Selected Text
,
THE LIFE, &c.
CHAPTER I.
The author's account of his country, and their manners and
customs, Administration of Justice—Embrenché—Marriage ceremony, and public
entertainments—Mode of living—Dress—Manufactures
Buildings—Commerce—Agriculture—War and religion—superstition of the
natives—Funeral ceremonies of the priests or magicians—Curious mode of
discovering poison—some hints concerning the origin of the author's
countrymen, with the opinions of different writers
on that subject.
I BELIEVE it is difficult for those who publish their own memoirs to escape the
imputation of vanity; nor is this the only disadvantage under which they labour: it is also their misfortune,
that what is uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt
to turn from with disgust, and to charge the writer with impertinence. People
generally think those memoirs only worthy to be read or remembered which abound in
great or striking events; those, in short, which in a high degree excite either
admiration or pity: all others they consign to contempt and oblivion. It is
therefore, I confess, not a little hazardous in a private and obscure individual,
and a stranger too, thus to solicit the indulgent attention of the public;
especially when I own I offer here the history of neither a saint, a hero, nor a
tyrant. I believe there are a few events in my life, which have not happened to
many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and, did I consider myself an
European, I might say my
sufferings were great: but when I compare my lot with that of most of my
countrymen, I regard myself as a particular favourite of
Heaven, and acknowledge the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of
my life. If then the following narrative does not appear sufficiently interesting
to engage general attention, let my motive be some excuse for its publication. I
am not so foolishly vain as to expect from it either immortality or literary
reputation. If it affords any satisfaction to my numerous friends, at whose
request it has been written, or in the smallest degree promotes the interests of
humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and every
wish of my heart gratified. Let it therefore be remembered, that, in wishing to
avoid censure, I do not aspire to praise.
That part of Africa, known by
the name of Guinea, to which the trade for slaves is carried on, extends along the
coast above 3400 miles, from Senegal to Angola, and includes a variety of
kingdoms. Of these the most considerable is the kingdom of Benin, both as to extent and wealth, the richness and
cultivation of the soil, the power of its king, and the number and warlike
disposition of the inhabitants. It is situated nearly under the line, and extends
along the coast about 170 miles, but runs back into the interior part of Africa to
a distance hitherto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and seems only
terminated at length by the empire of Abyssinia, near 1500 miles from its
beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or districts: in one of the
most remote and fertile of which, I was born, in the year 1745, situated in a charming fruitful vale, named
Essaka. The distance of this province from the capital of Benin and the sea coast
must be very considerable; for I had never heard of white men or Europeans, nor of
the sea; and our subjection to the king of Benin was little more than nominal; for
every transaction of the government, as far as my slender observation extended,
was conducted by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and government of
a people who have little commerce with other countries are generally very simple;
and the history of what passes in one family or village, may serve as a specimen
of the whole nation. My father was one of those elders or chiefs I have spoken of,
and was styled Embrenché; a term, as I remember, importing the highest
distinction, and signifying in
our language a mark of grandeur. This mark is conferred on
the person entitled to it, by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead,
and drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it is in this situation applying a
warm hand, and rubbing it until it shrinks up into a thick weal across the lower part of the forehead. Most of the judges and
senators were thus marked; my father had long borne it: I had seen it conferred on
one of my brothers, and I also was destined to receive it
by my parents. Those Embrenché or chief men, decided disputes and punished crimes;
for which purpose they always assembled together. The proceedings were generally
short; and in most cases the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was
brought before my father, and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; and, although he was the son of a chief
or senator, he was condemned to make recompense by a man or woman slave. Adultery,
however, was sometimes punished with slavery or death; a punishment which I
believe is inflicted on it throughout most of the nations of Africa*: so sacred
among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and so jealous are they of the
fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an instance—a woman was convicted
before the judges of adultery, and delivered over, as the custom was, to her
husband to be punished. Accordingly he determined to put her to death: but it
being found, just before her execution, that she had an infant at her breast; and
no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurse, she was spared on
* See Benezet's "Account of Guinea" throughout.
[Equiano's note]
account of the child. The men,
however, do not preserve the same constancy to their wives, which they expect from
them; for they indulge in a plurality, though seldom in more than two. Their mode
of marriage is thus:—both parties are usually betrothed when young by their
parents, (though I have known the males to betroth themselves). On this occasion a
feast is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom stand up in the midst of all their
friends, who are assembled for the purpose, while he declares she is thenceforth
to be looked upon as his wife, and that no other person is to pay any addresses to
her. This is also immediately proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the bride
retires from the assembly. Some time after she is brought home to her husband, and
then another feast is made, to which the relations of both parties are
invited: her parents then deliver her to the bridegroom, accompanied with a number
of blessings, and at the same time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the
thickness of a goose-quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear:
she is now considered as completely his wife; and at this time the dowry is given
to the new married pair, which generally consists of portions of land, slaves, and
cattle, household goods, and implements of husbandry. These are offered by the
friends of both parties; besides which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts
to those of the bride, whose property she is looked upon before marriage; but
after it she is esteemed the sole property of her husband. The ceremony being now
ended the festival begins, which is celebrated with bonfires, and loud
acclamations of joy, accompanied with music and dancing.
We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians, and poets. Thus every great event,
such as a triumphant return from battle, or other cause of public rejoicing is
celebrated in public dances which are accompanied with songs and music suited to
the occasion. The assembly is seperated into four divisions, which dance either
apart or in succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The first
division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently exhibit feats of
arms, and the representation of a battle. To these succeed the married women, who
dance in the second division. The young men accupy the third: and the maidens the
fourth. Each represents some interesting scene of real life, such as a great
achievement, domestic employment, a pathetic story, or some rural sport; and as
the subject is generally founded on some recent event, it is therefore ever new.
This gives our dances a spirit and variety which I have scarcely seen elsewhere*.
We have many musical instruments, particularly drums of different kinds, a piece
of music which resembles a guitar, and another much like a stickado. These last
are chiefly used by betrothed virgins, who play on them on all grand
festivals.
As our manners are simple, our luxuries are few. The dress of both sexes is nearly
the same. It generally consists of a long piece of calico, or muslin, wrapped
loosely round the body, somewhat in the form of a * When
I was in Smyrna I have frequently seen the Greeks dance after this manner.
[Equiano's note]
highland plaid. This is
usually dyed blue, which is our favorite
colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and richer than any
I have seen in Europe. Besides this, our women of distinction wear golden
ornaments, which they dispose with some profusion on their arms and legs. When our
women are not employed with the men in tillage, their usual occupation is spinning
and weaving cotton, which they afterwards dye, and make into garments. They also
manufacture earthen vessels, of which we have many kinds. Among the rest tobacco
pipes, made after the same fashion, and used in the same manner, as those in
Turkey*.
Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are unacquainted
* The bowl is earthen, curiously figured, to which a
long reed is fixed as a tube. This tube is sometimes so long as to be borne
by one, and fre quently out of grandeur, by two boys. {Equiano's
note]
with those refinements in
cookery which debauch the taste: bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the greatest
part of their food. These constitute likewise the principal wealth of the country,
and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh is usually stewed in a pan; to
make it savoury we sometimes use also pepper, and other spices, and we have salt
made of wood ashes. Our vegetables are mostly plantains, eadas, yams, beans, and
Indian corn. The head of the family usually eats alone; his wives and slaves have
also their separate tables. Before we taste food we always wash our hands: indeed
our cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on this it is an indispensible
ceremony. After washing, libation is made, by pouring out a small portion of the
drink on the floor, and tossing a small quantity of the food in a certain place, for the spirits of
departed relations, which the natives suppose to preside over their conduct, and
guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with strong or spirituous
liquors; and their principal beverage is palm wine. This is got from a tree of
that name, by tapping it at the top, and fastening a large gourd to it; and
sometimes one tree will yield three or four gallons in a night. When just drawn it
is of a most delicious sweetness; but in a few days it acquires a tartish and more
spirituous flavour: though I never saw any one intoxicated by it. The same tree
also produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in perfumes; one sort of these
is an odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a small
portion of which thrown into
the fire diffuses a most powerful odour. We beat this wood into powder, and mix it
with palm oil; with which both men and women perfume themselves.
In our buildings we study convenience rather than ornament. Each master of a
family has a large square piece of ground, surrounded with a moat or fence, or
enclosed with a wall made of red earth tempered: which, when dry, is as hard as
brick. Within this are his houses to accommodate his family and slaves; which, if
numerous, frequently present the appearance of a village. In the middle stands the
principal building, appropriated to the sole use of the master, and consisting
* When I was in smyrna I saw the same kind of earth,
and brought some of it with me to England; it resembles musk in strength,
but is more delicious in scent, and is not unlike the smell of a rose.
[Equiano's note.] of two apartments; in one of which he
sits in the day with his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his
friends. He has besides these a distinct apartment in which he sleeps, together with his male children. On
each side are the apartments of his wives, who have also their separate day and
night houses. The habitations of the slaves and their families are distributed
throughout the rest of the enclosure. These houses never exceed one story in
height: they are always built of wood, or stakes driven into the ground, crossed
with wattles, and neatly plastered within and without. The roof is thatched with
reeds. Our dayhouses are left open at the sides; but those in which we sleep are
always covered, and plastered in the inside, with a composition mixed with cow
dung, to keep off the different insects, which annoy us during the night. The
walls and floors also of these are generally covered with mats. Our beds consist
of a platform, raised three or four feet from the ground, on which are laid skins,
and different parts of a spungy tree called plantain. Our covering is calico or
muslin, the same as our dress. The usual seats are a few logs of wood; but we have
benches, which are generally perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these compose the
greater part of our household furniture. Houses so constructed and furnished
require but little skill to erect them. Every man is a sussicient architect for
the purpose. The whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous assistance in building
them, and in return receive, and expect no other recompense than a feast.
As we live in a country where nature is prodigal of her favours, our wants
are few and easily supplied; of course we have few manufactures. They consist for
the most part of calicoes, earthen ware, ornaments, and instruments of war and
husbandry. But these make no part of our commerce, the principal articles of
which, as I have observed, are provisions. In such a state, money is of little
use; however we have some small pieces of coin, if I may call them such. They are
made something like an anchor; but I do not remember either their value or
denomination. We have also markets, at which I have been frequently with my
mother. These are sometimes visited by stout mahogany-coloured men from the south
west of us: we call them Oye-Eboe, which term signifies red
men living at a distance. They generally bring us fire-arms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried fish. The last
we esteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and springs. These
articles they barter with us for odoriferous woods and earth, and our salt of wood
ashes. They always carry slaves through our land; but the strictest account is
exacted of their manner of procuring them before they are suffered to pass.
Sometimes indeed we sold slaves to them, but they were only prisoners of war, or
such among us as had been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery, and some other
crimes, which we esteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to
think, that, notwithstanding all our strictness, their principal business among us
was to trepan our people. I remember too they carried great sacks along with them,
which not long after I had an
opportunity of fatally seeing applied to that infamous purpose.
Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of vegetables in
great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and vast quantities of cotton and
tobacco. Our pine apples grow without culture; they are about the size of the
largest sugar-loaf, and finely flavoured. We have also spices of different kinds,
particularly pepper; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never seen in
Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance. All our
industry is exerted to improve those blessings of nature. Agriculture is our chief
employment; and every one,
even the children and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to
labour from our earliest years. Every one contributes something to the common stock; and as we are
unacquainted with idleness, we have no beggars. The benefits of such a mode of
living are obvious. The West India planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Eboe, to
those of any other part of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence, integrity, and zeal. Those benefits
are felt by us in the general healthiness of the people, and in their vigour and
activity; I might have added too in their comeliness. Deformity is indeed unknown
amongst us, I mean that of shape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London,
might be brought in support of this assertion: for, in regard to complexion, ideas
of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to have seen three negro
children, who were tawny, and another quite white, who were universally regarded
by myself, and the natives in
general, as far as related to their complexions, as deformed. Our women too were
in my eyes at least uncommonly graceful, alert, and modest to a degree of
bashfulness; nor do I remember to have ever heard of an instance of incontinence
amongst them before marriage. They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed
cheerfulness and affability are two of the leading characteristics of our
nation.
Our tillage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk from our
dwellings, and all the neighbours resort thither in a body. They use no beasts of
husbandry; and their only instruments are hoes, axes, shovels, and beaks, or
pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we are visited by locusts, which come in large
clouds, so as to darken the air, and destroy our harvest. This however happens
rarely, but when it does, a
famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or two wherein this happened.
