, she wou'd have run in again; but Trefry caught her by the Hand, and cry'd, Clemene, however you 134 fly a Lover, you ought to pay some Respect to this Stranger: (pointing to Caesar) But she, as if she had resolv'd never to raise her Eyes to the Face of a Man again, bent 'em the more to the Earth, when he spoke, and gave the Prince the Leasure to look the more at her. There needed no long Gazing, or Consideration, to examin who this fair Creature was; he soon saw Imoinda all over her; in a Minute he saw her Face, her Shape, her Air, her Modesty, and all that call'd forth his Soul with Joy at his Eyes, and left his Body destitute of almost Life; it stood without Motion, and, for a Minute, knew not that it had a Being; and, I believe, he had never come to himself, so opprest he was with over-Joy, if he had not met 135 with this Allay, that he perceiv'd Imoinda fall dead in the Hands of Trefry: this awaken'd him, and he ran to her aid, and caught her in his Arms, where, by degrees, she came to herself; and 'tis needless to tell with what transports, what extasies of Joy, they both a while beheld each other, without Speaking; then Snatcht each other to their Arms; then Gaze again, as if they still doubted whether they possess'd the Blessing: They Graspt, but when they recovered their Speech, 'tis not to be imagin'd, what tender things they exprest to each other; wondering what strange Fate had brought 'em again together. They soon inform'd each other of their Fortunes, and equally bewail'd their Fate; but, at the same 136 time, they mutually protested, that even Fetters and Slavery were Soft and Easy; and wou'd be supported with Joy and Pleasure, while they cou'd be so happy to possess each other, and to be able to make good their Vows. Caesar swore he disdain'd the Empire of the World, while he cou'd behold his Imoinda; and she despis'd Grandure and Pomp, those Vanities of her Sex, when she cou'd Gaze on Oroonoko. He ador'd the very Cottage where she resided, and said, That little Inch of the World wou'd give him more Happiness than all the Universe cou'd do; and she vow'd, It was a Pallace, while adorn'd with the Presence of Oroonoko. Trefry was infinitely pleas'd with this NovelTo Behn and her readers, the word "novel" would have been associated with short romantic stories set among the aristocracy; the story of Oroonoko and Imoinda that Trefry has just heard fits that definition. "Novel" only gained its modern sense decades later.Clemene 137 was the Fair Mistress of whom Caesar had before spoke; and was not a little satisfied, that Heaven was so kind to the Prince, as to sweeten his Misfortunes by so lucky an Accident; and leaving the Lovers to themselves, was impatient to come down to Parham House, (which was on the same Plantation) to give me an Account of what had hapned. I was as impatient to make these Lovers a Visit, having already made a Friendship with Caesar; and from his own Mouth learn'd what I have related, which was confirmed by his French-man, who was set on Shore to seek his Fortunes; and of whom they cou'd not make a Slave, because a Christian; and he came daily to Parham Hill to see and pay his Respects 138 to his Purple Prince: So that concerning and intresting my self, in all that related to Caesar, whom I had assur'd of Liberty, as soon as the Governor arriv'd, I hasted presently to the Place where the Lovers were, and was infinitely glad to find this Beautiful young Slave (who had already gain'd all our Esteems, for her Modesty and her extraordinary Prettyness) to be the same I had heard Caesar speak so much off. One may imagine then, we paid her a treble Respect; and though from her being carv'd in fine Flowers and Birds all over her Body, we took her to be of Quality before, yet, when we knew Clemene was Imoinda, we cou'd not enough admire her. I had forgot to tell you, that 139 those who are Nobly born of that Country, are so delicately Cut and Rac'dTo cut or slash (a shoe, item of clothing) for decorative purposes. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, “race”) all over the fore-part of the Trunk of their Bodies, that it looks as if it were Japan'dLacquered, or covered with a glossy material; in this period, highly-lacquered glossy black surfaces were associated with Japan, which exported such goods to Europe.; the Works being raised like high Poynt round the Edges of the Flowers: Some are only Carv'd with a little Flower, or Bird, at the Sides of the Temples, as was Caesar; and those who are so Carv'd over the Body, resemble our Ancient Picts,The Picts were an ancient tribe in the northern part of Britain who were known to paint and tattoo their bodies. The engravings of Picts in Thomas Hariot’s A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (1588) are accompanied by the comment that "the markings of the Picts were similar to those of the Native Americans in Virginia.” Source: Wikipedia that are figur'd in the Chronicles, but these Carvings are more delicate. From that happy Day Caesar took Clemene for his Wife, to the general Joy of all People; and there was as much Magnificence as the Country wou'd afford at the Celebration of this Wedding: and in a very short time after she 140 conceiv'd with Child; which made Caesar even adore her, knowing he was the last of his Great Race. This new Accident made him more Impatient of Liberty, and he was every Day treating with Trefry for his and Clemene's Liberty; and offer'd either Gold, or a vast quantity of Slaves, which shou'd be paid before they let him go, provided he cou'd have any Security that he shou'd go when his Ransom was paid: They fed him from Day to Day with Promises, and delay'd him, till the Lord Governor shou'd come; so that he began to suspect them of falshood, and that they wou'd delay him till the time of his Wives delivery, and make a Slave of that too, For all the Breed is 141 theirs to whom the Parents belong: This Thought made him very uneasy, and his Sullenness gave them some Jealousies of him; so that I was oblig'd, by some Persons, who fear'd a Mutiny (which is very Fatal sometimes in those Colonies, that abound so with Slaves, that they exceed the Whites in vast Numbers) to discourse with Caesar, and to give him all the Satisfaction I possibly cou'd; they knew he and Clemene were scarce an Hour in a Day from my Lodgings; that they eat with me, and that I oblig'd 'em in all things I was capable of: I entertain'd him with the Lives of the Romans, and great Men, which charm'd him to my Company; and her, with teaching her all the pretty Works that I was Mistress 142 of; and telling her Stories of Nuns, and endeavoring to bring her to the knowledge of the true God. But of all Discourses Caesar lik'd that the worst, and wou'd never be reconcil'd to our Notions of the Trinity, of which he ever made a Jest; it was a Riddle, he said, wou'd turn his Brain to conceive, and one cou'd not make him understand what Faith was. However, these Conversations fail'd not altogether so well to divert him, that he lik'd the Company of us Women much above the Men; for he cou'd not Drink; and he is but an ill Companion in that Country that cannot: So that obliging him to love us very well, we had all the Liberty of Speech with him, especially my self, whom he call'd 143 his Great Mistress; and indeed my Word wou'd go a great way with him. For these Reasons, I had Opportunity to take notice to him, that he was not well pleasd of late, as he us'd to be; was more retir'd and thoughtful; and told him, I took it Ill he shou'd Suspect we wou'd break our Words with him, and not permit both him and Clemene to return to his own Kingdom, which was not so long a way, but when he was once on his Voyage he wou'd quickly arrive there. He made me some Answers that shew'd a doubt in him, which made me ask him, what advantage it wou'd be to doubt? it would but give us a Fear of him, and possibly compel us to treat him so as I shou'd be 144 very loath to behold: that is, it might occasion his Confinement. Perhaps this was not so Luckily spoke of me, for I perceiv'd he resented that Word, which I strove to Soften again in vain: However, he assur'd me, that whatsoever Resolutions he shou'd take, he wou'd Act nothing upon the White-People; and as for my self, and those upon that Plantation where he was, he wou'd sooner forfeit his eternal Liberty, and Life it self, than lift his Hand against his greatest Enemy on that Place: He besought me to suffer no Fears upon his Account, for he cou'd do nothing that Honour shou'd not dictate; but he accus'd himself for having suffer'd Slavery so long; yet he charg'd that weakness on Love alone, who 145 was capable of making him neglect even Glory it self; and, for which, now he reproches himself every moment of the Day. Much more to this effect he spoke, with an Air impatient enough to make me know he wou'd not be long in Bondage; and though he suffer'd only the Name of a Slave, and had nothing of the Toil and Labour of one, yet that was sufficient to render him Uneasy; and he had been too long Idle, who us'd to be always in Action, and in Arms: He had a Spirit all Rough and Fierce, and that cou'd not be tam'd to lazy Rest; and though all endeavors were us'd to exercise himself in such Actions and Sports as this World afforded, as Running, Wrastling, Pitching the Bar, Hunting and Fishing, 146 Chasing and Killing Tigers of a monstrous Size, which this Continent affords in abundance; and wonderful Snakes, such as AlexanderThe reference here is to Alexander the Great, who by legend met Thallestris, the Queen of the Amazons, a race of female warriors, whose home was near the river Jaxartes, which reportedly had brightly-colored poisonous snakes. There is no historical evidence for this, but the stories were told over and over again in historical romances from antiquity onwards, which is the context that Behn is invoking here. is reported to have incounter'd at the River of Amazons, and which Caesar took great Delight to overcome; yet these were not Actions great enough for his large Soul, which was still panting after more renown'd Action. Before I parted that Day with him, I got, with much ado, a Promise from him to rest yet a little longer with Patience, and wait the coming of the Lord Governor, who was every Day expected on our Shore; he assur'd me he wou'd, and this Promise he desired me to know was given perfectly in Complaisance