This common is often the theatre of war; and therefore when our people go out to
till their land, they not only go in a body, but generally take their arms with
them for fear of a surprise; and when they apprehend an invasion, they guard the
avenues to their dwellings, by driving sticks into the ground, which are so sharp
at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipped in poison. From what I
can recollect of these battles, they appear to have been irruptions of one little
state or district on the other, to obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were
incited to this by those traders who brought the European goods I mentioned
amongst us. Such a mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common; and I believe
more are procured this way,
and by kidnaping, than any other. When a trader wants slaves, he applies to a
chief for them, and tempts him with his wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this
occasion he yields to the temptation with as little firmness, and accepts the
price of his fellow creatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened
merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours, and a desperate battle ensues.
If he prevails and takes prisoners, he gratifies his avarice by selling them; but,
if his party be vanquished, and he falls into the hands of the enemy, he is put to
death: for, as he has been known to foment their quarrels, it is thought dangerous
to let him survive, and no ransom can save him, though all other prisoners may be
redeemed. We have firearms, bows and arrows, broad two-edged * See Benezet's Account of Africa throughout. [Equiano's
note.]
swords and javelins: we have
shields also which cover a man from head to foot. All are taught the use of these
weapons; even our women are warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the
men. Our whole district is a kind of militia: on a certain signal given, such as
the firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms and rush upon their enemy. It
is perhaps something remarkable, that when our people march to the field a red
flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a witness to a battle in our
common. We had been all at work in it one day as usual, when our people were
suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree at some distance, from which I beheld the
sight. There were many women as well as men on both sides; among others my mother
was there, and armed with a broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with
great fury, and many had been killed, our people obtained the victory, and took
their enemy's Chief prisoner. He was carried off in great triumph, and, though he
offered a large ransom for his life, he was put to death. A virgin of note among
our enemies had been slain in the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place, where our trophies
were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according to the merit of the
warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or redeemed we kept as slaves: but
how different was their condition from that of the slaves in the West Indies! With
us they do no more work than other members of the community, even their master;
their food, clothing and lodging were nearly the same as theirs, (except that they
were not permitted to eat with
those who were free-born); and there was scarce any other difference between them,
than a superior degree of importance which the head of a family possesses in our
state, and that authority which, as such, he exercises over every part of his
household. some of these slaves have even slaves under them as their own property,
and for their own use.
As to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all things, and
that he lives in the sun, and is girted round with a belt that he may never eat or
drink; but, according to some, he smokes a pipe, which is our own favourite
luxury. They believe he governs events, especially our deaths or captivity; but,
as for the doctrine of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: some
however believe in the transmigration of souls in a certain degree. Those spirits, which
are not transmigrated, such as their dear friends or relations, they believe
always attend them, and guard them from the bad spirits or their foes. For this
reason they always before eating, as I have observed, put some small portion of
the meat, and pour some of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often
make oblation of the blood of
beasts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my mother, and almost
constantly with her. When she went to make these oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of
small solitary thatched house, I sometimes attended her. There she made her
libations, and spent most of the night in cries and lamentations. I have been
often extremely terrified on these occasions. The loneliness of the place, the
darkness of the night, and the ceremony of libation, naturally awful and
gloomy, were heightened by my mother's lamentations; and these concurring with the
doleful cries of birds, by which these places were frequented, gave an
inexpressible terror to the scene.
We compute the year from the day on which the sun crosses the line, and on its
setting that evening, there is a general shout throughout the land; at least I can
speak from my own knowledge, throughout our vicinity. The people at the same time
make a great noise with rattles, not unlike the basket rattles used by children
here, though much larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. It is
then the greatest offerings are made; and those children whom our wise men foretel
will be fortunate are then presented to different people. I remember many used to come to see me, and I was
carried about to others for that purpose. They have many offerings, particularly
at full moons; generally two at harvest before the fruits are taken out of the
ground: and when any young animals are killed, sometimes they offer up part of
them as a sacrifice. These offerings, when made by one of the heads of a family,
serve for the whole. I remember we often had them at my father's and my uncle's,
and their families have been present. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter
herbs. We had a saying among us to any one of a cross temper, 'That if they
were to be eaten, they should be eaten with bitter herbs.'
We practised circumcision like the Jews, and made offerings and feasts on that
occasion in the same manner as they did. Like them also, our children were named from some event,
some circumstance, or fancied foreboding at the time of their birth. I was named
Olaudah, which, in our language, signifies vicissitude,
or fortunate also; one favoured, and having a loud voice and well spoken. I
remember we never polluted the name of the object of our adoration; on the
contrary, it was always mentioned with the greatest reverence; and we were totally
unacquainted with swearing, and all those terms of abuse and reproach which find
their way so readily and copiously into the language of more civilized people. The
only expressions of that kind I remember were, 'May you rot, or may you
swell, or may a beast take you.'
I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are extremely
cleanly. This necessary habit
of decency was with us a part of religion, and therefore we had many purifications
and washings; indeed almost as many, and used on the same occasions, if my
recollection does not fail me, as the Jews Those that touched the dead at any time were obliged to wash and
purify themselves before they could enter a dwelling-house. Every woman too, at
certain times, was forbidden to come into a dwelling-house, or touch any person,
or any thing we eat. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from her, or
avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of which I was obliged
to be kept out with her, in a little house made for that purpose, till offering
was made, and then we were purified.
Though we had no places of public worship, we had priests and magicians, or wise
men. I do not remember whether
they had different offices, or whether they were united in the same persons, but
they were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time, and
foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them Ah-affoe-way-cah,
which signifies calculators or yearly men, our year being called Ah-affoe. They
wore their beards, and when they died they were suceeded by their sons. Most of
their implements and things of value were interred along with them. Pipes and
tobacco were also put into the grave with the corpse, which was always perfumed
and ornamented, and animals were offered in sacrifice to them. None accompanied
their funerals but those of the same profession or tribe. These buried them after
sunset, and always returned from the grave by a different way from that which they
went.
These magicians were also our doctors or physicians. They practised bleeding by
cupping; and were very successful in healing wounds and expelling poisons. They
had likewise some extraordinary method of discovering jealousy, theft, and
poisoning; the success of which no doubt they derived from the unbounded influence
over the credulity and superstition of the people. I do not remember what those
methods were, except that as to poisoning: I recollect an instance or two, which I
hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to insert, as it may serve as a kind
of specimen of the rest, and is still used by the negroes in the West Indies. A
young woman had been poisoned, but it was not known by whom: the doctor ordered
the corpse to be taken up by
some persons, and carried to the grave. As soon as the bearers had raised it on
their shoulders, they seemed seized with some* sudden impulse,See also Leiut. Matthew's Voyage, p. 123. [Equiano's note] Equiano is referring to John Matthews, A Voyage to the River Sierra-Leone (London: B. White and Son; and J. Sewell, 1788). and ran to and fro
unable to stop themselves. At last, after having passed through a number of thorns
and prickly bushes unhurt, the corpse fell from them close to a house, and defaced
it in the fall; and the owner being taken up, he immediately confessed the
poisoning.† An instance of this kind happened at Montserrat in the West Indies in the year 1763. I then belonged to the Charming
Sally, Capt. Doran.—The chief mate, Mr. Mansfield, and some of the crew being
one day on shore, were present at the burying of a poisoned negro girl. Though
they had often heard of the circumstance of the running in such cases, and had
even seen it, they imagined it to be a trick of the corpse-bearers. The mate
therefore desired two of the sailors to take up the coffin, and carry it to the
grave. The sailors, who were all of the same opinion, readily obeyed; but they
had scarcely raised it to their shoulders, before they began to run
furiously about, quite unable to direct
themselves, till, at last, without intention, they came to the hut of him
who had poisoned the girl. The coffin then immediately fell from their
shoulders against the hut, and damaged part of the wall. The owner of the
hut was taken into custody on this, and confessed the poisoning.— I give this
story as it was related by the mate and crew on their return to the ship.
The credit which is due to it I leave with the reader. [Equiano's
note]
The natives are extremely cautious about poison. When they buy any eatable the
seller kisses it all round before the buyer, to shew him it is not poisoned; and
the same is done when any meat or drink is presented, particularly to a stranger.
We have serpents of different kinds, some of which are esteemed ominous when they
appear in our houses, and these we never molest. I remember two of those ominous
snakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in colour
resembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times into my
mother's night-house, where I
always lay with her, and coiled themselves into folds, and each time they crowed
like a cock. I was desired by some of our wise men to touch these, that I might be
interested in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite harmless, and would
tamely suffer themselves to be handled; and then they were put into a large open
earthen pan, and set on one side of the highway. Some of our snakes, however, were
poisonous: one of them crossed the road one day as I was standing on it, and
passed between my feet without offering to touch me, to the great surprise of many
who saw it; and these incidents were accounted by the wise men, and likewise by my
mother and the rest of the people, as remarkable omens in my favour.
such is the imperfect sketch my memory has furnished me with of the manners and customs of a people among whom
I first drew my breath. And here I cannot forbear suggesting what has long struck
me very forcibly, namely, the strong analogy which even by this sketch, imperfect
as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and customs of my countrymen and those
of the Jews, before they reached the Land of Promise, and particularly the
patriarchs while they were yet in that pastoral state which is described in
Genesis—an analogy, which alone would induce me to think that the one people had
sprung from the other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his commentary on Genesis, very ably
deduces the pedigree of the Africans from Afer
and Afra, the descendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife and concubine
(for both these titles are
applied to her). It is also conformable to the sentiments of Dr. John Clarke,
formerly Dean of Sarum, in his Truth of the Christian Religion: both these authors
concur in ascribing to us this original. The reasonings of those gentlemen are
still further confirmed by the scripture chronology; and if any further
corroboration were required, this resemblance in so many respects is a strong
evidence in support of the opinion. Like the Israelites in their primitive state,
our government was conducted by our chiefs or judges, our wise men and elders; and
the head of a family with us enjoyed a similar authority over his household with
that which is ascribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law of retaliation
obtained almost universally with us as with them: and even their religion appeared
to have shed upon us a ray of
its glory, though broken and spent in its passage, or eclipsed by the cloud with
which time, tradition, and ignorance might have enveloped it; for we had our
circumcision (a rule I believe peculiar to that people:) we had also our
sacrifices and burnt-offerings, our washings and purifications, on the same
occasions as they had.
As to the difference of colour between the Eboan Africans and the modern Jews, I
shall not presume to account for it. It is a subject which has engaged the pens of
men of both genius and learning, and is far above my strength. The most able and
Reverend Mr. T. Clarkson,
however, in his much admired Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human
Species, has ascertained the cause in a manner that at once solves every objection
on that account, and, on my mind at least, has produced the fullest conviction. I
shall therefore refer to that performance for the theory** Page 178 to 216. [Equiano's
note], contenting myself with
extricating a fact as related by Dr. Mitchel†.† Philos. Trans. No. 476, Sect. 4, cited by Mr
Clarkson, p. 205. [Equiano's note] "The Spaniards, who have
inhabited America, under the torrid zone, for any time, are become as dark
coloured as our native Indians of Virginia; of which I myself
have been a witness." There is also another instance‡‡ Same page. [Equiano's note]of a
Portuguese settlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona; where the inhabitants
are bred from a mixture of the first Portuguese discoverers with the natives, and
are now become in their complexion, and in the woolly quality of their
hair, perfect negroes, retaining however a smattering of the Portuguese
language.
These instances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while they shew how
the complexions of the same persons vary in different climates it is hoped may
tend also to remove the prejudice that some conceive against the natives of Africa
on account of their colour. Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with
their complexions! Are there not causes enough to which the apparent inferiority
of an African may be ascribed without limiting the goodness of God and supposing
he forbore to stamp understanding on certainly his own image because "carved in ebony." Might it not naturally be ascribed to
their situation? When they come among Europeans, they are ignorant of their language, religion, manners,
and customs. Are any pains taken to teach them these? Are they treated as men?
Does not slavery itself depress the mind, and extinguish all its fire and every
noble sentiment? But, above all, what advantages do not a refined people possess
over those who are rude and uncultivated. Let the polished and haughty European
recollect that his ancestors were once, like the Africans,
uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature make them
inferior to their sons? and should they too have been made
slaves? Every rational mind answers, No. Let such reflections as these melt the
pride of their superiority into sympathy for the wants and miseries of their sable brethren, and compel them to
acknowledge, that understanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when
they look round the world,
they feel exultation, let it be tempered with benevolence to others, and gratitude
to God, "who hath made of one blood all nations of
men for to dwell on all the face of the earth** Acts xvii. 26. [Equiano's note]; and whose wisdom is not our
wisdom, neither are our ways his ways."
CHAP. II.
The author's birth and parentage—His being kidnapped with his
sister—Their separation—Surprise at meeting again—Are finally
separated—Account of the different places and incidents the author met with
till his arrival on the coast—The effect the sight of a slave ship had on
him—He sails for the West Indies—Horrors of a slave ship—Arrives at
Barbadoes, where the cargo is sold and dispersed.
I HOPE the reader will not think I have trespassed on his patience in introducing
myself to him with some account of the manners and customs of my country. They had
been implanted in me with
great care, and made an impression on my mind, which time could not erase, and
which all the adversity and variety of fortune I have since experienced, served
only to rivet and record; for, whether the love of one's country be real or
imaginary, or a lesson of reason, or an instinct of nature, I still look back with
pleasure on the first scenes of my life, though that pleasure has been for the
most part mingled with sorrow.
I have already acquainted the reader with the time and place of my birth. My
father, besides many slaves, had a numerous family, of which seven lived to grow
up, including myself and a sister; who was the only daughter. As I was the
youngest of the sons, I became, of course, the greatest favourite with my mother,
and was always with her; and she used to take particular pains to form my mind. I was trained
up from my earliest years in the art of war: my daily exercise was shooting and
throwing javelins; and my mother adorned me with emblems, after the manner of our
greatest warriors. In this way I grew up till I was turned the age of eleven, when
an end was put to my happiness in the following manner:—Generally when the grown
people in the neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour the children
assembled together in some of the neighbours' premises to play; and commonly some
of us used to get up a tree to look out for any assailant, or kidnapper, that
might come upon us; for they sometimes took those opportunities of our parents
absence to attack and carry off as many as they could seize. One day, as I was
watching at the top of a tree in our yard, I saw one of those people come into the yard of our next
neighbour but one, to kidnap, there being many stout young people in it.
Immediately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue, and he was surrounded by the
stoutest of them, who entangled him with cords, so that he could not escape till
some of the grown people came and secured him. But alas! ere long it was my fate
to be thus attacked, and to be carried off, when none of the grown people were
nigh. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as usual, and only
I and my dear sister were left to mind the house, two men and a woman got over our
walls, and in a moment seized us both, and, without giving us time to cry out, or
make resistance, they stopped our mouths, and ran off with us, into the nearest
wood. Here they tied our hands, and continued to carry us as far as they could, till night came on,
when we reached a small house, where the robbers halted for refreshment and spent
the night. We were then unbound, but were unable to take any food; and, being
quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was some sleep, which
allayed our misfortune for a short time. The next morning we left the house, and
continued travelling all the day. For a long time we had kept the woods, but at
last we came into a road which I believed I knew. I had now some hopes of being
delivered; for we had advanced but a little way before I discovered some people at
a distance, on which I began to cry out for their assistance; but my cries had no
other effect than to make them tie me faster and stop my mouth, and then they put
me into a large sack. They also stopped my sister's mouth, and tied her hands; and in this manner we proceeded
till we were out of the sight of these people. When we went to rest the following
night they offered us some victuals; but we refused it; and the only comfort we
had was in being in one another's arms all that night, and bathing each other with
our tears. But alas! we were soon deprived of even the small comfort of weeping
together. The next day proved a day of greater sorrow than I had yet experienced;
for my sister and I were then separated, while we lay clasped in each others arms.
It was in vain that we besought them not to part us; she was torn from me, and
immediately carried away, while I was left in a state of distraction not to be
described. I cried and grieved continually; and for several days, did not eat any thing but what they
forced into my mouth. At length, after many days travelling, during which I had
often changed masters, I got into the hands of a chieftain, in a very pleasant
country. This man had two wives and some children, and they all used me extremely
well, and did all they could to comfort me; particularly the first wife, who was
something like my mother. Although I was a great many days journey from my
father's house, yet these people spoke exactly the same language with us. This
first master of mine, as I may call him, was a smith, and my principal employment
was working his bellows, which were the same kind as I had seen in my vicinity.
They were in some respects not unlike the stoves here in gentlemen's kitchens; and
were covered over with leather; and in the middle of that leather a stick was
fixed, and a person stood up, and worked it, in the same manner as is done to pump
water out of a cask with a hand pump. I believe it was gold he worked, for it was
of a lovely bright yellow colour, and was worn by the women on their wrists and
ancles. I was there I suppose about a month, and they at last used to trust me
some little distance from the house. This liberty I used in embracing every
opportunity to inquire the way to my own home: and I also sometimes, for the same
purpose, went with the maidens, in the cool of the evenings, to bring pitchers of
water from the springs for the use of the house. I had also remarked where the sun
rose in the morning, and set in the evening, as I had travelled along; and I had
observed that my father's house was towards the rising of the sun. I therefore
determined to seize the first opportunity of making my escape, and to shape my
course for that quarter; for I was quite oppressed and weighed down by grief after
my mother and friends; and my love of liberty, ever great, was strengthened by the
mortifying circumstance of not daring to eat with the free-born children, although
I was mostly their companion. While I was projecting my escape, one day an unlucky
event happened, which quite disconcerted my plan, and put an end to my hopes. I
used to be sometimes employed in assisting an elderly woman slave, to cook and
take care of the poultry: and one morning, while I was feeding some chickens, I
happened to toss a small pebble at one of them, which hit it on the middle, and
directly killed it. The old slave, having soon after missed the chicken,
inquired after it; and on my relating the accident (for I told her the truth,
because my mother would never suffer me to tell a lie) she flew into a violent
passion, threatened that I should suffer for it; and, my master being out, she
immediately went and told her mistress what I had done. This alarmed me very much,
and I expected an instant flogging, which to me was uncommonly dreadful; for I had
seldom been beaten at home. I therefore resolved to fly; and accordingly I ran
into a thicket that was hard by, and hid myself in the bushes. soon afterwards my
mistress and the slave returned, and, not seeing me, they searched all the house,
but not finding me, and I not making answer when they called to me, they thought I
ad run away, and the whole neighbourhood was raised in the pursuit of me. In
that part of the country (as in ours) the houses and villages were skirted with
woods, or shrubberies, and the bushes were so thick that a man could readily
conceal himself in them, so as to elude the strictest search. The neighbours
continued the whole day looking for me, and several times many of them came within
a few yards of the place where I lay hid. I expected every moment, when I heard a
rustling among the trees, to be found out, and punished by my master: but they
never discovered me, though they were often so near that I even heard their
conjectures as they were looking about for me; and I now learned from them, that
any attempt to return home would be hopeless. Most of them supposed I had fled
towards home; but the distance
was so great, and the way so intricate, that they thought I could never reach it,
and that I should be lost in the woods. When I heard this I was seized with a
violent panie, and abandoned myself to despair. Night too began to approach, and
ag gravated all my fears. I had before entertained hopes of getting home; and had
determined when it should be dark to make the attempt; but I was now convinced it
was fruitless, and began to consider that, if possibly I could escape all other
animals, I could not those of the human kind; and that, not knowing the way, I
must perish in the woods. Thus was I like the hunted deer:
—"Ev'ry leaf and ev'ry whisp'ring breath
"Convey'd a foe, and ev'ry foe a death."
I heard frequent rustlings among the leaves; and being pretty sure they were snakes, I expected every
instant to be stung by them. This increased my anguish, and the horror of my
situation became now quite insupportable. I at length quitted the thicket, very
saint and hungry, for I had not eaten or drank any thing all the day; and crept to
my master's kitchen, from whence I set out at first, and which was an open shed,
and laid myself down in the ashes with an anxious wish for death to relieve me
from all my pains. I was scarcely awake in the morning, when the old woman slave,
who was the first up, came to light the fire, and saw me in the fire place. She
was very much surprised to see me, and could scarcely believe her own eyes. She
now promised to intercede for me, and went for her master, who soon after came,
and, having slightly reprimanded me, ordered me to be taken care of, and not ill treated.
Soon after this my master's only daughter, and child by his first wife, sickened
and died, which affected him so much that for some time he was almost frantic, and
really would have killed himself, had he not been watched and prevented. However,
in a small time afterwards he recovered, and I was again sold. I was now carried
to the left of the sun's rising, through many dreary wastes and dismal woods,
amidst the hideous roarings of wild beasts. The people I was sold to used to carry
me very often, when I was tired, either on their shoulders or on their backs. I
saw many convenient well-built sheds along the road, at proper distances, to
accommodate the merchants and travellers, who lay in those buildings along with
their wives, who often
accompany them; and they always go well armed.
From the time I left my own nation I always found somebody that under stood me
till I came to the sea coast. The languages of different nations did not totally
differ, nor were they so copious as those of the Europeans, particularly the
English. They were therefore easily learned; and, while I was journeying thus
through Africa, I acquired two or three different tongues. In this manner I had
been travelling for a considerable time, when one evening to my great surprise,
whom should I see brought to the house where I was but my dear sister! As soon as
she saw me she gave a loud shriek, and ran into my arms—I was quite overpowered:
neither of us could speak; but, for a considerable time, clung to each other in mutual
embraces, unable to do any thing but weep. Our meeting affected all who saw us;
and indeed I must acknowledge, in honour of those sable destroyers of human
rights, that I never met with any ill treatment, or saw any offered to their
slaves, except tying them, when necessary, to keep them from running away. When
these people knew we were brother and sister, they indulged us to be together; and
the man, to whom I supposed we belonged, lay with us, he in the middle, while she
and I held one another by the hands across his breast all night; and thus for a
while we forgot our misfortunes in the joy of being together: but even this small
comfort was soon to have an end; for scarcely had the fatal morning appeared, when
she was again torn from me for ever! I was now more miserable, if possible, than before. The small
relief which her presence gave me from pain was gone, and the wretchedness of my
situation was redoubled by my anxiety after her fate, and my apprehensions lest
her sufferings should be greater than mine, when I could not be with her to
alleviate them. Yes, thou dear partner of all my childish sports! thou sharer of
my joys and sorrows! happy should I have ever esteemed myself to encounter every
misery for you, and to procure your freedom by the sacrifice of my own. Though you
were early forced from my arms, your image has been always rivetted in my heart,
from which neither time nor fortune have been able to
remove it; so that, while the thoughts of your sufferings have damped my
prosperity, they have mingled with adversity and increased its bitterness. To that Heaven which protects
the weak from the strong, I commit the care of your innocence and virtues, if they
have not already received their full reward, and if your youth and delicacy have
not long since fallen victims to the violence of the African trader, the
pestilential stench of a Guinea ship, the seasoning in the European colonies, or
the lash and lust of a brutal and unrelenting overseer.
I did not long remain after my sister. I was again sold, and carried through a
number of places, till, after travelling a considerable time, I came to a town
called Tinmah, in the most beautiful country I had yet seen in Africa. It was
extremely rich, and there were many rivulets which flowed through it, and supplied
a large pond in the centre of the town, where the people washed. Here I first saw
and tasted cocoa nuts, which I
thought superior to any nuts I had ever tasted before; and the trees, which were
loaded, were also interspersed amongst the houses, which had commodious shades
adjoining, and were in the same manner as ours, the insides being neatly plastered
and whitewashed, Here I also saw and tasted for the first time sugar-cane. Their
money consisted of little white shells, the size of the finger nail. I was sold
here for one hundred and seventy-two of them by a merchant who lived and brought
me there. I had been about two or three days at his house, when a wealthy widow, a
neighbour of his, came there one evening, and brought with her an only son, a
young gentleman about my own age and size. Here they saw me; and, having taken a
fancy to me, I was bought of the merchant, and went home with them. Her house and
premises were situated
close to one of those rivulets I have mentioned, and were the finest I ever saw in
Africa: they were very extensive, and she had a number of slaves to attend her.