to me, 147 in whom he had an intire Confidence. After this, I neither thought it convenient to trust him much out of our View, nor did the Country who fear'd him; but with one accord it was advis'd to treat him Fairly, and oblige him to remain within such a compass, and that he shou'd be permitted, as seldom as cou'd be, to go up to the Plantations of the Negroes; or, if he did, to be accompany'd by some that shou'd be rather in appearance Attendants than Spys. This Care was for some time taken, and Caesar look'd upon it as a Mark of extraordinary Respect, and was glad his discontent had oblig'd 'em to be more observant to him; he received new assurance from 148 the Overseer, which was confirmed to him by the Opinion of all the Gentlemen of the Country, who made their court to him: During this time that we had his Company more frequently than hitherto we had had, it may not be unpleasant to relate to you the Diversions we entertain'd him with, or rather he us. My stay was to be short in that Country, because my Father dy'd at Sea, and never arriv'd to possess the Honour was design'd him, (which was Lieutenant-General of Six and thirty Islands, besides the Continent of Surinam) nor the advantages he hop'd to reap by them; so that though we were oblig'd to continue on our Voyage, we did not 149 intend to stay upon the Place: Though, in a Word, I must say thus much of it, That certainly had his late Majesty, of sacred Memory, but seen and known what a vast and charming World he had been Master off in that Continent, he would never have parted so Easily with it to the Dutch. 'Tis a Continent whose vast Extent was never yet known, and may contain more Noble Earth than all the Universe besides; for, they say, it reaches from East to West; one Way as far as China, and another to Peru: It affords all things both for Beauty and Use; 'tis there Eternal Spring, always the very Months of April, May and June; the Shades are perpetual, the Trees, bearing at once all degrees of Leaves and Fruit, 150 from blooming Buds to ripe Autumn; Groves of Oranges, Limons, Citrons, Figs, Nutmegs, and noble Aromaticks, continually bearing their Fragrancies. The Trees appearing all like NosegaysFragrant bouquets adorn'd with Flowers of different kind; some are all White, some Purple, some Scarlet, some Blew, some Yellow; bearing, at the same time, Ripe Fruit and Blooming Young, or producing every Day new. The very Wood of all these Trees have an intrinsick Value above common Timber; for they are, when cut, of different Colours, glorious to behold; and bear a Price considerable, to inlay withal. Besides this, they yield rich Balm, and Gums; so that we make our Candles of such an Aromatick Substance, as 151 does not only give a sufficient Light, but, as they Burn, they cast their Perfumes all about. Cedar is the common Firing, and all the Houses are built with it. The very Meat we eat, when set on the Table, if it be Native, I mean of the Country, perfumes the whole Room; especially a little Beast call'd an Armadilly, a thing which I can liken to nothing so well as a Rhinoceros; 'tis all in white Armor so joynted, that it moves as well in it, as if it had nothing on; this Beast is about the bigness of a Pig of Six Weeks old. But it were endless to give an Account of all the divers Wonderfull and Strange things that Country affords, and which we took a very great Delight to go in search of; though 152 those adventures are oftentimes Fatal and at least Dangerous: But while we had Caesar in our Company on these Designs we fear'd no harm, nor suffer'd any. As soon as I came into the Country, the best House in it was presented me, call'd St. John's Hill. It stood on a vast Rock of white Marble, at the Foot of which the River ran a vast depth down, and not to be descended on that side; the little Waves still dashing and washing the foot of this Rock, made the softest Murmurs and Purlings in the World; and the Oposite Bank was adorn'd with such vast quantities of different Flowers eternally Blowing, and every Day and Hour new, fenc'd behind 'em with lofty Trees of a Thousand rare 153 Forms and Colours, that the Prospect was the most raving that Sands can create. On the Edge of this white Rock, towards the River, was a Walk or Grove of Orange and Limon Trees, about half the length of the Mall herePall Mall, one of the straightest avenues in London, well known in Behn's era as a place for the socially ambitious to promenade., whose Flowery and Fruity bear Branches meet at the top, and hinder'd the Sun, whose Rays are very fierce there, from entering a Beam into the Grove; and the cool Air that came from the River made it not only fit to entertain People in, at all the hottest Hours of the Day, but refresh'd the sweet Blossoms, and made it always Sweet and harming; and sure the whole Globe of the World cannot show so delightful a Place as this Grove was: Not all the Gardens of boasted 154 Italy can produce a Shade to outvie this, which Nature had joyn'd with Art to render so exceeding Fine; and 'tis a marvel to see how such vast Trees, as big as English Oaks, cou'd take footing on so solid a Rock, and in so little Earth, as cover'd that Rock but all things by Nature there are Rare, Delightful and Wonderful. But to our Sports; Sometimes we wou'd go surprizing, and in search of young TigersThere are, of course, no tigers in Surinam, so either Behn is thinking of some other kind of large carnivore such a jaguar (which does exist in Surinam), or is fancifully adding this detail. in their Dens, watching when the old Ones went forth to forage for Prey; and oftentimes we have been in great Danger, and have fled apace for our Lives, when surpriz'd by the DamsMothers. But once, above all other times, we went on this Design, and Caesar was with us, who had no sooner 155 stol'n a young Tiger from her Nest, but going off, we incounter'd the Dam, bearing a Buttock of a Cow, which he had torn off with his mighty Paw, and going with it towards his Den; we had only four Women, Caesar, and an English Gentleman, Brother to Harry Martin, the great Oliverian;Follower of Oliver Cromwell, the leader of the Parliamentary forces in the Civil War and head of the Commonwealth government that ruled England in the 1650s. we found there was no escaping this inrag'd and ravenous Beast. However, we Women fled as fast as we cou'd from it; but our Heels had not sav'd our Lives, if Caesar had not laid down his Cub, when he found the Tiger quit her Prey to make the more speed towards him; and taking Mr. Martin's Sword desir'd him to stand aside, or follow the Ladies. He obey'd him, and Caesar met this monstrous 156 Beast of might, size, and vast Limbs, who came with open Jaws upon him; and fixing his Awful stern Eyes full upon those of the Beast, and putting himself into a very steddy and good aiming posture of Defence, ran his Sword quite through his Breast down to his very Heart, home to the Hilt of the Sword; the dying Beast stretch'd forth her Paw, and going to grasp his Thigh, surpris'd with Death in that very moment, did him no other harm than fixing her long Nails in his Flesh very deep, feebly wounded him, but cou'd not grasp the Flesh to tear off any. When he had done this, he hollow'd to us to return; which, after some assurance of his Victory, we did, and found him lugging 157 out the Sword from the Bosom of the Tiger, who was laid in her Bloud on the Ground; he took up the Cub, and with an unconcern, that had nothing of the Joy or Gladness of a Victory, he came and laid the Whelp at my Feet: We all extreamly wonder'd at his Daring, and at the Bigness of the Beast, which was about the highth of an Heifer, but of mighty, great, and strong Limbs. Another time, being in the Woods, he kill'd a Tiger, which had long infested that part, and born away abundance of Sheep and Oxen, and other things, that were for the support of those to whom they belong'd; abundance of People assail'd this Beast, some affirming they had shot her 158 with several Bullets quite through the Body, at several times; and some swearing they shot her through the very Heart, and they believ'd she was a Devil rather than a Mortal thing. Caesar, had often said, he had a mind to encounter this Monster, and spoke with several Gentlemen who had attempted her; one crying, I shot her with so many poyson'd Arrows, another with his Gun in this part of her, and another in that; so that he remarking all these Places where she was shot, fancy'd still he shou'd overcome her, by giving her another sort of a Wound than any had yet done; and one day said (at the Table) What Trophies and Garlands Ladies will you make me, if I bring you home the Heart of 159 this Ravenous Beast, that eats up all your Lambs and Pigs? We all promis'd he shou'd be rewarded at all our Hands. So taking a Bow, which he chus'd out of a great many, he went up in the Wood with two Gentlemen, where he imagin'd this Devourer to be; they had not past very far in it, but they heard her Voice, growling and grumbling, as if she were pleas'd with something she was doing. When they came in view, they found her muzzling in the Belly of a new ravish'd Sheep, which she had torn open; and seeing herself approach'd, she took fast hold of her Prey, with her fore Paws, and set a very fierce raging Look on Caesar, without offering to approach him; for fear, at the 160 same time, of loosing what she had in Possession. So that Caesar remain'd a good while, only taking aim, and getting an opportunity to shoot her where he design'd; 'twas some time before he cou'd accomplish it, and to wound her, and not kill her, wou'd but have enrag'd her more, and indanger'd him: He had a Quiver of Arrows at his side, so that if one fail'd he cou'd be supply'd; at last, retiring a little, he gave her opportunity to eat, for he found she was Ravenous, and fell too as soon as she saw him retire; being more eager of her Prey than of doing new Mischiefs. When he going softly to one side of her, and hiding his Person behind certain Herbage that grew high and thick, 161 he took so good aim, that, as he intended, he shot her just into the Eye, and the Arrow was sent with so good a will, and so sure a hand, that it stuck in her Brain, and made her caper, and become mad for a moment or two; but being seconded by another Arrow, he fell dead upon the Prey: Caesar cut him Open with a Knife, to see where those Wounds were that