The next day I was washed and perfumed, and when meal-time came, I was led into
the presence of my mistress, and eat and drank before her with her son. This
filled me with astonishment; and I could scarce help expressing my surprise that
the young gentleman should suffer me, who was bound, to eat with him who was free;
and not only so, but that he would not at any time either eat or drink till I had
taken first, because I was the eldest, which was agreeable to our custom. Indeed
every thing here, and all their treatment of me, made me forget that I was a
slave. The language of these people resembled ours so nearly, that we understood
each other perfectly. They
had also the very same customs as we. There were likewise slaves daily to attend
us, while my young master and I with other boys sported with our darts and bows
and arrows, as I had been used to do at home. In this resemblance to my former
happy state, I passed about two months; and I now began to think I was to be
adopted into the family, and was beginning to be reconciled to my situation, and
to forget by degrees my misfortunes, when all at once the delusion vanished; for,
without the least previous knowledge, one morning early, while my dear master and
companion was still asleep, I was awakened out of my reverie to fresh sorrow, and
hurried away even amongst the uncircumcised.
Thus, at the very moment I dreamed of the greatest happiness, I found my self most miserable; and it seemed
as if fortune wished to give me this taste of joy, only to render the reverse more
poignant. The change I now experienced was as painful as it was sudden and
unexpected. It was a change indeed from a state of bliss to a scene which is
inexpressible by me, as it discovered to me an element I had never before beheld,
and till then had no idea of, and wherein such instances of hardship and cruelty
continually occurred as I can never reflect on but with horror.
All the nations and people I had hitherto passed through resembled our own in
their manners, customs, and language: but I came at length to a country, the
inhabitants of which differed from us in all those particulars. I was very much
struck with this difference, especially when I came among a people who did not circumcise, and
eat without washing their hands. They cooked also in iron pots, and had European
cutlasses and cross bows, which were unknown to us, and fought with their fists
amongst themselves. Their women were not so modest as ours, for they eat, and
drank, and slept, with their men. But above all, I was amazed to see no sacrifices
or offerings among them. In some of those places the people ornamented themselves
with scars, and likewise filed their teeth very sharp. They wanted sometimes to
ornament me in the same manner, but I would not suffer them; hoping that I might
some time be among a people who did not thus disfigure themselves, as I thought
they did. At last I came to the banks of a large river, which was covered with
canoes, in which the people appeared to live with their household utensils and
provisions of all kinds. I was beyond measure astonished at this, as I had never
before seen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet: and my surprise was mingled
with no small fear when I was put into one of these canoes, and we began to paddle
and move along the river. We continued going on thus till night; and when we came
to land, and made fires on the banks, each family by themselves, some dragged
their canoes on shore, others stayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all
night. Those on the land had mats, of which they made tents, some in the shape of
little houses: in these we slept: and after the morning meal, we embarked again
and proceeded as before. I was often very much astonished to see some of the
women, as well as the men, jump into the water, dive to the bottom, come up again, and swim about.
Thus I continued to travel, sometimes by land, sometimes by water, through
different countries and various nations, till, at the end of six or seven months
after I had been kidnapped, I arrived at the sea coast. It would be tedious and
uninteresting to relate all the incidents which befell me during this journey, and
which I have not yet forgotten; ofmthe various hands I passed through, and the
manners and customs of all the different people among whom I lived: I shall
therefore only observe, that in all the places where I was, the soil was
exceedingly rich; the pomkins, aedas, plantains, yams, &c. &c. were in
great abundance, and of incredible size. There were also vast quantities of
different gums, though not used for any purpose; and every where a great deal of
tobacco. The cotton even
grew quite wild; and there was plenty of red-wood. I saw no mechanics whatever in
all the way, except such as I have mentioned. The chief employment in all these
countries was agriculture, and both the males and females, as with us, were
brought up to it, and trained in the arts of war.
The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast was the sea,
and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo.
These filled me with astonishment, which was soon converted into terror when I was
carried on board. I was immediately handled, and tossed up to see if I were sound,
by some of the crew; and I was now persuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad
spirits, and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions too differing so much from ours, their
long hair, and the language they spoke, (which was very different from any I had
ever heard) united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed such were the horrors of
my views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thousand worlds, had been my own, I
would have freely parted with them all to have exchanged my condition with that of
the meanest slave in my own country. When I looked round the ship too and saw a
large furnace or copper boiling, and a multitude of black people of every
description chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection
and sorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered with horror and
anguish, I fell motionless on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little I
found some black people about me, who I believed were some of those who brought me on board,
and had been receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all
in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by those white men with horrible
looks, red faces, and long hair. They told me I was not: and one of the crew
brought me a small portion of spirituous liquor in a wine glass; but, being afraid
of him, I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks therefore took it
from him and gave it to me, and I took a little down my palate, which, instead of
reviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the greatest consternation at
the strange feeling it produced, having never tasted any such liquor before. soon
after this the blacks who brought me on board went off, and left me abandoned to
despair. I now saw myself deprived of all chance of returning to my
native country, or even the least glimpse of hope of gaining the shore, which I
now considered as friendly; and I even wished for my former slavery in preference
to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still
heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long suffered to
indulge my grief; I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a
salutation in my nostrils as I had never experienced in my life: so that, with the
loathsomeness of the stench, and crying together, I became so sick and low that I
was not able to eat, nor had I the least desire to taste any thing. I now wished
for the last friend, death, to relieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white
men offered me eatables; and, on my refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands,
and laid me across, I think the windlass, and tied my feet, while the other
flogged me severely. I had never experienced any thing of this kind before; and
although not being used to the water, I naturally feared that element the first
time I saw it, yet nevertheless, could I have got over the nettings, I would have
jumped over the side, but I could not; and, besides, the crew used to watch us
very closely who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap into the
water: and I have seen some of these poor African prisoners most severely cut for
attempting to do so, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the
case with myself. In a little time after, amongst the poor chained men, I found
some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. I inquired of these what was to be done
with us? They gave me to understand we were to be carried to these white people's
country to work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought, if it were no
worse than working, my situation was not so desperate: but still I feared I should
be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in so savage a
manner; for I had never seen among any people such instances of brutal cruelty;
and this not only shewn towards us blacks, but also to some of the whites
themselves. One white man in particular I saw, when we were permitted to be on
deck, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast, that he died in
consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they would have done a
brute. This made me fear these people the more; and I expected nothing less than to be treated in the
same manner. I could not help expressing my fears and apprehensions to some of my
countrymen: I asked them if these people had no country, but lived in this hollow
place (the ship)? they told me they did not, but came from a distant one.
'Then,' said I,
'how comes it in all our country we never heard of
them?' They told me because they lived so very far off. I then asked
where were their women? had they any like themselves? I was told they had:
'And why,'said I, 'do we not see them?' they answered,
because they were left behind. I asked how the vessel could go? they told me they
could not tell; but that there were cloth put upon the masts by the help of the
ropes I saw, and then the vessel went on; and the white men had some spell or
magic they put in the water
when they liked in order to stop the vessel. I was exceedingly amazed at this
account, and really thought they were spirits. I therefore wished much to be from
amongst them, for I expected they would sacrifice me: but my wishes were vain; for
we were so quartered that it was impossible for any of us to make our escape.
While we stayed on the coast I was mostly on deck; and one day, to my great
astonishment, I saw one of these vessels coming in with the sails up. As soon as
the whites saw it, they gave a great shout, at which we were amazed; and the more
so as the vessel appeared larger by approaching nearer. At last she came to an
anchor in my sight, and when the anchor was let go I and my countrymen who saw it
were lost in astonishment to observe the vessel stop; and were now convinced it
was done by magic. Soon after
this the other ship got her boats out, and they came on board of us, and the
people of both ships seemed very glad to see each other. Several of the strangers
also shook hands with us black people, and made motions with their hands,
signifying I suppose, we were to go to their country; but we did not understand
them. At last, when the ship we were in, had got in all her cargo, they made ready
with many fearful noises, and we were all put under deck, so that we could not see
how they managed the vessel. But this disappointment was the least of my sorrow.
The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome,
that it was dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been
permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air; but now that the whole ship's
cargo were confined together,
it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate,
added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room
to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so
that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome
smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus
falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers.
This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now
become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children
often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women, and the groans
of the dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily
perhaps for myself I was soon
reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always
on-deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I
expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost
daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would soon
put an end to my miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep
much more happy than myself, I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often
wished I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumstance I met with
served only to render my state more painful, and heighten my apprehensions, and my
opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fishes;
and when they had killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishment
who were on the deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat, as we expected,
they tossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed
for some as well as we could, but in vain; and some of my countrymen, being
pressed by hunger, took an opportunity, when they thought no one saw them, of
trying to get a little privately; but they were discovered, and the attempt
procured them some very severe floggings. One day, when we had a smooth sea and
moderate wind, two of my wearied countrymen who were chained together (I was near
them at the time), preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow made through
the nettings and jumped into the sea: immediately another quite dejected fellow,
who on account of his illness, was suffered to be out of irons, also followed their example; and I
believe many more would very soon have done the same if they had not been
prevented by the ship's crew, who were instantly alarmed. Those of us that were
the most active were in a moment put down under the deck, and there was such a
noise and confusion amongst the people of the ship as I never heard before, to
stop her, and get the boat out to go after the slaves. However two of the wretches
were drowned, but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully, for
thus attempting to prefer death to slavery. In this manner we continued to undergo
more hardships than I can now relate, hardships which are inseparable from this
accursed trade. Many a time we were near suffocation from the want of fresh air,
which we were often without for whole days together. This, and the stench of the necessary tubs,
carried off many. During our passage I first saw flying fishes, which surprised me
very much: they used frequently to fly across the ship, and many of them fell on
the deck. I also now first saw the use of the quadrant; I had often with
astonishment seen the mariners make observations with it, and I could not think
what it meant. They at last took notice of my surprise: and one of them, willing
to increase it, as well as to gratify my curiosity, made me one day look through
it. The clouds appeared to me to be land, which disappeared as they passed along.
This heightened my wonder; and I was now more persuaded than ever that I was in
another world, and that every thing about me was magic. At last we came in sight
of the island of Barbadoes, at which the whites on board gave a great shout, and made many signs of joy to
us. We did not know what to think of this; but as the vessel drew nearer we
plainly saw the harbour, and other ships of different kinds and sizes; and we soon
anchored amongst them off Bridge Town. Many merchants and planters now came on
board, though it was in the evening. They put us in separate parcels, and examined
us attentively. They also made us jump, and pointed to the land, signifying we
were to go there. We thought by this we should be eaten by these ugly men, as they
appeared to us; and, when soon after we were all put down under the deck again,
there was much dread and trembling among us, and nothing but bitter cries to be
heard all the night from these apprehensions, insomuch that at last the white
people got some old slaves from the land to pacify us. They told us we were not to be eaten, but
to work, and were soon to go on land, where we should see many of our country
people. This report eased us much; and sure enough, soon after we were landed,
there came to us Africans of all languages. We were conducted immediately to the
merchant's yard, where we were all pent up together like so many sheep in a fold,
without regard to sex or age. As every object was new to me every thing I saw
filled me with surprise. What struck me first was that the houses were built with
bricks and stories, and in every other respect different from those I had seen in
Africa: but I was still more astonished on seeing people on horseback. I did not
know what this could mean; and indeed I thought these people were full of nothing
but magical arts. While I was in this astonishment one of my fellow prisoners spoke to a countryman
of his about the horses, who said they were the same kind they had in their
country. I understood them, though they were from a distant part of Africa, and I
thought it odd I had not seen any horses there; but afterwards, when I came to
converse with different Africans, I found they had many horses amongst them, and
much larger than those I then saw. We were not many days in the merchant's custody
before we were sold after their usual manner, which is this:—On a signal given,
(as the beat of a drum) the buyers rush at once into the yard where the slaves are
confined, and make choice of that parcel they like best. The noise and clamour
with which this is attended, and the eagerness visible in the countenances of the
buyers, serve not a little to increase the apprehension of the terrified Africans, who may well be
supposed to consider them as the ministers of that destruction to which they think
themselves devoted. In this manner, without scruple, are relations and friends
separated, most of them never to see each other again. I remember in the vessel in
which I was brought over, in the men's apartment, there were several brothers,
who, in the sale, were sold in different lots; and it was very moving on this
occasion to see and hear their cries at parting. O, ye nominal Christians! Might
not an African ask you, learned you this from your God, who says unto you, do unto
all men as you would men should do unto you? Is it not enough that we are torn
from our country and friends, to toil for your luxury and lust of gain? Must every
tender feeling be likewise sacrificed to your avarice? Are the dearest friends and relations,
now rendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be parted
from each other, and thus prevented from cheering the gloom of slavery with the
small comfort of being together and mingling their sufferings and sorrows? Why are
parents to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands their wives?
Surely this is a new refinement in cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to
atone for it, thus aggravates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the
wretchedness of slavery.
CHAP. III.
The author is carried to Virginia—His distress—surprise at
seeing a picture and a watch—Is bought by Captain Pascal, and sets out for
England—His terror during the voyage—Arrives in England—His wonder at a fall
of snow—Is sent to Guernsey, and in some time goes on board a ship of war
with his master—some account of the expedition against Louisbourg under the
command of Admiral Boscawen, in 1758.
I now totally lost the small remains of comfort I had enjoyed in conversing with
my countrymen; the women too, who used to wash and take care of me, were all gone
different ways, and I never
saw one of them afterwards.
I stayed in this island for a few days; I believe it could not be above a
fortnight; when I and some few more slaves, that were not saleable amongst the
rest, from very much fretting, were shipped off in a sloop for North America. On
the passage we were better treated than when we were coming from Africa, and we
had plenty of rice and fat pork. We were landed up a river a good way from the
sea, about Virginia county, where we saw few or none of our native Africans, and
not one soul who could talk to me. I was a few weeks weeding grass, and gathering
stones in a plantation; and at last all my companions were distributed different
ways, and only myself was left. I was now exceedingly miserable, and thought
myself worse off than any of
the rest of my companions; for they could talk to each other, but I had no person
to speak to that I could understand. In this state I was constantly grieving and
pining, and wishing for death rather than any thing else. While I was in this
plantation the gentleman, to whom I suppose the estate belonged, being unwell, I
was one day sent for to his dwelling house to fan him; when I came into the room
where he was I was very much affrighted at some things I saw, and the more so as I
had seen a black woman slave as I came through the house, who was cooking the
dinner, and the poor creature was cruelly loaded with various kinds of iron
machines; she had one particularly on her head, which locked her mouth so fast
that she could scarcely speak; and could not eat nor drink. I was much astonished
and shocked at this
contrivance, which I afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle. Soon after I
had a fan put into my hand, to fan the gentleman while he slept; and so I did
indeed with great fear. While he was fast asleep I indulged myself a great deal in
looking about the room, which to me appeared very fine and curious. The first
object that engaged my attention was a watch which hung on the chimney, and was
going. I was quite surprised at the noise it made, and was afraid it would tell
the gentleman any thing I might do amiss: and when I immediately after observed a
picture hanging in the room, which appeared constantly to look at me, I was still
more affrighted, having never seen such things as these before. At one time I
thought it was something relative to magic; and not seeing it move I thought it
might be some way the whites
had to keep their great men when they died, and offer them libations as we used to
do to our friendly spirits. In this state of anxiety I remained till my master
awoke, when I was dismissed out of the room, to my no small satisfaction and
relief; for I thought that these people were all made up of wonders. In this place
I was called Jacob; but on board the African scow I was called Michael. I had been
some time in this miserable, forlorn, and much dejected state, without having any
one to talk to, which made my life a burden, when the kind and unknown hand of the
Creator (who in very deed leads the blind in a way they know not) now began to
appear, to my comfort; for one day the captain of a merchant ship, called the
Industrious Bee, came on some business to my master's house. This gentleman, whose
name was Michael Henry Pascal,
was a lieutenant in the royal navy, but now commanded this trading ship, which was
somewhere in the confines of the county many miles off. While he was at my
master's house it happened that he saw me, and like me so well that he made a
purchase of me. I think I have often heard him say he gave thirty or forty pounds
sterling for me; but I do not now remember which. However, he meant me for a
present to some of his friends in England: and I was sent accordingly from the
house of my then master, (one Mr. Campbell) to the place where the ship lay; I was
conducted on horseback by an elderly black man, (a mode of travelling which
appeared very odd to me). When I arrived I was carried on board a fine large ship,
loaded with tobacco, etc. and just ready to sail for England. I now thought my condition much
mended; I had sails to lie on, and plenty of good victuals to eat; and every body
on board used me very kindly, quite contrary to what I had seen of any white
people before; I therefore began to think that they were not all of the same
disposition. A few days after I was on board we sailed for England. I was still at
a loss to conjecture my destiny. By this time, however, I could smatter a little
imperfect English; and I wanted to know as well as I could where we were going.
some of the people of the ship used to tell me they were going to carry me back to
my own country, and this made me very happy. I was quite rejoiced at the idea of
going back; and thought if I should get home what wonders I should have to tell.
But I was reserved for another
fate, and was soon undeceived, when we came within sight of the English coast.
While I was on board this ship, my captain and master named me Gustavus Vasa. I at that time began to understand him a little, and
refused to be called so, and told him as well as I could that I would be called
Jacob; but he said I should not, and still called me Gustavus: and when I refused
to answer to my new name, which at first I did, it gained me many a cuff; so at
length I submitted, and by which I have been known ever since. The ship had a very
long passage; and on that account we had very short allowance of provisions.
Towards the last we had only one pound and a half of bread per week, and about the
same quantity of meat, and one quart of water a-day. We spoke with only one vessel
the whole time we were at sea,
and but once we caught a few fishes. In our extremities the captain and people
told me in jest they would kill and eat me; but I thought them in earnest, and was
depressed beyond measure, expecting every moment to be my last. While I was in
this situation one evening they caught, with a good deal of trouble, a large
shark, and got it on board. This gladdened my poor heart exceedingly, as I thought
it would serve the people to eat instead of their eating me; but very soon, to my
astonishment, they cut off a small part of the tail, and tossed the rest over the
side. This renewed my consternation ; and I did not know what to think of these white people,
though I very much feared they would kill and eat me. There was on board the ship
a young lad who had never been at sea before, about four or five years older than myself;
his name was Richard Baker. He was a native of America, had received an excellent
education, and was of a most amiable temper. Soon after I went on board he shewed
me a great deal of partiality and attention, and in return I grew extremely fond
of him. We at length became inseparable; and, for the space of two years, he was
of very great use to me, and was my constant companion and instructor. Although
this dear youth had many slaves of his own, yet he and I have gone through many
sufferings together on shipboard; and we have many nights lain in each other's
bosoms when we were in great distress. Thus such a friendship was cemented between
us as we cherished till his death, which to my very great sorrow, happened in the
year 1759, when he was up the Archipelago, on board his majesty's ship the Preston: an event which I have
never ceased to regret, as I lost at once a kind interpreter, an agreeable
companion, and a faithful friend; who, at the age of fifteen, discovered a mind
superior to prejudice; and who was not ashamed to notice, to associate with, and
to be the friend and instructor of one who was ignorant, a stranger, of a
different complexion, and a slave! My master had lodged in his mother's house in
America: he respected him very much, and made him always eat with him in the
cabin. He used often to tell him jocularly that he would kill and eat me.
Sometimes he would say to me—the black people were not good to eat, and would ask
me if we did not eat people in my country. I said, No: then he said he would kill
Dick (as he always called him) first, and afterwards me. Though this
hearing relieved my mind a little as to myself, I was alarmed for Dick, and
whenever he was called I used to be very much afraid he was to be killed; and I
would peep and watch to see if they were going to kill him: nor was I free from
this consternation till we made the land. One night we lost a man overboard; and
the cries and noise were so great and confused, in stopping the ship, that I, who
did not know what was the matter, began, as usual, to be very much afraid, and to
think they were going to make an offering with me, and perform some magic; which I
still believed they dealt in. As the waves were very high I thought the Ruler of
the seas was angry, and I expected to be offered up to appease him. This filled my
mind with agony, and I could not any more that night close my eyes again to
rest. However, when daylight appeared was a little eased in my mind; but still
every time I was called I used to think it was to be killed. some time after this
we saw some very large fish, which I afterwards found were called grampusses. They
looked to me extremely terrible, and made their ap pearance just at dusk; and were
so near as to blow the water on the ship's deck. I believed them to be the rulers
of the sea; and as the white people did not make any offerings at any time, I
thought they were angry with them: and, at last, what confirmed my belief was, the
wind just then died away, and a calm ensued, and in consequence of it the ship
stopped going. I supposed that the fish had performed this, and I hid myself in
the fore part of the ship, through fear of be ing offered up to appease them, every
minute peeping and quaking: but my good friend Dick came shortly towards me, and I
took an opportunity to ask him, as well as I could, what these fish were. Not
being able to talk much English, I could but just make him understand my question;
and not at all, when I asked him if any offerings were to be made to them:
however, he told me these fish would swallow any body; which sufficiently alarmed
me. Here he was called away by the captain, who was leaning over the quarter-deck
railing and looking at the fish; and most of the people were busied in getting a
barrel of pitch to light, for them to play with. The captain now called me to him,
having learned some of my apprehensions from Dick; and having diverted himself and
others for some time with my fears which appeared ludicrous enough in my
crying and trembling, he dismissed me. The barrel of pitch was now lighted and put
over the side into the water: by this time it was just dark, and the fish went
after it; and, to my great joy, I saw them no more.
However, all my alarms began to subside when we got sight of land; and at last the
ship arrived at Falmouth, after a passage of thirteen weeks. Every heart on board
seemed gladdened on our reaching the shore, and none more than mine. The captain
immediately went on shore, and sent on board some fresh provisions, which we
wanted very much: we made good use of them, and our samine was soon turned into
feasting, almost without ending. It was about the beginning of the spring 1757,
when I arrived in England, and I was near twelve years of age at that time. I was very much struck with the
buildings and the pavement of the streets in Falmouth; and, indeed, every object I
saw filled me with new surprise. One morning, when I got upon deck, I saw it
covered all over with the snow that fell over-night: as I had never seen any thing
of the kind before, I thought it was salt; so I immediately ran down to the mate
and desired him, as well as I could, to come and see how somebody in the night had
thrown salt all over the deck. He, knowing what it was, desired me to bring some
of it down to him: accordingly I took up a handful of it, which I found very cold
indeed; and when I brought it to him he desired me to taste it. I did so, and I
was surprised beyond measure. I then asked him what it was; he told me it was
snow: but I could not in anywise understand him. He asked me if we had no such thing in
my country; and I told him, No. I then asked him the use of it, and who made it;
he told me a great man in the heavens, called God: but here again I was to all
intents and purposes at a loss to understand him; and the more so, when a little
after I saw the air filled with it, in a heavy shower, which fell down on the same
day. After this I went to church; and having never been at such a place before, I
was again amazed at seeing and hearing the service. I asked all I could about it;
and they gave me to understand it was worshipping God, who made us and all things.
I was still at a great loss, and soon got into an endless field of inquiries, as
well as I was able to speak and ask about things. However, my little friend Dick
used to be my best
interpreter; for I could make free with him, and he always instructed me with
pleasure: and from what I could understand by him of this God, and in seeing these
white people did not sell one another as we did, I was much pleased; and in this I
thought they were much happier than we Africans. I was astonished at the wisdom of
the white people in all things I saw; but was amazed at their not sacrificing, or
making any offerings, and eating with unwashed hands, and touching the dead. I
likewise could not help remarking the particular slenderness of their women, which
I did not at first like; and I thought they were not so modest and shamefaced as
the African women.
I had often seen my master and Dick employed in reading; and I had a great
curiosity to talk to the books, as I thought they did; and so to learn
how all things had a beginning: for that purpose I have often taken up a book, and
have talked to it, and then put my ears to it, when alone, in hopes it would
answer me; and I have been very much concerned when I found it remained
silent.