had been reported to him, and why he did not Die of 'em. But I shall now relate a thing that possibly will find no Credit among Men, because 'tis a Notion commonly receiv'd with us, That nothing can receive a Wound in the Heart and Live; but when the Heart of this courageous Animal was taken out, there were Seven 162 Bullets of Lead in it, and the Wounds seam'd up with great Scars, and she liv'd with the Bullets a great while, for it was long since they were shot: This Heart the Conqueror brought up to us, and 'twas a very great Curiosity, which all the Country came to see; and which gave Caesar occasion of many fine Discourses; of Accidents in War, and Strange Escapes. At other times he wou'd go a Fishing; and discoursing on that Diversion, he found we had in that Country a very Strange Fish, call'd, a Numb Eel,An electric eel (an Eel of which I have eaten) that while it is alive, it has a quality so Cold, that those who are Angling, though with a Line of never so great a length, with a Rod 163 at the end of it, it shall, in the same minute the Bait is touched by this Eel, seize him or her that holds the Rod with benumb'dness, that shall deprive 'em of Sense, for a while; and some have fall'n into the Water, and others drop'd as dead on the Banks of the Rivers where they stood, as soon as this Fish touches the Bait. Caesar us'd to laugh at this, and believ'd it impossible a Man cou'd loose his Force at the touch of a Fish; and cou'd not understand that Philosophy, that a cold Quality should be of that Nature: However, he had a great Curiosity to try whether it wou'd have the same effect on him it had on others, and often try'd, but in vain; at last, the sought for 164 Fish came to the Bait, as he stood Angling on the Bank; and instead of throwing away the Rod, or giving it a sudden twitch out of the Water, whereby he might have caught both the Eel, and have dismist the Rod, before it cou'd have too much Power over him; for Experiment sake, he grasp'd it but the harder, and fainting fell into the River; and being still possest of the Rod, the Tide carry'd him senseless as he was a great way, till an Indian Boat took him up; and perceiv'd, when they touch'd him, a Numbness seize them, and by that knew the Rod was in his Hand; which, with a Paddle (that is, a short Oar) they struck away, and snatch'd it into the Boat, 165 Eel and all. If Caesar were almost Dead, with the effect of this Fish, he was more so with that of the Water, where he had remain'd the space of going a League; and they found they had much a-do to bring him back to Life: But, at last, they did, and brought him home, where he was in a few Hours well Recover'd and Refresh'd; and not a little Asham'd to find he shou'd be overcome by an Eel; and that all the People, who heard his Defiance, wou'd Laugh at him. But we cheared him up; and he, being convinc'd, we had the Eel at Supper; which was a quarter of an EllAn ell is a unit of measurement; it varied from place to place and at different times, but an English ell of this period would have been about 45 inches about, and most delicate Meat; and was of the more Value, since it cost so 166 Dear, as almost the Life of so gallant a Man. About this time we were in many mortal Fears, about some Disputes the English had with the Indians; so that we cou'd scarce trust our selves, without great Numbers, to go to any Indian Towns, or Place, where they abode; for fear they shou'd fall upon us, as they did immediately after my coming away; and that it was in the possession of the Dutch, who us'd 'em not so civilly as the English; so that they cut in pieces all they cou'd take, getting into Houses, and hanging up the Mother, and all her Children about her; and cut a Footman, I left behind me, all in Joynts, and nail'd him to Trees. 167 This feud began while I was there; so that I lost half the satisfaction I propos'd, in not seeing and visiting the Indian Towns. But one Day, bemoaning of our Misfortunes upon this account, Caesar told us, we need not Fear; for if we had a mind to go, he wou'd undertake to be our Guard: Some wou'd, but most wou'd not venture; about Eighteen of us resolv'd, and took Barge; and, after Eight Days, arriv'd near an Indian Town: But approaching it, the Hearts of some of our Company fail'd, and they wou'd not venture on Shore; so we Poll'd who wou'd, and who wou'd not: For my part, I said, If Caesar wou'd, I wou'd go; he resolv'd, so did my Brother, and 168 my Woman, a Maid of good Courage. Now none of us speaking the Language of the People, and imagining we shou'd have a half Diversion in Gazing only; and not knowing what they said, we took a Fisherman that liv'd at the Mouth of the River, who had been a long Inhabitant there, and oblig'd him to go with us: But because he was known to the Indians, as trading among 'em; and being, by long Living there, become a perfect Indian in Colour, we, who resolv'd to surprize 'em, by making 'em see something they never had seen, (that is, White People) resolv'd only my self, my Brother, and Woman shou'd go; so Caesar, the Fisherman, and the rest, hiding behind some 169 thick Reeds and Flowers, that grew on the Banks, let us pass on towards the Town, which was on the Bank of the River all along. A little distant from the Houses, or Hutts; we saw some Dancing, others busy'd in fetching and carrying of Water from the River: They had no sooner spy'd us, but they set up a loud Cry, that frighted us at first; we thought it had been for those that should Kill us, but it seems it was of Wonder and Amazement. They were all Naked, and we were Dress'd, so as is most comode for the hot Countries, very Glittering and Rich; so that we appear'd extreamly fine; my own Hair was cut short, and I had a Taffaty Cap, with Black Feathers, on my 170 Head; my Brother was in a Stuff Sute, with Silver Loops and Buttons, and abundance of Green Ribon; this was all infinitely surprising to them, and because we saw them stand still, till we approach'd 'em, we took Heart and advanc'd; came up to 'em, and offer'd 'em our Hands; which they took, and look'd on us round about, calling still for more Company; who came swarming out, all wondering, and crying out Tepeeme; taking their Hair up in their Hands, and spreading it wide to those they call'd out too; as if they would say (as indeed it signify'd) Numberless Wonders, or not to be recounted, no more than to number the Hair of their Heads. By degrees they grew 171 more bold, and from gazing upon us round, they touch'd us; laying their Hands upon all the Features of our Faces, feeling our Breasts and Arms, taking up one Petticoat, then wondering to see another; admiring our Shooes and Stockings, but more our Garters, which we gave 'em; and they ty'd about their Legs, being Lac'd with Silver Lace at the ends, for they much Esteem any shining thingsBehn’s description of Native American gentleness and fascination with European dress and trinkets is an exploitive theme common throughout early colonial American literature. In most of the colonial writings regarding Native Americans, the tribes encountered are often depicted as subservient and attracted to lustrous items rather than those things which might possess monetary value. Writers of the period employed instances of civil exchange, fascination, and amity between white Europeans and Native Americans to engender merchants to settle the New World as well as convince wealthy aristocrats and merchants to patron campaigns to westernize and impose dominion by means of Christian conversion.: In fine, we suffer'd 'em to survey us as they pleas'd, and we thought they wou'd never have done admiring us. When Caesar, and the rest, saw we were receiv'd with such wonder, they came up to us; and finding the Indian Trader whom they knew, (for 'tis 172 by these Fishermen, call'd Indian Traders, we hold a Commerce with 'em; for they love not to go far from home, and we never go to them) when they saw him therefore they set up a new Joy; and cry'd, in their Language, Oh! here's our TiguamyJanet Todd notes that the phrase "Amora tiguamy" appears in Antione Biet’s Voyage de la France équixonale en l’isle de Cayenne (1654, pp. 395-7). Todd argues that Behn records a traditional greeting and provides the translation herself; however, it should be noted that the term Amora has connection with the Latin Amore, suggesting that Behn plays with contemporary accounts and phonetics to further depict the indigenous characters as loving and peaceful. The phrase likely developed out of interactions between the natives and the Spanish., and we shall now know whether those things can speak: So advancing to him, some of 'em gave him their Hands, and cry'd, Amora Tiguamy, which is as much as, How do you, or Welcome Friend; and all, with one din, began to gabble to him, and ask'd, If we had Sense, and Wit? if we cou'd talk of affairs of Life, and War, as they cou'd do? if we cou'd Hunt, Swim, and do a thousand things they use? He answer'd 'em, We cou'd. Then 173 they invited us into their Houses, and dress'd Venison and Buffelo for us; and, going out, gathered a Leaf of a Tree, call'd a SarumboTodd notes that Behn borrowed the word sarumbo from Biet as well; Biet observes that these large leaves were used as napkins. Leaf, of Six Yards long, and spread it on the Ground for a Table-Cloth; and cutting another in pieces instead of Plates, setting us on little bow Indian Stools, which they cut out of one intire piece of Wood, and Paint, in a sort of Japan Work: They serve every one their MessA serving of food; a course; or a meal. Source: Oxford English Dictionary on these pieces of Leaves, and it was very good, but too high season'd with Pepper. When we had eat, my Brother, and I, took out our Flutes, and play'd to 'em, which gave 'em new Wonder; and I soon perceiv'd, by an admiration, that is natural to these 174 People; and by the extream Ignorance and Simplicity of 'em, it were not difficult to establish any unknown or extravagant Religion among them; and to impose any Notions or Fictions upon 'em. For seeing a Kinsman of mine set some Paper a Fire, with a Burning-glassA lens, by which the rays of the sun may be concentrated on an object, so as to burn it if combustible. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, a Trick they had never before seen, they were like to have Ador'd him for a God; and beg'd he wou'd give them the Characters or Figures of his Name, that they might oppose it against Winds and Storms; which he did, and they held it up in those Seasons, and fancy'd it had a Charm to conquer them; and kept it like a Holy Relique. They are very Superstitious, and call'd him the 175 Great Peeie, that is, Prophet They show d us their Indian Peeie a Youth of about Sixteen Years old, as handsom as Nature cou'd make a Man. They consecrate a beautiful Youth from his Infancy, and all Arts are us'd to compleat him in the finest manner, both in Beauty and Shape: He is bred to all the little Arts and cunning they are capable of; to all the LegerdemainJuggling or conjuring tricks. Deception, from the French leger de main, literally "light of hand." Tricks, and Slight of Hand, whereby he imposes upon the Rabble; and is both a Doctor in Physick and Divinity. And by these Tricks makes the Sick believe he sometimes eases their Pains; by drawing from the afflicted part little Serpents, or odd Flies, or Worms, or any Strange thing; and though 176 they have besides undoubted good Remedies, for almost all their Diseases, they cure the Patient more by Fancy than by Medicines; and make themselves Fear'd, Lov'd, and Reverenc'd.Behn describes the tribe as passing down its highest artistic and scientific knowledge to a select member who undergoes rigorous training from youth. This pattern relates to ideal models of aristocratic education in European society. This young Peeie had a very young Wife, who seeing my Bròther kiss her, came running and kiss'd me; after this, they kiss'd one another, and made it a very great Jest, it being so Novel; and new Admiration and Laughing went round the Multitude, that they never will forget that Ceremony, never before us'd or known. Caesar had a mind to see and talk with their War Captains, and we were conducted to one of their Houses; where we beheld several of the 177 great Captains, who had been at Councel: But so frightful a Vision it was to see 'em no Fancy can create; no such Dreams can represent so dreadful a Spectacle. For my part I took 'em for Hobgoblins, or Fiends, rather than Men; but however their Shapes appear'd, their Souls were very Humane and Noble; but some wanted their Noses, some their Lips, some both Noses and Lips, some their Ears, and others Cut through each Cheek, with long Slashes, through which their Teeth appear'd; they had other several formidable Wounds and Scars, or rather Dismemberings; they had Comitias,Todd notes that Behn may have borrowed from Biet yet again. Biet claims Indians wore a small piece of clothing called a camison. or little Aprons before 'em; and Girdles of Cotton, with their Knives naked, 178 stuck in it; a Bow at their Backs, and a Quiver of Arrows on their Thighs; and most had Feathers on their Heads of divers Colours. They cry'd, Amora Tigame to us, at our entrance, and were pleas'd we said as much to em; they seated us, and gave us Drink of the best Sort; and wonder'd, as much as the others had done before, to see us. Caesar was marvelling as much at their Faces, wondering how they shou'd all be so Wounded in War; he was Impatient to know how they all came by those frightful Marks of Rage or Malice, rather than Wounds got in Noble Battel: They told us, by our Interpreter, That when any War was waging, two 179 Men chosen out by some old Captain, whose Fighting was past, and who cou'd only teach the Theory of War, these two Men were to stand in Competition for the Generalship, or Great War Captain; and being brought before the old Judges, now past Labour, they are ask'd, What they dare do to shew they are worthy to lead an Army? When he, who is first ask'd, making no Reply, Cuts of his Nose, and throws it contemptably on the Ground; and the other does something to himself that he thinks surpasses him, and perhaps deprives himself of Lips and an Eye; so they Slash on till one gives out, and many have dy'd in this Debate. And 'its by a passive Valour they 180 shew and prove their Activity; a sort of Courage too Brutal to be applauded by our Black Hero; nevertheless he express'd his Esteem of 'em. In this Voyage Caesar begot so good an understanding between the Indians and the English, that there were no more Fears, or Heart-burningsJealousy, resentment, or discontent; grudges. Source: Oxford English Dictionary during our stay; but we had a perfect, open, and free Trade with 'em: Many things Remarkable, and worthy Reciting, we met with in this short Voyage; because Caesar made it his Business to search out and provide for our Entertainment, especially to please his dearly Ador'd Imoinda, who was a sharer in all our Adventures; we being resolv'd to make her Chains as easy as we cou'd, and 181 to Compliment the Prince in that manner that most oblig'd him. As we were coming up again, we met with some Indians of strange Aspects; that is, of a larger Size, and other sort of Features, than those of our Country: Our Indian Slaves, that Row'd us, ask'd 'em some Questions, but they cou'd not understand us; but shew'd us a long Cotton String, with several Knots on it; and told us, they had been coming from the Mountains so many MoonsMonths as there were Knots; they were habited in Skins of a strange Beast, and brought along with 'em Bags of Gold Dust; which, as well as they cou'd give us to understand, came streaming in 182 little small Chanels down the high Mountains, when the Rains fell; and offer'd to be the Convoy to any Body, or Persons, that wou'd go to the MountainsEuropeans still believed that a golden city, or El Dorado, existed in the South American mountains. We carry'd these Men up to Parham, where they were kept till the Lord Governour came: And because all the Country was mad to be going on this Golden Adventure, the Governour, by his Letters, commanded (for they sent some of the Gold to him) that a Guard shou'd be set at the Mouth of the River of AmazonsTodd explains that this is a geographic blunder. The mouth of the Amazon is in Brazil, but cartographers had drawn it as the south-eastern border of “Guiana” throughout the seventeenth century., (a River so call'd, almost as broad as the River of Thames) and prohibited all People from going up that River, it conducting to those Mountains of Gold. But we going off for England before 183 the Project was further prosecuted, and the Governour being drown'd in a Hurricane, either the Design dy'd, or the Dutch have the Advantage of it: And 'tis to be bemoan'd what his Majesty lost by loosing that part of America. Though this digression is a little from my Story, however since it contains some Proofs of the Curiosity and Daring of this great Man, I was content to omit nothing of his Character. It was thus, for sometime we diverted him; but now Imoinda began to shew she was with Child, and did nothing but Sigh and Weep for the Captivity of her Lord, her Self, and the Infant yet Unborn; and believ'd, 184 if it were so hard to gain the Liberty of Two, 'twou'd be more difficult to get that for Three. Her Griefs were so many Darts in the great Heart of Caesar; and taking his Opportunity one Sunday, when all the Whites were overtaken in Drink, as there were abundance of several Trades, and Slaves for Four Years, that Inhabited among the Negro Houses; and Sunday was their Day of Debauch, (otherwise they were a sort of Spys upon Caesar;) he went pretending out of Goodness to 'em, to Feast amongst 'em; and sent all his Musick, and order'd a great Treat for the whole Gang, about Three Hundred Negros; and about a Hundred and Fifty were able to bear Arms, such as 185 they had, which were sufficient to do Execution with Spirits accordingly: For the English had none but rusty Swords, that no Strength cou'd draw from a Scabbard; except the People of particular Quality, who took care to Oyl 'em and keep 'em in good Order: The Guns also, unless here and there one, or those newly carri'd from England, wou'd do no good or harm; for 'tis the Nature of that County to Rust and Eat up Iron, or any Metals, but Gold and Silver. And they are very Unexpert at the Bow, which the Negros and Indians are perfect Masters off. Caesar, having singl'd out these Men from the Women and Children, made an HarangueA tirade. The term first appears c1450, but only in Scottish writings. It was not used in England until c1600. It derives from medieval Latin harenga, which shares the current definition, and the Italian aringo, a place of declamation, arena. 186 to 'em of the Miseries, and Ignominies of Slavery; counting up all their Toyls and Sufferings, under such Loads, Burdens, and Drudgeries, as were fitter for Beasts than Men; Senseless Brutes, than Humane Souls. He told 'em it was not for Days, Months, or Years, but for Eternity; there was no end to be of their Misfortunes: They suffer'd not like Men who might find a Glory, and Fortitude in Oppression; but like Dogs that lov'd the Whip and Bell, and fawn'd the more they were beaten: That they had lost the Divine Quality of Men, and were become insensible Asses, fit only to bear; nay worse: an Ass, or Dog, or Horse having done his Duty, cou'd lye down 187 in Retreat, and rise to Work again, and while he did his Duty indur'd no Stripes; but Men, Villanous, Senseless Men, such as they, Toyl'd on all the tedious Week till Black FridayThe Day of Judgment.; and then, whether they Work'd or not, whether they were Faulty or Meriting, they promiscuously, the Innocent with the Guilty, suffer'd the infamous Whip, the sordid Stripes, from their Fellow Slaves till their Blood trickled from all Parts of their Body; Blood, whose every drop ought to be Reveng'd with a Life of some of those Tyrants, that impose it; And why, said he, my dear Friends and Fellow-sufferers, shou'd we be Slaves to an unknown People? Have they Vanquish'd us Nobly in Fight? Have they Won 188 us in Honourable Battel? And are we, by the chance of War, become their Slaves?Oroonoko here is expressing what was known as the "just war" doctrine of slavery, that those who lost a war could rightly be enslaved. It is on this basis that Oroonoko himself owns slaves. The distinction he is making here is that, according to this doctrine, slaves gained through conquest are justified while slaves acquired through trickery or commerce are not. This wou'd not anger a Noble Heart, this wou'd not animate a Souldiers Soul; no, but we are Bought and Sold like Apes, or Monkeys, to be the Sport of Women, Fools and Cowards; and the Support of Rogues, RunagadesRenegades, that have abandon'd their own Countries, for Rapin, Murders, Thefts and Villanies: Do you not hear every Day how they upbraid each other with infamy of Life, below the Wildest Salvages; and shall we render Obedience to such a degenerate Race, who have no one Humane Vertue left, to distinguish 'em from the vilest Creatures? Will you, I say, suffer the Lash from such Hands? They all Reply'd, with one accord, 189 No, no, no; Caesar has spoke like a Great Captain; like a Great King. After this he wou'd have proceeded, but was interrupted by a tall Negro of some more Quality than the rest, his Name was Tuscan;Tuscan’s name derives from the late Latin Tuscānus meaning “of or belonging to the Tuscī or Thuscī, a people of ancient Italy (called also Etruscī Etruscans).” Source: Oxford English Dictionary The Etruscans inhabited ancient Etruria, so Tuscan’s name implies nobility and European origins. who Bowing at the Feet of Caesar, cry'd, My Lord, we have listen'd with Joy and Attention to what you have said; and, were we only Men, wou'd follow so great a Leader through the World: But oh! consider, we are Husbands and Parents too, and have things more dear to us than Life; our Wives and Children unfit for Travel, in these unpassable Woods, Mountains and Bogs; we have not only difficult Lands to overcome, but Rivers to Wade, and Monsters to Incounter; 190 Ravenous Beasts of Prey—To this, Caesar Reply'd, That Honour was the First Principle in Nature, that was to be Obey'd; but as no Man wou'd pretend to that, without all the Acts of Vertue, Compassion, Charity, Love, Justice and Reason; he found it not inconsistent with that, to take an equal Care of their Wives and Children, as they wou'd of themselves; and that he did not Design, when he led them to Freedom, and Glorious Liberty, that they shou'd leave that better part of themselves to Perish by the Hand of the Tyrant's Whip: But if there were a Woman among them so degenerate from Love and Vertue to chuse Slavery before the pursuit of her Husband, and with the hazard of her Life, to share with him in 191 his Fortunes; that such an one ought to be Abandon'd, and left as a Prey to the common Enemy. To which they all Agreed,—and Bowed. After this, he spoke of the Impassable Woods and Rivers; and convinc'd 'em, the more Danger, the more Glory. He told them that he had heard of one Hannibal a great Captain, had Cut his Way through Mountains of solid RocksAccording to the Roman historian Plutarch, the Carthaginian general Hannibal used vinegar and fire to burn his way through the Alps to attack the Roman army.; and shou'd a few Shrubs oppose them; which they cou'd Fire before 'em? No, 'twas a trifling Excuse to Men resolv'd to die, or overcome. As for Bogs, they are with a little Labour fill'd and harden'd; and the Rivers cou'd be no Obstacle, since they Swam by Nature; at least by 192 Custom, from their First Hour of their Birth: That when the Children were Weary they must carry them by turns, and the Woods and their own Industry wou'd afford them Food. To this they all assented with Joy. Tuscan then demanded, What he wou'd do? He said, they wou'd Travel towards the Sea; Plant a New Colony, and Defend it by their Valour; and when they cou'd find a Ship, either driven by stress of Weather, or guided by Providence that way, they wou'd Sieze it, and make it a Prize, till it had Transported them to their own Countries; at least, they shou'd be made Free in his Kingdom, and be Esteem'd as his Fellowsufferers, and Men that had 193 the Courage, and the Bravery to attempt, at least, for Liberty; and if they Dy'd in the attempt it wou'd be more brave, than to Live in perpetual Slavery. They bow'd and kiss'd his Feet at this Resolution, and with one accord Vow'd to follow him to Death. And that Night was appointed to begin their March; they made it known to their Wives, and directed them to tie their Hamaca about their Shoulder, and under their Arm like a Scarf; and to lead their Children that cou'd go, and carry those that cou'd not. The Wives who pay an intire Obedience to their Husbands obey'd, and stay'd for 'em, where they were appointed: The Men 194 stay'd but to furnish themselves with what defensive Arms they cou'd get; and All met at the Rendezvous, where Caesar made a new incouraging Speech to 'em, and led 'em out. But, as they cou'd not march far that Night, on Monday early, when the Overseers went to call 'em all together, to go to Work, they were extreamly surpris'd, to find not one upon the Place, but all fled with what Baggage they had. You may imagine this News was not only suddenly spread all over the Plantation, but soon reach'd the Neighbouring ones; and we had by Noon about Six hundred Men, they call the Militia of the County, that came to assist us in the persute of the Fugitives: 195 But never did one see so comical an Army march forth to War. The Men, of any fashionOf high social standing; the upper class, wou'd not concern themselves, though it were almost the common Cause; for such Revoltings are very ill Examples, and have very fatal Consequences oftentimes in many Colonies: But they had a Respect for Caesar, and all hands were against the Parhamites, as they call'd those of Parham Plantation; because they did not, in the first place, love the Lord Governor; and secondly, they wou'd have it, that Caesar was Ill us'dPoorly treated, and Baffl'd withSubjected to public disgrace. Source: Oxford English Dictionary; and 'tis not impossible but some of the best in the Country was of his Council in this Flight, and depriving us of all theSlaves; so that they 196 of the better sort wou'd not meddle in the matter. The Deputy Governor, of whom I have had no great occasion to speak, and who was the most Fawning fair-tongu'd Fellow in the World, and one that pretended the most Friendship to Caesar, was now the only violent Man against him; and though he had nothing, and so need fear nothing, yet talk'd and look'd bigger than any Man: He was a Fellow, whose Character is not fit to be mention'd with the worst of the Slaves.William Byam is a real historical personage, noted both in Antione Biet’s Voyage de la France équixonale en l’isle de Cayenne (1654) and Henry Adis’s A Letter Sent from Syrrinam (1664). As deputy governor of Surinam, Byam ruled the colony in the absence of Lord Willoughby. According to Flannigan’s Antigua and the Antiguans. A Full Account of the Colony and its Inhabitants, after the Dutch takeover of Surinam, Byam led many of the British colonists to Antigua, where became governor and lived until c. 1670. Todd notes that both Biet and Adis, otherwise critical of the colony in Surinam, praise Byam: Adis refers to him as “that worthy person, whom your Lordship hath lately honoured with the Title and Power of your Lieutenant General of this Continent of Guinah”; while Biet describes him as brave, honorable, and civil (pp. 263, 279). Behn’s decision to portray him as cowardly and deceitful appears to have been her own. On the other hand, Byam did face accusations of unnecessary cruelty in his governance from an opposition group led by John Allin. Byam wrote a tract An Exact Relation of the Most Execrable Attempts of John Allin (1665) defending the need for harsh measures to govern the unruly colonists and accusing Allin of insurrection. This Fellow wou'd lead his Army forth to meet Caesar; or rather to persue him; most of their Arms were of those sort of cruel Whips they call Cat with Nine TaylsMore commonly known as a cat-o'-nine-tails, a whip with nine knotted lashes, often used for corporal punishment in the British military until 1881. Source: Oxford English Dictionary; some had rusty 197 useless Guns for show; others old Basket-hiltsDefensive hilts on the handle of a sword consisting of narrow plates of steel curved into the shape of a basket, whose Blades had never seen the Light in this Age; and others had long Staffs, and Clubs. Mr. Trefry went a long, rather to be a Mediator than a Conqueror, in such a Batail; for he foresaw, and knew, if by fighting they put the Negroes into dispair, they were a sort of sullen Fellows, that wou'd drown, or kill themselves, before they wou'd yield; and he advis'd that fair means was best: But Byam was one that abounded in his own WitFollowed his own judgment, and wou'd take his own Measures. It was not hard to find these Fugitives; for as they fled they were forc'd to fire and cut the Woods before 'em, so that Night 198 or Day they persu'd 'em by the light they made, and by the path they had clear'd: But as soon as Caesar found he was persu'd, he put himself in a Posture of Defence, placing all the Women and Children in the Reer; and himself, with Tuscan by his side, or next to him, all promising to Dye or Conquer. Incourag'd thus, they never stood to Parley, but fell on Pell-mell upon the English, and kill'd some, and wounded a good many; they having recourse to their Whips, as the best of their Weapons: And as they observ'd no Order, they perplex'd the Enemy so sorely, with Lashing 'em in the Eyes; and the Women and Children, seeing their Husbands so treated, being of 199 fearful Cowardly Dispositions, and hearing the English cry out, Yield and Live, Yield and be Pardon'd; they all run in amongst their Husbands and Fathers, and hung about 'em, crying out, Yield, yield; and leave Caesar to their Revenge; that by degrees the Slaves abandon'd Caesar, and left him only Tuscan and his Heroick Imoinda; who, grown big as she was, did nevertheless press near her Lord, having a Bow, and a Quiver full of poyson'd Arrows, which she manag'd with such dexterity, that she wounded several, and shot the Governor into the Shoulder; of which Wound he had like to have Dy'd, but that an Indian Woman, his Mistress, suck'd the Wound, and cleans'd it from 200 the Venom: But however, he stir'd not from the Place till he had Parly'd with Caesar, who he found was resolv'd to dye Fighting, and wou'd not be Taken; no more wou'd Tuscan, or Imoinda. But he, more thirsting after Revenge of another sort, than that of depriving him of Life, now made use of all his Art of talking, and dissembling; and besought Caesar to yield himself upon Terms, which he himself should propose, and should be Sacredly assented to and kept by him: He told him, It was not that he any longer fear'd him, or cou'd believe the force of