My master lodged at the house of a gentleman in Falmouth, who had a fine little
daughter about six or seven years of age, and she grew prodigiously fond of me;
insomuch that we used to eat together, and had servants to wait on us. I was so
much caressed by this family that it often reminded me of the treatment I had
received from my little noble African master. After I had been here a few days, I
was sent on board of the ship; but the child cried so much aster me that nothing
could pacify her till I was sent for again. It is ludicrous enough, that I began
to fear I should be betrothed to this young lady; and when my master asked me if I
would stay there with her behind him, as he was going away with the ship, which
had taken in the tobacco again, I cried immediately, and said I would not leave
him. At last, by stealth, one night I was sent on board the ship again; and in a
little time we sailed for Guernsey, where she was in part owned by a merchant, one
Nicholas Doberry. As I was now amongst a people who had not their faces scarred,
like some of the African nations where I had been, I was very glad I did not let
them ornament me in that manner when I was with them. When we arrived at Guernsey,
my master placed me to board and lodge with one of his mates, who had a wife and
family there; and some months afterwards he went to England, and left me in
care of this mate, together with my friend Dick: This mate had a little daughter,
aged about five or six years, with whom I used to be much delighted. I had often
observed that when her mother washed her face it looked very rosy; but when she
washed mine it did not look so: I therefore tried oftentimes myself if I could not
by washing make my face of the same colour as my little play-mate (Mary), but it
was all in vain; and I now began to be mortified at the difference in our
complexions. This woman behaved to me with great kindness and attention; and
taught me every thing in the same manner as she did her own child, and indeed in
every respect treated me as such. I remained here till the summer of the year
1757; when my master, being appointed first lieutenant of his majesty's ship the Roe buck,
sent for Dick and me, and his old mate: on this we all left Guernsey, and set out
for England in a sloop bound for London. As we were coming up towards the Nore,
where the Roebuck lay, a man of war's boat came alongside to press our people; on
which each man ran to hide himself. I was very much frightened at this, though I
did not know what it meant, or what to think or do. However I went and hid myself
also under a hencoop. Immediately afterwards the press-gang came on board with
their swords drawn, and searched all about, pulled the people out by force, and
put them into the boat. At last I was found out also; the man that found me held
me up by the heels while they all made their sport of me, I roaring and crying out
all the time most lustily; but at last the mate, who was my conductor,
seeing this, came to my assistance, and did all he could to pacify me; but all to
very little purpose, till I had seen the boat go off. soon afterwards we came to
the Nore, where the Roebuck lay; and, to our great joy, my master came on board to
us, and brought us to the ship. When I went on board this large ship, I was amazed
indeed to see the quantity of men and the guns. However my surprise began to
diminish as my knowledge increased; and I ceased to feel those apprehensions and
alarms which had taken such strong possession of me when I first came among the
Europeans, and for some time after. I began now to pass to an opposite extreme; I
was so far from being afraid of any thing new which I saw, that, after I had been
some time in this ship, I even began to long for an engagement. My griefs too, which in young minds
are not perpetual, were now wearing away; and I soon enjoyed myself pretty well,
and felt tolerably easy in my present situation. There was a number of boys on
board, which still made it more agreeable; for we were always together, and a
great part of our time was spent in play. I remained in this ship a considerable
time, during which we made several cruises, and visited a variety of places: among
others we were twice in Holland, and brought over several persons of distinction
from it, whose names I do not now remember. On the passage, one day, for the
diversion of those gentlemen, all the boys were called on the quarter deck, and
were paired proportionably, and then made to fight; after which the gentlemen gave
the combatants from five to nine shillings each. This was the first time I ever fought with a
white boy; and I never knew what it was to have a bloody nose before. This made me
fight most desperately; I suppose considerably more than an hour: and at last,
both of us being weary, we were parted. I had a great deal of this kind of sport
afterwards, in which the captain and the ship's company used very much to
encourage me. sometime afterwards the ship went to Leith in scotland, and from
thence to the Orkneys, where I was surprised in seeing scarcely any night: and
from thence we sailed with a great fleet, full of soldiers, for England. All this
time we had never come to an engagement, though we were frequently cruising off
the coast of France: during which we chased many vessels, and took in all
seventeen prizes. I had been learning many of the manoeuvres of the ship during our cruise; and I was
several times made to fire the guns. One evening, off Havre de Grace, just as it
was growing dark, we were standing off shore, and met with a fine large
French-built frigate. We got all things immediately ready for fighting; and I now
expected I should be gratified in seeing an engagement, which I had so long wished
for in vain. But the very moment the word of command was given to fire, we heard
those on board the other ship cry 'Haul down the
jib;' and in that instant she hoisted English colours. There was
instantly with us an amazing cry of—'Avast!' or stop
firing; and I think one or two guns had been let off, but happily they did no
mischief. We had hailed them several times; but they not hearing, we received no
answer, which was the cause of our firing. The boat was then sent on board of her, and she proved to be
the Ambuscade man of war, to my nosmall disappointment. We returned to Portsmouth,
without having been in any action, just at the trial of Admiral Byng (whom I saw
several times during it): and my master having left the ship, and gone to London
for promotion, Dick and I were put on board the savage sloop of war, and we went
in her to assist in bringing off the St. George man of war, that had ran ashore
somewhere on the coast. After staying a few weeks on board the savage, Dick and I
were sent on shore at Deal, where we remained some short time, till my master sent
for us to London, the place I had long desired exceedingly to see. We therefore
both with great pleasure got into a waggon, and came to London, where we were
received by a Mr. Guerin, a relation of my master. This gentleman had two sisters, very ami
able ladies, who took much notice and great care of me. Though I had desired so
much to see London, when I arrived in it I was unfortunately unable to gratify my
curiosity; for I had at this time the chilblains to such a degree that I could not
stand for several months, and I was obliged to be sent to st. George's Hospital.
There I grew so ill, that the doctors wanted to cut my left leg off at different
times, apprehending a mortification; but I always said I would rather die than
suffer it; and happily (I thank God) I recovered without the operation. After
being there several weeks, and just as I had recovered, the small pox broke out on
me, so that I was again confined; and I thought myself now particularly
unfortunate. However I soon reco vered again; and by this time my master having been promoted to be
first lieutenant of the Preston man of war of fifty guns, then new at Deptford,
Dick and I were sent on board her, and soon after we went to Holland to bring over
the late Duke of — to England.—While I was in this ship an incident happened,
which, though trifling, I beg leave to relate, as I could not help taking
particular notice of it, and considering it then as a judgment of God. One morning
a young man was looking up to the fore-top, and in a wicked tone, common on
shipboard, d—d his eyes about something. Just at the moment some small particles
of dirt fell into his left eye, and by the evening it was very much inflamed. The
next day it grew worse; and within six or seven days he lost it. From this ship,
my master was appointed a lieutenant on board the Royal George. When he was going he wished me to
stay on board the Preston, to learn the French horn; but the ship being or dered
for Turkey I could not think of leaving my master, to whom I was very warmly
attached; and I told him if he left me behind it would break my heart. This
prevailed on him to take me with him; but he left Dick on board the Preston, whom
I embraced at parting for the last time. The Royal George was the largest ship I
had ever seen; so that when I came on board of her I was surprised at the number
of people, men, women, and children, of every denomination; and the largeness of
the guns, many of them also of brass, which I had never seen before. Here were
also shops or stalls of every kind of goods, and people crying their different
commodities about the ship as in a town. To me it appeared a little world, into which I was again cast
with out a friend, for I had no longer my dear companion Dick. We did not stay
long here. My master was not many weeks on board before he got an appointment to
be sixth lieutenant of the Namur, which was then at spithead, fitting up for
Vice-admiral Boscawen, who was going with a large fleet on an expedition against
Louisburgh. The crew of the Royal George were turned over to her, and the flag of
that gallant admiral was hoisted on board, the blue at the maintop gallant mast
head. There was a very great fleet of men of war of every description assembled
together for this expedition, and I was in hopes soon to have an opportunity of
being gratified with a sea-fight. All things being now in readiness, this mighty
fleet (for there was also Admiral Cornish's fleet in company, destined for the East Indies) at last
weighed anchor, and failed. The two fleets continued in company for several days,
and then parted; Admiral Cornish, in the Lenox, having first saluted our admiral
in the Namur, which he returned. We then steered for America; but, by contrary
winds, we were driven to Teneriffe, where I was struck with its noted peak. Its
prodigious height, and its form, resembling a sugar loaf, filled me with wonder.
We remained in sight of this island some days, and then proceeded for America,
which we soon made, and got into a very commodious harbour called St. George, in
Halifax, where we had fish in great plenty, and all other fresh provisions. We
were here joined by different men of war and transport ships with soldiers; after
which, our fleet being increased to a prodigious number of ships of all
kinds, we sailed for Cape Breton in Nova Scotia. We had the good and gallant
General Wolfe on board our ship, whose affability made him highly esteemed and
beloved by all the men. He often honoured me, as well as other boys, with marks of
his notice; and saved me once a flogging for fighting with a young gentleman. We
arrived at Cape Breton in the summer of 1758: and here the soldiers were to be
landed, in order to make an attack upon Louisbourgh. My master had some part in
superintending the landing; and here I was in a small measure gratified in seeing
an encounter between our men and the enemy. The French were posted on the shore to
receive us, and disputed our landing for a long time: but at last they were driven
from their trenches, and a complete landing was effected. Our troops pursued them as far as the
town of Louisbourgh. In this action many were killed on both sides. One thing
remarkable I saw this day:—A lieutenant of the Princess Amelia, who, as well as my
master, superintended the landing, was giving the word of command, and while his
mouth was open a musquet ball went through it, and passed out at his cheek. I had
that day in my hand the scalp of an indian king, who was killed in the engagement:
the scalp had been taken off by an Highlander. I saw this king's ornaments too,
which were very curious, and made of feathers.
Our land forces laid siege to the town of Louisbourgh, while the French men of war
were blocked up in the harbour by the fleet, the batteries at the same time
playing upon them from the land. This they did with such effect, that one day I saw some of the ships
set on fire by the shells from the batteries, and I believe two or three of them
were quite burnt. At another time, about fifty boats belonging to the English men
of war, commaded by Captain George Belfour of the Aetna fire ship, and Mr. Laforey
another junior captain, attacked and boarded the only two remaining French men of
war in the harbour. They also set fire to a seventy-gun ship, but a sixty-four,
called the Bienfaisant, they brought off. During my stay here I had often an
opportunity of being near captain Belfour, who was pleased to notice me, and liked
me so much that he often asked my master to let him have me, but he would not part
with me; and no consideration could have induced me to leave him. At last
Louisbourgh was taken, and the English men of war came into the harbour before it, to my very great
joy; for I had now more liberty of indulging myself, and I went often on shore.
When the ships were in the harbour we had the most beautiful procession on the
water I ever saw. All the admirals and captains of the men of war, full dressed,
and in their barges, well ornamented with pendants, came alongside of the Namur.
The vice-admiral then went on shore in his barge, followed by the other officers
in order of seniority, to take possession, as I suppose, of the town and fort.
some time after this the French governor and his lady, and other persons of note,
came on board our ship to dine. On this occasion our ships were dressed with
colours of all kinds, from the topgallant-mast head to the deck; and this, with
the firing of guns, formed a most grand and magnificent spectacle.
As soon as every thing here
was settled, Admiral Boscawen sailed with part of the fleet for England, leaving
some ships behind with Rear admirals Sir Charles Hardy and Durell. It was now
winter; and one evening, during our passage home, about dusk, when we were in the
channel, or near soundings, and were beginning to look for land, we descried seven
sail of large men of war, which stood off shore. Several people on board of our
ship said, as the two fleets were (in forty minutes from the first sight) within
hail of each other, that they were English men of war; and some of our people even
began to name some of the ships. By this time both fleets began to mingle, and our
admiral ordered his flag to be hoisted. At that instant the other fleet, which
were French, hoisted their ensigns, and gave us a broadside as they passed by. Nothing could create
greater surprise and confusion among us than this: the wind was high, the sea
rough, and we had our lower and middle deck guns housed in, so that not a single
gun on board was ready te be fired at any of the French ships. However, the Royal
William and the somerset, being our sternmost ships, became a little prepared, and
each gave the French ships a broadside as they passed by. I afterwards heard this
was a French squadron, commanded by Mons. Conflans; and certainly had the
Frenchmen known our condition, and had a mind to fight us, they might have done us
great mischief. But we were not long before we were prepared for an engagement.
Immediately many things were tossed overboard; the ships were made ready for
fighting as soon as possible; and about ten at night we had bent a new main sail, the old one being split.
Being now in readiness for fighting, we wore ship, and stood after the French
fleet, who were one or two ships in number more than we. However we gave them
chase, and continued pursuing them all night; and at day-light we saw six of them,
all large ships of the line, and an English East Indiaman, a prize they had taken.