Two Men, and a young Heroin, cou'd overcome all them, with all the Slaves now on their side also; but it was the vast Esteem 201 he had for his Person; the desire he had to serve so Gallant a Man; and to hinder himself from the Reproach hereafter, of having been the occasion of the Death of a Prince, whose Valour and Magnanimity deserv'd the Empire of the World. He protested to him, he look'd upon this Action, as Gallant and Brave; however tending to the prejudice of his Lord and Master, who wou'd by it have lost so considerable a number of Slaves; that this Flight of his shou'd be look'd on as a heat of Youth, and rashness of a too forward Courage, and an unconsider'dUnpremeditated impatience of Liberty, and no more; and that he labour'd in vain to accomplish that which they wou'd effectually perform, 202 as soon as any Ship arriv'd that wou'd touch onDraw near to his Coast. So that if you will be pleas'd, continued he, to surrender your self, all imaginable Respect shall be paid you; and your Self, your Wife, and Child, if it be here born, shall depart free out of our Land. But Caesar wou'd hear of no Composition; though Byam urg'd, If he persu'd, and went on in his Design, he wou'd inevitably Perish, either by great Snakes, wild Beasts, or Hunger; and he ought to have regard to his Wife, whose Condition required ease, and not the fatigues of tediousTiresome, exhausting Travel; where she cou'd not be secur'd from being devoured. But Caesar told him, there was no Faith in the White Men, or the Gods they Ador'd; 203 who instructed 'em in Principles so false, that honest Men cou'd not live amongst 'em; though no People profess'd so much, none perform'd so little; that he knew what he had to do, when he dealt with Men of Honour; but with them a Man ought to be eternally on his Guard, and never to Eat and Drink with Christians without his Weapon of Defence in his Hand; and, for his own Security, never to credit one Word they spoke. As for the rashness and inconsiderateness of his Action he wou'd confess the Governor is in the right; and that he was asham'd of what he had done, in endeavoring to make those Free, who were by Nature Slaves, poor wretched Rogues, fit to be us'd as 204 Christians Tools; Dogs, treacherous and cowardly, fit for such Masters; and they wanted only but to be whipt into the knowledge of the Christian Gods to be the vilest of all creeping things; to learn to Worship such Deities as had not Power to make 'em Just, Brave, or Honest. In fine, after a thousand things of this Nature, not fit here to be recited, he told Byam, he had rather Dye than Live upon the same Earth with such Dogs. But Trefry and Byam pleaded and protested together so much, that Trefry believing the Governor to mean what he said; and speaking very cordially himself, generously put himself into Caesar's Hands, and took him aside, and perswaded him, even with Tears, 205 to Live, by Surrendring himself, and to name his Conditions. Caesar was overcome by his Wit and Reasons, and in consideration of Imoinda; and demanding what he desir'd, and that it shou'd be ratify'd by their Hands in Writing, because he had perceiv'd that was the common way of contract between Man and Man, amongst the Whites: All this was perform'd, and Tuscan's Pardon was put in, and they Surrender to the Governor, who walked peaceably down into the Plantation with 'em, after giving order to bury their dead. Caesar was very much toyl'd with the bustle of the Day; for he had fought like a FuryAn allusion to the Furies, three mythical Greek goddesses of vengeance and punishment, best known for punishing those who swear false oaths and, especially, those who kill their own kin., and what Mischief was done he and Tuscan perform'd 206 alone; and gave their Enemies a fatal Proof that they durst do any thing, and fear'd no mortal Force. But they were no sooner arriv'd at the Place, where all the Slaves receive their Punishments of Whipping, but they laid Hands on Caesar and Tuscan, faint with heat and toyl; and, surprising them, Bound them to two several Stakes, and Whipt them in a most deplorable and inhumane Manner, rending the very Flesh from their Bones; especially Caesar, who was not perceiv'd to make any Mone, or to alter his Face, only to roul his Eyes on the Faithless Governor, and those he believ'd Guilty, with Fierceness and Indignation; and, to compleat his Rage, he 207 saw every one of those Slaves, who, but a few Davs before, Ador'd him as something more than Mortal, now had a Whip to give him some Lashes, while he strove not to break his Fetters; though, if he had, it were impossible: But he pronounced a Woe and Revenge from his Eyes, that darted Fire, that 'twas at once both Awful and Terrible to behold. When they thought they were sufficiently Reveng'd on him, they unty'd him, almost Fainting, with loss of Blood, from a thousand Wounds all over his Body; from which they had rent his Cloaths, and led him Bleeding and Naked as he was; and loaded him all over with Irons; and then rubbed his 208 Wounds, to compleat their Cruelty, with Indian Pepper, which had like to have made him raving Mad; and, in this Condition, made him so fast to the Ground that he cou'd not stir, if his Pains and Wounds wou'd have given him leave. They spar'd Imoinda, and did not let her see this Barbarity committed towards her Lord, but carry'd her down to Parham, and shut her up; which was not in kindness to her, but for fear she shou'd Dye with the Sight, or Miscarry; and then they shou'd loose a young Slave, and perhaps the Mother. You must know, that when the News was brought on Monday Morning, that Caesar had betaken himself to the Woods, 209 and carry'd with him all the Negroes. We were possess'd with extream Fear, which no perswasions cou'd Dissipate, that he wou'd secure himself till Night; and then, that he wou'd come down and Cut all our Throats. This apprehension made all the Females of us fly down the River, to be secur'd; and while we were away, they acted this Cruelty: For I suppose I had Authority and Interest enough there, had I suspected any such thing, to have prevented it; but we had not gon many Leagues, but the News overtook us that Caesar was taken, and Whipt like a common Slave. We met on the River with Colonel Martin, a Man of great Gallantry, Wit, and 210 Goodness, and whom I have celebrated in a Character of my New Comedy, by his own Name, in memory of so brave a ManTodd notes that a Colonel Marten of the Surinam militia appears in multiple historical accounts of the colony, although the authority under which he was styled colonel is dubious. In contrast to Behn’s positive portrayal, Robert Sanford depicts Marten in Surinam Justice (1662) with many of the negative traits assigned to Byam and other colonists by Behn: he is eager to commit violent acts, cruel, ill-tempered, profane, and “so famous in nothing as his variety of councels: and it seems the whole bulk of Government must dance to the changes of his brain."Colonel Martin indeed appears as a character in Behn's play The Younger Brother, Or, The Amorous Jilt. Behn's self-promotion is premature, however, since the play was not produced until 1696, seven years after her death : He was Wise and Eloquent; and, from the fineness of his Parts, bore a great Sway over the Hearts of all the Colony: He was a Friend to Caesar, and resented this false Dealing with him very much. We carried him back to Parham, thinking to have made an Accomodation; when we came, the First News we heard was, that the Governor was Dead of a Wound Imoinda had given him; but it was not so well: But it seems he wou'd have the Pleasure of beholding the Revenge he took on Caesar; and before the cruel Ceremony was finish'd, he drop'd 211 down; and then they perceiv'd the Wound he had on his Shoulder, was by a venom'd Arrow; which, as I said, his Indian Mistress heal'd, by Sucking the Wound. We were no sooner Arriv'd, but we went up to the Plantation to see Caesar, whom we found in a very Miserable and Unexpressable Condition; and I have a Thousand times admired how he liv'd, in so much tormenting Pain. We said all things to him, that Trouble, Pitty, and Good Nature cou'd suggest; Protesting our Innocency of the Fact, and our Abhorance of such Cruelties. Making a Thousand Professions of Services to him, and Begging as many Pardons for the Offenders, 212 till we said so much, that he believ'd we had no Hand in his ill Treatment; but told us, he cou'd never Pardon Byam; as for Trefry, he confess'd he saw his Grief and Sorrow, for his Suffering, which he cou'd not hinder, but was like to have been beaten down by the very Slaves, for Speaking in his Defence: But for Byam, who was their Leader, their Head;—and shou'd, by his Justice, and Honor, have been an Example to 'em.—For him, he wish'd to Live, to take a dire Revenge of him, and said, It had been well for him, if he had Sacrific'd me, instead of giving me the contemptable Whip. He refus'd to Talk much, but Begging us to give him our Hands; he took 213 'em, and Protested never to lift up his, to do us any Harm. He had a great Respect for Colonel Martin, and always took his Counsel, like that of a Parent; and assur'd him, he wou'd obey him in any thing, but his Revenge on Byam. Therefore, said he, for his own Safety, let him speedily dispatch me; for if I cou'd dispatch my self, I wou'd not, till that Justice were done to my injur'd Person, and the contempt of a Souldier: No, I wou'd not kill my self, even after a Whiping, but will be content to live with that Infamy, and be pointed at by every grining Slave, till I have compleated my Revenge; and then you shall see that Oroonoko scorns to live with the Indignity that was put on Caesar. All we 214 cou'd do cou'd get no more Words from him; and we took care to have him put immediately into a healing Bath, to rid him of his Pepper; and order'd a ChirurgeonSurgeon to anoint him with healing Balm, which he suffer'd, and in some time he began to be able to Walk and Eat; we fail'd not to visit him every Day, and, to that end, had him brought to an apartmentA room in a house designed for the use of a particular person at Parham. The Governor was no sooner recover'd, and had heard of the menacesThreats of Caesar, but he call'd his Council; who (not to disgrace them, or BurlesqueTo mockingly imitate, deride, or amuse. Source: Oxford English Dictionary the Government there) consisted of such notorious Villains as NewgateThe central prison in London never transportedThroughout this period, many criminals found guilty of crimes against property in Britain were sentenced by being "transported" or exiled for a period of years to the colonies.; and possibly originally were such, who 215 understood neither the Laws of God or Man; and had no sort of Principles to make 'em worthy the Name of Men: But, at the very Council Table, wou'd Contradict and Fight with one another; and Swear so bloodily that 'twas terrible to hear, and see 'em. (Some of 'em were afterwards Hang'd, when the Dutch took possession of the place; others sent off in Chains:) But calling these special Rulers of the Nation together, and requiring their Counsel in this weighty Affair, they all concluded, that (Damn 'em) it might be their own Cases; and that Caesar ought to be made an Example to all the Negroes, to fright 'em from daring to threaten their Betters, their Lords 216 and Masters; and, at this rate, no Man was safe from his own Slaves; and concluded, nemine contradicenteWith no one speaking to the contrary. that Caesar shou'd be Hang'd. Trefry then thought it time to use his Authority; and told Byam his Command did not extend to his Lord's Plantation; and that Parham was as much exempt from the Law as White-hall;Offices of government in Whitehall, London. Trefry's implication is that Byam, although governor of Surinam, remains as subordinate to the King as any civil servant back in Great Britain. and that they ought no more to touch the Servants of the Lord—(who there represented the King's Person) than they cou'd those about the King himself; and that Parham was a Sanctuary; and though his Lord were absent in Person, his Power was still in Being there; which he had intrusted with him, as far as the Dominions of his particular 217 Plantations reach'd, and all that belong'd to it; the rest of the Country, as Byam was Lieutenant to his Lord, he might exercise his Tyrany upon. Trefry had others as powerful, or more, that int'rested themselves in Caesar's Life, and absolutely said, He shou'd be Defended. So turning the Governor, and his wise Council, out of Doors, (for they sate at Parham-house) they set a Guard upon our Landing Place, and wou'd admit none but those we call'd Friends to us and Caesar. The Governor having remain'd wounded at Parham, till his recovery was compleated, Caesar did not know but he was still there; and indeed, for the most part, his time was spent there; 218 for he was one that lov'd to Live at other Peoples Expence; and if he were a Day absent, he was Ten present there; and us'd to Play, and Walk, and Hunt, and Fish, with Caesar. So that Caesar did not at all doubt, if he once recover'd Strength, but he shou'd find an opportunity of being Reveng'd on him: Though, after such a Revenge, he cou'd not hope to Live; for if he escap'd the Fury of the English MobileThe mob, the rabble; the common people, the populace. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, who perhaps wou'd have been glad of the occasion to have kill'd him, he was resolv'd not to survive his Whiping; yet he had, some tender Hours, a repenting Softness, which he called his fits of Coward; wherein he struggl'd with Love for the Victory of his Heart, 219 which took part with his charming Imoinda there; but, for the most part, his time was past in melancholy Thought, and black Designs; he consider'd, if he shou'd do this Deed, and Dye, either in the Attempt, or after it, he left his lovely Imoinda a Prey, or at best a Slave, to the inrag'd Multitude; his great Heart cou'd not indure that Thought. Perhaps, said he, she may be first Ravished by every Brute; exposed first to their nasty Lusts, and then a shameful Death. No; he could not Live a Moment under that Apprehension, too insupportable to be born. These were his Thoughts, and his silent Arguments with his Heart, as he told us afterwards; so that now resolving not only 220 to kill Byam, but all those he thought had inrag'd him; pleasing his great Heart with the fancy'd Slaughter he shou'd make over the whole Face of the Plantation. He first resolv'd on a Deed, that (however Horrid it at first appear'd to us all) when we had heard his Reasons, we thought it Brave and Just: Being able to Walk, and, as he believ'd, fit for the Execution of his great Design, he beg'd Trefry to trust him into the Air, believing a Walk wou'd do him good; which was granted him, and taking Imoinda with him, as he us'd to do in his more happy and calmer Days, he led her up into a Wood, where, after (with a thousand Sighs, and long Gazing silently on her Face, while 221 Tears gust, in spight of him, from his Eyes) he told her his Design first of Killing her, and then his Enemies, and next himself, and the impossibility of Escaping, and therefore he told her the necessity of Dying; he found the Heroick Wife faster pleading for Death than he was to propose it, when she found his fix'd Resolution; and, on her Knees, besought him, not to leave her a Prey to his Enemies. He (griev'd to Death) yet pleased at her noble Resolution, took her up, and imbracing her, with all the Passion and Languishment of a dying Lover, drew his Knife to kill this Treasure of his Soul, this Pleasure of his Eyes; while Tears trickl'd down his Cheeks, hers were Smiling with Joy she 222 shou'd dye by so noble a Hand, and be sent in her own Country, (for that's their Notion of the next World) by him she so tenderly Lov'd, and so truly Ador'd in this; for Wives have a respect for their Husbands equal to what any other People pay a Deity; and when a Man finds any occasion to quit his Wife, if he love her, she dyes by his Hand; if not, he sells her, or suffers some other to kill her. It being thus; you may believe the Deed was soon resolv'd on; and 'tis not to be doubted, but the Parting, the eternal Leave taking of Two such Lovers, so greatly Born, so SensibleCapable of delicate or tender feeling. Source: Oxford English Dictionary, so Beautiful, so Young, and so Fond, must be very Moving, as the Relation of it was to me afterwards. 223 All that Love cou'd say in such cases, being ended; and all the intermitting Irresolutions being adjusted, the Lovely, Young, and Ador'd Victim lays her self down, before the Sacrificer; while he, with a Hand resolv'd, and a Heart breaking within, gave the Fatal Stroke; first, cutting her Throat, and then severing her, yet Smiling, Face from that Delicate Body, pregnant as it was with Fruits of tend' rest Love. As soon as he had done, he laid the Body decently on Leaves and Flowers; of which he made a Bed, and conceal'd it under the same cover-lidCoverlet, blanket of Nature; only her Face he left yet bare to look on: But when he found she was Dead, and past all Retrieve, never more 224 to bless him with her Eyes, and soft Language; his Grief swell'd up to Rage; he Tore, he Rav'd he Roar'd, like some Monster of the Wood, calling on the lov'd Name of Imoinda; a thousand times he turn'd the Fatal Knife that did the Deed, toward his own Heart, with a Resolution to go immediately after her; but dire Revenge, which now was a thousand times more fierce in his Soul than before, prevents him; and he wou'd cry out, No; since I have sacrificed Imoinda to my Revenge, shall I loose that Glory which I have purchas'd so dear, as at the Price of the fairest, dearest, softest Creature that ever Nature made? No, no! Then, at her Name, Grief wou'd get the ascendant of Rage, and he wou'd 225 lye down by her side, and water her Face with showers of Tears, which never were wont to fall from those Eyes: And however bent he was on his intended Slaughter, he had not power to stir from the Sight of this dear Object, now more Belov'd, and more Ador'd than ever. He remain'd in this deploring Condition for two Days, and never rose from the Ground where he had made his sad Sacrifice; at last, rousing from her side, and accusing himself with living too long, now Imoinda was dead; and that the Deaths of those barbarous Enemies were deferr'd too long, he resolv'd now to finish the great Work; but offering to rise, he found his Strength so decay'd, 226 that he reel'd to and fro, like Boughs assail'd by contrary Winds; so that he was forced to lye down again, and try to summons all his Courage to his Aid; he found his Brains turn round, and his Eyes were dizzy; and Objects appear'd not the same to him they were wont to do; his Breath was short; and all his Limbs surprised with a Faintness he had never felt before: He had not Eat in two Days, which was one occasion of this Feebleness, but excess of Grief was the greatest; yet still he hop'd he shou'd recover Vigour to act his Design; and lay expecting it yet six Days longer; still mourning over the dead Idol of his Heart, and striving every Day to rise, but cou'd not. 227 In all this time you may believe we were in no little affliction for Caesar, and his Wife; some were of Opinion he was escap'd never to return; others thought some Accident had hap'ned to him: But however, we fail'd not to send out an hundred People several ways to search for him; a Party, of about forty, went that way he took; among whom was Tuscan, who was perfectly reconcil'd to Byam; they had not gon very far into the Wood, but they smelt an unusual Smell, as of a dead Body; for Stinks must be very noisom that can be distinguish'd among such a quantity of Natural Sweets, as every Inch of that Land produces. So that they concluded they shou'd find him dead, or somebody that 228 was so; they past on towards it, as Loathsom as it was, and made such a rusling among the Leaves that lye thick on the Ground, by continual Falling, that Caesar heard he was approach'd; and though he had, during the space of these eight Days, endeavor'd to rise, but found he wanted Strength, yet looking up, and seeing his Pursuers, he rose, and reel'd to a Neighbouring Tree, against which he fix'd his Back; and being within a dozen Yards of those that advanc'd, and saw him; he call'd out to them, and bid them approach no nearer, if they wou'd be safe: So that they stood still, and hardly believing their Eyes, that wou'd perswade them that it was Caesar that spoke to 'em, so much was he alter'd; 229 they ask'd him, What he had done with his Wife? for they smelt a Stink that almost struck them dead. He, pointing to the dead Body, sighing, cry'd, Behold her there; they