We chased them all day till between three and four o'clock in the evening, when we
came up with, and passed within a musquet shot of one seventy-four gun ship, and
the Indiaman also, who now hoisted her colours, but immediately hauled them down
again. On this we made a signal for the other ships to take possession of her;
and, supposing the man of war would likewise strike, we cheered, but she did not;
though if we had fired into her, from being so near, we must have taken her. To my
utter surprise, the
Somerset, who was the next ship a-stern of the Namur, made way like wise; and,
thinking they were sure of this French ship, they cheered in the same manner, but
still continued to follow us. The French Commodore was about a gun-shot ahead of
all, running from us with all speed; and about four o'clock he carried his foretop
mast overboard. This caused another loud cheer with us; and a little after the
topmast came close by us; but, to our great surprise, instead of coming up with
her, we found she went as fast as ever, if not faster. The sea grew now much
smoother; and the wind lulling, the seventy-four gun ship we had passed came again
by us in the very same direction, and so near, that we heard her people talk as
she went by; yet not a shot was fired on either side; and about five or six
o'clock, just as it grew dark, she joined her commodore. We chased all night; but
the next day we were out of sight, so that we saw no more of them; and we only had
the old Indiaman (called Carnarvon I think) for our trouble. After this we stood
in for the channel, and soon made the land; and, about the close of the year
1758-9, we got safe to st. Helen's. Here the Namur ran aground; and also another
large ship astern of us; but, by starting our water, and tossing many things
overboard to lighten her, we got the ships off without any damage. We stayed for a
short time at spithead, and then went into Portsmouth harbour to refit: from
whence the admiral went to London; and my master and I soon followed, with a
press-gang, as we wanted some hands to complete our complement.
CHAP. IV.
The author is baptized—Narrowly escapes drowning—Goes on an
expedition to the Mediterranean—Incidents he met with there—Is witness to an
engagement between some English and French ships—A particular account of the
celebrated engagement between Admiral Boscawen and Mons. Le Clue, off Cape
Logas, in August 1759—Dreadful explosion of a French
ship—The author sails for England—His master appointed to the command of a
fire-ship—Meets a negro boy, from whom he experiences much
benevolence—Prepares for an expedition against Belle-Isle—A remarkable story
of a disaster which befel his ship—Arrives at Belle-Isle—Operations of the
landing
and siege—The author's danger and distress, with his manner
of extricating himself—surrender of Belle-Isle—Transactions afterwards on
the coast of France—Remarkable instance of kidnapping—The author returns to
England—Hears talk of peace, and expects his freedom—His ship sails for
Deptford to be paid off, and when he arrives there he is suddenly seized by
his master and carried forcibly on board a West India ship and sold.
IT was now between two and three years since I first came to England, a great part
of which I had spent at sea; so that I became inured to that service, and began to
consider myself as happily situated; for my master treated me always extremely
well; and my attachment and gratitude to him were very great. From the various
scenes I had beheld on
ship-board, I soon grew a stranger to terror of every kind, and was, in that
respect at least, almost an Englishman. I have often reflected with surprise that
I never felt half the alarm at any of the numerous dangers I have been in, that I
was filled with at the first sight of the Europeans, and at every act of theirs,
even the most trifling, when I first came among them, and for some time
afterwards. That fear, however, which was the effect of my ignorance, wore away as
I began to know them. I could now speak English tolerably well, and I perfectly
understood every thing that was said. I not only felt myself quite easy with these
new countrymen, but relished their society and manners. I no longer looked upon
them as spirits, but as men superior to us; and therefore I had the stronger
desire to resemble them; to
imbibe their spirit, and imitate their manners; I therefore embraced every
occasion of improvement; and every new thing that I observed I treasured up in my
memory. I had long wished to be able to read and write; and for this purpose I
took every opportunity to gain instruction, but had made as yet very little
progress. However, when I went to London with my master, I had soon an opportunity
of improving myself, which I gladly embraced. shortly after my arrival, he sent me
to wait upon the Miss Guerins, who had treated me with much kindness when I was
there before; and they sent me to school.
While I was attending these ladies, their servants told me I could not go to
Heaven, unless I was baptized. This made me very uneasy; for I had now some faint
idea of a future state:
accordingly I communicated my anxiety to the eldest Miss Guerin, with whom I was
become a favourite, and pressed her to have me baptized; when to my great joy, she
told me I should. She had formerly asked my master to let me be baptized, but he
had refused; however she now insisted on it; and he being under some obligation to
her brother complied with her request; so I was baptized in St. Margaret's church,
Westminster, in February 1759, by my present name. The clergyman at the same time,
gave me a book, called a Guide to the Indians, written by the Bishop of Sodor and
Man. On this occasion, Miss Guerin did me the honour to stand as godmother, and
afterwards gave me a treat. I used to attend these ladies about the town, in which
service I was extremely happy; as I had thus many opportunities of seeing London, which I desired of all
things. I was sometimes, however, with my master at his rendezvous-house, which
was at the foot of Westminster-Bridge. Here I used to enjoy myself in playing
about the bridge stairs, and often in the watermen's wherries, with other boys. On
one of these occasions there was another boy with me in a wherry, and we went out
into the current of the river: while we were there, two more stout boys came to us
in another wherry, and, abusing us for taking the boat, desired me to get into the
other wherry-boat. Accordingly I went to get out of the wherry I was in; but just
as I had got one of my feet into the other boat, the boys shoved it off, so that I
fell into the Thames; and, not being able to swim, I should unavoidably have been
drowned, but for the assistance of some watermen who providentially came to
my relief.
The Namur being again got ready for sea, my master, with his gang, was ordered on
board; and, to my no small grief, I was obliged to leave my schoolmaster, whom I
liked very much, and always attended while I stayed in London, to repair on board
with my master. Nor did I leave my kind patronesses, the Miss Guerins, without
uneasiness and regret. They often used to teach me to read, and took great pains
to instruct me in the principles of religion and the knowledge of God. I therefore
parted from those amiable ladies with reluctance: after receiving from them many
friendly cautions how to conduct myself, and some valuable presents.
When I came to spithead, I found we were destined for the Mediterra nean, with a large fleet, which was
now ready to put to sea. We only waited for the arrival of the admiral, who soon
came on board; and about the beginning of the spring 1759, having weighed anchor,
and got under way, sailed for the Mediterranean; and in eleven days, from the
Land's End, we got to Gibraltar. While we were here I used to be often on shore,
and got various fruits in great plenty, and very cheap.
I had frequently told several people, in my excursions on shore, the story of my
being kidnapped with my sister, and of our being separated, as I have related
before; and I had as often expressed my anxiety for her fate, and my sorrow at
having never met her again. One day, when I was on shore, and men tioning these
circumstances to some persons, one of them told me he knew where my sister was, and, if I would
accompany him, he would bring me to her. Improbable as this story was, I believed
it immediately, and agreed to go with him, while my heart leaped for joy; and,
indeed, he conducted me to a black young woman, who was so like my sister, that at
first sight, I really thought it was her: but I was quickly undeceived; and, on
talking to her, I found her to be of another nation.
While we lay here the Preston came in from the Levant. As soon as she arrived, my
master told me I should now see my old companion, Dick, who was gone in her when
she sailed for Turkey. I was much rejoiced at this news, and expected every minute
to embrace him; and when the captain came on board of our ship, which he did
immediately after, I ran to inquire after my friend; but, with inexpressible sorrow, I learned from the
boat's crew that the dear youth was dead! and that they had brought his chest, and
all his other things, to my master: these he afterwards gave to me, and I regarded
them as a memorial of my friend, whom I loved, and grieved for, as a brother.
While we were at Gibralter, I saw a soldier hanging by the heels, at one of the
moles**He had drowned himself in endeavouring to desert. [Equiano's note] "Moles" are large stone piers or wharfs.: I thought this a strange sight, as I had seen a man hanged in London by
his neck. At another time I saw the master of a frigate towed to shore on a
grating, by several of the men of war's boats, and discharged the fleet, which I
understood was a mark of disgrace for cowardice. On board the same ship there was
also a sailor hung up at the yard-arm.
After lying at Gibralter for some
time, we sailed up the
Mediterranean a considerable way above the Gulf of Lyons; where we were one night
overtaken with a terrible gale of wind, much greater than any I had ever yet
experienced. The sea ran so high that, though all the guns were well housed, there
was great reason to fear their getting loose, the ship rolled so much; and if they
had it must have proved our destruction. After we had cruised here for a short
time, we came to Barcelona, a Spanish sea-port, remarkable for its silk
manufactures. Here the ships were all to be watered; and my master, who spoke
different languages, and used often to interpret for the admiral, superintended
the watering of ours. For that purpose he and the officers of the other ships, who
were on the same service, had tents pitched in the bay; and the Spanish soldiers
were stationed along the shore, I suppose to see that no depredations were
committed by our men.
I used constantly to attend my master; and I was charmed with this place. All the
time we stayed it was like a fair with the natives, who brought us fruits of all
kinds, and sold them to us much cheaper than I got them in England. They used also
to bring wine down to us in hog and sheep skins, which diverted me very much. The
spanish officers here treated our officers with great politeness and attention;
and some of them, in particular, used to come often to my master's tent to visit
him; where they would sometimes divert themselves by mounting me on the horses or
mules, so that I could not fall, and setting them off at full gallop; my imperfect
skill in horsemanship all the while affording them no small entertainment. After
the ships were watered, we
returned to our old station of cruizing off Toulon, for the purpose of
intercepting a fleet of French men of war that lay there. One Sunday, in our
cruise, we came off a place where there were two small French frigates lying in
shore; and our admiral, thinking to take or destroy them, sent two ships in after
them—the Culloden and the Conqueror. They soon came up to the Frenchmen; and I saw
a smart fight here, both by sea and land: for the frigates were covered by bat
teries, and they played upon our ships most furiously, which they as furiously
returned, and for a long time a constant firing was kept up on all sides at an
amazing rate. At last one frigate sunk; but the people escaped, though not without
much difficulty: and a little after some of the people left the other frigate
also, which was a mere
wreck. However, our ships did not venture to bring her away, they were so much
annoyed from the batteries, which raked them both in going and coming: their
topmasts were shot a way, and they were otherwise so much shattered, that the
admiral was obliged to send in many boats to tow them back to the fleet. I
afterwards sailed with a man who fought in one of the French batteries during the
engagement, and he told me our ships had done considerable mischief that day on
shore and in the batteries.
After this we sailed for Gibraltar, and arrived there about August 1759. Here we
remained with all our sails unbent, while the fleet was watering and doing other
necessary things. While we were in this situation, one day the admiral, with most
of the principal officers, and many people of all stations, being on shore, about seven o'clock
in the evening we were alarmed by signals from the frigates stationed for that
purpose; and in an instant there was a general cry that the French fleet was out,
and just passing through the streights. The admiral immediately came on board with
some other officers; and it is impossible to describe the noise, hurry and
confusion throughout the whole fleet, in bending their sails and slipping their
cables; many people and ships' boats were left on shore in the bustle. We had two
captains on board of our ship who came away in the hurry and left their ships to
follow. We shewed lights from the gun-wales to the main top mast-head; and all our
lieutenants were employed amongst the fleet to tell the ships not to wait for ther
captains, but to put the sails to the yards, slip their cables and follow us; and in this confusion
of making ready for fighting, we set out for sea in the dark after the French
fleet. Here I could have exclaimed with Ajax,
"Oh Jove! O father! if it be thy will
"That we must perish, we thy will obey,
"But let us perish by the light of day."
They had got the start of us so far that we were not able to come up with
them during the night; but at day-light we saw seven sail of the line of battle
some miles ahead. We immediately chased them till about four o'clock in the
evening, when our ships came up with them; and, though we were about fifteen large
ships, our gallant admiral only fought them with his own division, which consisted
of seven; so that we were just ship for ship. We passed by the whole of the
enemy's fleet in order to come at their commander, Mons. La Clue, who was in the Ocean,
an eighty-four gun ship. as we passed they all fired on us; and at one time three
of them fired together, continuing to do so for some time. Notwithstanding which
our admiral would not suffer a gun to be fired at any of them, to my astonishment;
but made us lie on our bellies on the deck till we came quite close to the Ocean,
who was ahead of them all; when we had orders to pour the whole three tiers into
her at once.