put off the Flowers that cover'd her with their Sticks, and found she was kill'd; and cry'd out, Oh Monster! that hast murther'd thy Wife: Then asking him, Why he did so cruel a Deed? He replied, he had no leasure to answer impertinent Questions; You may go back, continued he, and tell the Faithless Governor, he may thank Fortune that I am breathing my last; and that my Arm is too feeble to obey my Heart, in what it had design'd him: But his Tongue faultering, and trembling, he cou'd scarce end what he was saying. The 230 English taking Advantage by his Weakness, cry'd, Let us take him alive by all means: He heard 'em; and, as if he had reviv'd from a Fainting, or a Dream, he cry'd out, No, Gentlemen, you are deceiv'd; you will find no more Caesars to be Whipt; no more find a Faith in me: Feeble as you think me, I have Strength yet left to secure me from a second Indignity. They swore all a-new, and he only shook his Head, and beheld them with Scorn; then they cry'd out, Who will venture on this single Man? Will no body? They stood all silent while Caesar replied, Fatal will be the Attempt to the first Adventurer; let him assure himself, and, at that Word, held up his Knife in a menacing Posture, Look ye, ye faithless Crew, said he, 231 'tis not Life I seek, nor am I afraid of Dying; and, at that Word, cut a piece of Flesh from his own Throat, and threw it at 'em, yet still I wou'd Live if I cou'd, till I had perfected my Revenge. But oh! it cannot be; I feel Life gliding from my Eyes and Heart; and, if I make not haste, I shall yet fall a Victim to the shameful Whip. At that, he rip'd up his own Belly; and took his Bowels and pull'd 'em out, with what Strength he cou'd; while some, on their Knees imploring, besought him to hold his Hand. But when they saw him tottering, they cry'd out, Will none venture on him? A bold English cry'd, Yes, if he were the Devil; (taking Courage when he saw him almost Dead) and swearing a horrid Oath for his farewell 232 to the World; he rush'd on Caesar, with his Arm'd Hand met him so fairly, as stuck him to the Heart, and he fell Dead at his Feet. Tuscan seeing that, cry'd out, I love thee, oh Caesar; and therefore will not let thee Dye, if possible: And, running to him, took him in his Arms; but, at the same time, warding a Blow that Caesar made at his Bosom, he receiv'd it quite through his Arm; and Caesar having not the Strength to pluck the Knife forth, though he attempted it, Tuscan neither pull'd it out himself, nor suffer'd it to be pull'd out; but came down with it sticking in his Arm; and the reason he gave for it was, because the Air shou'd not get into the Wound: They put their Hands a-cross, and carried 233 Caesar between Six of 'em, fainted as he was; and they thought Dead, or just Dying; and they brought him to Parham, and laid him on a Couch, and had the Chirurgeon immediately to him, who drest his Wounds, and sow'd up his Belly, and us'd means to bring him to Life, which they effected. We ran all to see him; and, if before we thought him so beautiful a Sight, he was now so alter'd, that his Face was like a Death's Head black'd over; nothing but Teeth, and Eyeholes: For some Days we suffer'd no body to speak to him, but caused Cordials to be poured down his Throat, which sustained his Life; and in six or seven Days he recover'd his Senses: For, you must know, that 234 Wounds are almost to a Miracle cur'd in the Indies; unless Wounds in the Legs, which rarely ever cure. When he was well enough to speak, we talk'd to him; and ask'd him some Questions about his Wife, and the Reasons why he kill'd her; and he then told us what I have related of that Resolution, and of his Parting; and he besought us, we would let him Dye, and was extreamly Afflicted to think it was possible he might Live; he assur'd us, if we did not Dispatch him, he wou'd prove very Fatal to a great many. We said all we cou'd to make him Live, and gave him new Assurances; but he begg'd we wou'd not think so poorly of him, or of his love to Imoinda, to 235 imagine we cou'd Flatter him to Life again; but the Chirurgeon assur'd him, he cou'd not Live, and therefore he need not Fear. We were all (but Caesar) afflicted at this News; and the Sight was gashlyGhastly; his Discourse was sad; and the earthly Smell about him so strong, that I was perswaded to leave the Place for some time; (being my self-but Sickly, and very apt to fall into Fits of dangerous Illness upon any extraordinary Melancholy) the Servants, and Trefry, and the Chirurgeons, promis'd all to take what possible care they cou'd of the Life of Caesar; and I, taking Boat, went with other Company to Colonel Martin's, about three Days Journy down the River; but I was no sooner gon, but the 236 Governor taking Trefry, about some pretended earnest Business, a Days Journy up the River; having communicated his Design to one Banister, a wild Irish ManMajor James Bannister was responsible for negotiating with the Dutch when England ceded Surinam in 1667. According to Todd, in 1671, he led “about a hundred families to Jamaica where he joined forces with governor Sir Thomas Lynch who was trying to suppress a rival, backed by other ex-Surinam settlers” (Saunders Webb, 97). Bannister then became major-general of Jamaica. Bannister was killed in 1673 by Mr. Burford, a surveyor-general, who was then hanged., and one of the Council; a Fellow of absolute Barbarity, and fit to execute any Villany, but was Rich. He came up to Parham, and forcibly took Caesar, and had him carried to the same Post where he was Whip'd; and causing him to be ty'd to it, and a great Fire made before him, he told him, he shou'd Dye like a Dog, as he was. Caesar replied, this was the first piece of Bravery that ever Banister did; and he never spoke Sence till he pronounc'd that Word; and, if he wou'd keep it, he wou'd declare, in the other World, that he was 237 the only Man, of all the Whites, that ever he heard speak Truth. And turning to the Men that bound him, he said, My Friends, am I to Dye, or to be Whip'd? And they cry'd, Whip'd! no; you shall not escape so well: And then he replied, smiling, A Blessing on thee; and assur'd them, they need not tye him, for he wou'd stand fixt, like a Rock; and indure Death so as shou'd encourage them to Dye. But if you Whip me, said he, be sure you tye me fast. He had learn'd to take Tobaco; and when he was assur'd he should Dye, he desir'd they would give him a Pipe in his Mouth, ready Lighted, which they did; and the Executioner came, and first cut off his Members, 238 and threw them into the Fire; after that, with an ill-favoured Knife, they cut his Ears, and his Nose, and burn'd them; he still Smoak'd on, as if nothing had touch'd him; then they hack'd off one of his Arms, and still he bore up, and held his Pipe; but at the cutting off the other Arm, his Head sunk, and his Pipe drop'd; and he gave up the Ghost, without a Groan, or a Reproach. My Mother and Sister were by him all the while, but not suffer'd to save him; so rude and wild were the Rabble, and so inhumane were the Justices, who stood by to see the Execution, who after paid dearly enough for their Insolence. They cut Caesar in Quarters, and sent them to several of the chief 239 Plantations: One Quarter was sent to Colonel Martin, who refus'd it; and swore, he had rather see the Quarters of Banister, and the Governor himself, than those of Caesar, on his Plantations; and that he cou'd govern his Negroes without Terrifying and Grieving them with frightful Spectacles of a mangl'd King. Thus Dy'd this Great Man; worthy of a better Fate, and a more sublime Wit than mine to write his Praise; yet, I hope, the Reputation of my Pen is considerable enough to make his Glorious Name to survive to all Ages; with that of the Brave, the Beautiful, and the Constant Imoinda. FINIS. McKay, Claude and Claude McKay. "Old England". Songs of Jamaica, Aston W. Gardner & Co., 1912 , pp 63-65 . Literature in Context: An Open Anthology. http://anthology.lib.virginia.edu/coursepack/EN161MarymountUniversitySpring20234.txt. Accessed: 2024-11-21T11:54:31.232Z [Frontispiece] [TP] SONGS OF JAMAICABY CLAUDE MCKAY WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY WALTER JEKYLL AUTHOR OF "JAMAICAN SONG AND STORY" KINGSTON, JAMIACA ASTON W. GARDNER & CO. LONDON JAMAICA AGENCY GAMAGE BUILDING, HOLBORN 1912 63 Old England I'VE a longin' in me dept's of heart dat I can conquer not, 'Tis a wish dat I've been havin' from since I could form a t'o'tThought. [Jekyll's note], 'Tis to sail athwart the ocean an' to hear de billows roar, When dem ride aroun' de steamer, when dem beat on England's shore. Just to view de homeland England, in de streets of London walk, An' to see de famous sights dem 'bouten which dere's so much talk, An' to watch de fact'ry chimneys pourin' smoke up to de sky, An' to see de matches-children, dat I hear 'bout, passin' by. I would see Saint Paul's Cathedral, an' would hear some of de great Learnin' comin' from de bishops, preachin' relics of old fait'; 64 I would ope me mout' wid wonder at de massive organ soun', An' would 'train me eyes to see de beauty lyin' all aroun'. I'd go to de City TempleThe City Temple is a nonconformist church (a church that doesn't "conform" to Church of England practices) in central London, built in 1874; however, its congregation is believed to have been in existence since perhaps the 1560s (Wikipedia)., where de 'old fait' is a wreck, An' de parson is a-preachin' views dat most folks will not tek; I'd go where de men of science meet togeder in deir hall, To give light unto de real truths, to obey king Reason's call. I would view Westminster Abbey, where de great of England sleep, An' de solemn marble statues o'er deir ashes vigil keep; I would see immortal Milton an' de wul'-famous Shakespeare, Past'ral Wordswort', gentle Gray, an' all de great souls buried dere. I would see de ancient chair where England's kings deir crowns put on, Soon to lay dem by again when all de vanity is done; An' I'd go to view de lone spot where in peaceful solitude Rests de body of our Missis QueenAlways so called in Jamaica. [Jekyll's note],Victoria de Good. 65 An' dese places dat I sing of now shall afterwards impart All deir solemn sacred beauty to a weary searchin' heart; So I'll rest glad an' contented in me min'Mind. [Jekyll's note] for evermore, When I sail across de ocean back to my own native shore.