The engagement now commenced with great fury on both sides: the Ocean immediately
returned our fire, and we continued engaged with each other for some time; during
which I was frequently stunned with the thundering of the great guns, whose
dreadful contents hurried many of my companions into awful eternity. At last the
French line was entirely
broken, and we obtained the victory, which was immediately proclaimed with loud
huzzas and acclamations. We took three prizes, La Modeste, of sixty-four guns, and
Le Temeraire and Centaur, of seventy-four guns each. The rest of the French ships
took to flight with all the sail they could crowd. Our ship being very much
damaged, and quite disabled from pursuing the enemy, the admiral immediately
quitted her, and went in the broken and only boat we had left on board the Newark,
with which, and some other ships, he went after the French. The Ocean, and another
large French ship, called the Redoubtable, endeavouring to escape, ran ashore at
Cape Logas, on the coast of Portugal; and the French admiral and some of the crew
got ashore; but we, finding it impossible to get the ships off, set fire to them both. About
midnight I saw the Ocean blow up, with a most dreadful explosion. I never beheld a
more awful scene. In less than a minute, the midnight for a certain space seemed
turned into day by the blaze, which was attended with a noise louder and more
terrible than thunder, that seemed to rend every element around us.
My station during the engagement was on the middle-deck, where I was quartered
with another boy, to bring powder to the aftermost gun; and here I was a witness
of the dreadful fate of many of my companions, who, in the twinkling of an eye,
were dashed in pieces, and launched into eternity. Happily I escaped unhurt,
though the shot and splinters flew thick about me during the whole fight. Towards
the latter part of it my master was wounded, and I saw him carried down to the
surgeon; but though I was much alarmed for him and wished to assist him I dared
not leave my post. At this station my gun-mate (a partner in bringing powder for
the same gun) and I ran a very great risk for more than half an hour of blowing up
the ship. For, when we had taken the cartridges out of the boxes, the bottoms of
many of them proving rotten, the powder ran all about the deck, near the match
tub: we scarcely had water enough at the last to throw on it. We were also, from
our employment, very much exposed to the enemy's shots; for we had to go through
nearly the whole length of the ship to bring the powder. I expected therefore
every minute to be my last; especially when I saw our men fall so thick about me;
but, wishing to guard as much against the dangers as possible, at first I
thought it would be safest not to go for the powder till the Frenchmen had fired
the broadside; and then, while they were charging, I could go and come with my
powder: but immediately afterwards I thought this caution was fruitless; and,
cheering myself with the re flection that there was a time allotted for me to die
as well as to be born, I instantly cast off all fear or thought whatever of death,
and went through the whole of my duty with alacrity; pleasing myself with the
hope, if I survived the battle, of relating it and the dangers I had escaped to
the Miss Guerins, and others, when I should return to London.
Our ship suffered very much in this engagement; for, besides the number of our
killed and wounded, she was almost torn to pieces, and our rigging so much shattered, that our mizen-mast,
main-yard, &c. hung over the side of the ship; so that we were obliged to get
many carpenters, and others from some of the ships of the fleet, to assist in
setting us in some tolerable order; and, notwithstanding which, it took us some
time before we were completely refitted; after which we lest Admiral Broderick to
command, and we, with the prizes steered for England. On the passage, and as soon
as my master was something recovered of his wounds, the admiral appointed him
captain of the Aetna fire-ship, on which he and I left the Namur, and went on
board of her at sea. I liked this little ship very much. I now became the
captain's steward, in which situation I was very happy: for I was extremely well
treated by all on board; and I had leisure to improve myself in reading and writing. The latter I had
learned a little of before I left the Namur, as there was a school on board. When
we arrived at spithead, the Aetna went into Portsmouth harbour to refit, which
being done, we returned to spichead and joined a large fleet that was thought to
be intended against the Havannah; but about that time the king died; whether that
prevented the expedition I know not; but it caused our ship to be stationed at
Cowes, in the isle of Wight, till the beginning of the year sixty-one. Here I
spent my time very pleasantly; I was much on shore all about this delightful
island, and found the inhabitants very civil.
While I was here, I met with a trifling incident, which surprised me agreeably. I
was one day in a field belonging to a gentleman who had a black boy about my own
size; this boy having
observed me from his master's house, was transported at the sight of one of his
own countrymen, and ran to meet me with the utmost haste. I not knowing what he
was about, turned a little out of his way at first, but to no purpose: he soon
came close to me and caught hold of me in his arms as if I had been his brother,
though we had never seen each other before. After we had talked together for some
time he took me to his master's house, where I was treated very kindly. This
benevolent boy and I were very happy in frequently seeing each other till about
the month of March 1761, when our ship had orders to fit out again for another
expedition. When we got ready, we joined a very large fleet at spithead, commanded
by Commodore Keppel, which was destined against Belle-Isle, and with a number of
transport ships with troops
on board to make a descent on the place, we sailed once more in quest of fame. I
longed to engage in new adventures and see fresh wonders.
I had a mind on which every thing uncommon made its full impression, and every
event which I considered as marvellous. Every extraordinary escape, or signal
deliverance, either of myself or others, I looked upon to be effected by the
interposition of Providence. We had not been above ten days at sea before an
incident of this kind happened; which, whatever credit it may obtain from the
reader, made no small impression on my mind.
We had on board a gunner, whose name was John Mondle; a man of very indifferent
morals. This man's cabin was between the decks, exactly over where I lay, abreast
of the quarter-deck ladder.
One night, the 5th of April, being terrified with a dream, he awoke in so great a
fright that he could not rest in his bed any longer, nor even remain in his cabin;
and he went upon deck about four o'clock in the morning extremely agitated. He
immediately told those on the deck of the agonies of his mind, and the dream which
occasioned it; in which he said he had seen many things very awful, and had been
warned by St. Peter to repent, who told him time was short. This he said had
greatly alarmed him, and he was determined to alter his life. People generally
mock the fears of others when they are themselves in safety; and some of his
shipmates who heard him only laughed at him. However, he made a vow that he never
would drink strong liquors again; and he immediately got a light, and gave away
his sea-stores of liquor.
After which, his agitation still continuing, he began to read the scriptures,
hoping to find some relief; and soon afterwards he laid himself down again on his
bed, and endeavoured to compose himself to sleep, but to no purpose; his mind
still continuing in a state of agony. By this time it was exactly half after seven
in the morning: I was then under the half-deck at the great cabin door; and all at
once I heard the people in the waist cry out, most fearfully—'The Lord have mercy upon us! We are all lost! The
Lord have mercy upon us!' Mr. Mondle hearing the cries, immediately ran
out of his cabin; and we were instantly struck by the Lynne, a fortygun ship,
Captain Clark, which nearly ran us down. This ship had just put about, and was by
the wind, but had not got full headway, or we must all have perished; for the wind was
brisk. However, before Mr Mondle had got four steps from his cabin door, she
struck our ship with her cutwater right in the middle of his bed and cabin, and
ran it up to the combings of the quarter deck hatchway, and above three feet below
water, and in a minute there was not a bit of wood to be seen where Mr. Mondle's
cabin stood; and he was so near being killed that some of the splinters tore his
face. As Mr. Mondle must inevitably have perished from this accident had he not
been alarmed in the very extraordinary way I have related, I could not help
regarding this as an awful interposition of Providence for his preservation. The
two ships for some time swinged alongside of each other; for ours being a
fireship, our grappling-irons caught the Lynne every way, and the yards and
rigging went at an
astonishing rate. Our ship was in such a shocking condition that we all thought
she would instantly go down, and every one ran for their lives, and got as well as
they could on board the Lynne; but our lieutenant being the aggressor, he never
quitted the ship. However, when we found she did not sink immediately, the captain
came on board again, and encouraged our people to return and try to save her. Many
on this came back, but some would not venture. some of the ships in the fleet,
seeing our situation; immediately sent their boats to our assistance; but it took
us the whole day to save the ship with all their help. And by using every possible
means, particularly frapping her together with many hawsers, and putting a great
quantity of tallow below water where she was damaged, she was kept together: but it was well we did not
meet with any gales of wind, or we must have gone to pieces; for we were in such a
crazy condition that we had ships to attend us till we arrived at Belle-Isle, the
place of our destination; and then we had all things taken out of the ship, and
she was properly repaired. This escape of Mr. Mondle, which he, as well as myself,
always considered as a singular act of Providence, I believe had a great influence
on his life and conduct ever afterwards.
Now that I am on this subject I beg leave to relate another instance or two which
strongly raised my belief of the particular interposition of Heaven, and which
might not otherways have found a place here, from their insignificance. I belonged
for a few days in the year 1758, to the Jason, of fifty-four guns, at Plymouth;
and one night, when I was on
board, a woman, with a child at her breast, fell from the upper-deck down into the
hold, near the keel. Every one thought that the mother and child must be both
dashed to pieces; but, to our great surprise, neither of them was hurt. I myself
one day fell headlong from the upper-deck of the Aetna down the after-hold, when
the ballast was out; and all who saw me fall cried out I was killed: but I
received not the least injury. And in the same ship a man fell from the masthead
on the deck without being hurt. In these, and in many more instances, I thought I
could plainly trace the hand of God, without whose permission a sparrow cannot
fall. I began to raise my fear from man to him alone, and to call daily on his
holy name with fear and reverence: and I trust he heard my supplications, and
graciously condescended to
answer me according to his holy word, and to implant the seeds of piety in me,
even one of the meanest of his creatures.
When we had refitted our ship, and all things were in readiness for attacking the
place, the troops on board the transports were ordered to disembark; and my master
as a junior captain, had a share in the command of the landing. This was on the
12th of April. The French were drawn up on the shore, and had made every
disposition to oppose the landing of our men, only a small part of them this day
being able to effect it; most of them, after fighting with great bravery, were cut
off; and General Crawford, with a number of others, were taken prisoners. In this
day's engagement we had also our lieutenant killed.
On the 21st of April we renewed our efforts to land the men, while all
the men of war were stationed along the shore to cover it, and fired at the French
batteries and breast works from early in the morning till about four o'clock in
the evening, when our soldiers effected a safe landing. They immediately attacked
the French; and, after a sharp encounter, forced them from the batteries. Before
the enemy retreated they blew up several of them, lest they should fall into our
hands. Our men now proceeded to besiege the citadel, and my master was ordered on
shore to superintend the landing of all the materials necessary for carrying on
the siege; in which service I mostly attended him. While I was there I went about
to different parts of the island; and one day, particularly, my curiosity almost
cost me my life. I wanted very much to see the mode of charging the mortars and letting off the shells,
and for that purpose I went to an English battery that was but a very few yards
from the walls of the citadel. There, indeed, I had an opportunity of completely
gratifying myself in seeing the whole operation, and that not without running a
very great risk, both from the English shells that burst while I was there, but
likewise from those of the French. One of the largest of their shells bursted
within nine or ten yards of me: there was a single rock close by, about the size
of a butt; and I got instant shelter under it in time to avoid the fury of the
shell. Where it burst the earth was torn in such a manner that two or three butts
might easily have gone into the hole it made, and it threw great quantities of
stones and dirt to a considerable distance. Three shot were also fired at me and
another boy who was along
with me, one of them in particular seemed
"Wing'd with red lightning and impetuous rage;"
for with a most dreadfull sound it hissed close by me, and struck a rock
at a little distance, which it shattered to pieces. When I saw what perilous
circumstances I was in, I attempted to return the nearest way I could find, and
thereby I got between the English and the French centinels. An English serjeant,
who commanded the outposts, seeing me, and surprised how I came there, (which was
by stealth along the seashore), reprimanded me very severely for it, and instantly
took the centinel off his post into custody, for his negligence in suffering me to
pass the lines. While I was in this situation I observed at a little distance a
French horse, belonging to some islanders, which I thought I would now mount, for the greater expedition of
getting off Accordingly I took some cord which I had about me, and making a kind
of bridle of it, I put it round the horse's head, and the tame beast very quietly
suffered me to tie him thus and mount him. As soon as I was on the horse's back I
began to kick and beat him, and try every means to make him go quick, but all to
very little purpose: I could not drive him out of a slow pace. While I was
creeping along, still within reach of the enemy's shot, I met with a servant well
mounted on an English horse, I immediately stopped; and, crying, told him my case;
and begged of him to help me, and this he effectually did; for, having a fine
large whip, he began to lash my horse with it so severely, that he set off full
speed with me towards the sea, while I was quite unable to hold or manage him. In
this manner I went along
till I came to a craggy precipice. I now could not stop my horse; and my mind was
filled with apprehensions of my deplorable fate should he go down the precipice,
which he appeared fully disposed to do: I therefore thought I had better throw
myself off him at once, which I did immediately with a great deal of dexterity,
and fortunately escaped unhurt. As soon as I found my self at liberty I made the
best of my way for the ship, determined I would not be so fool-hardy again in a
hurry.
We continued to besiege the citadel till June, when it surrendered. During the
siege I have counted above sixty shells and carcases in the air at once. When this
place was taken I went through the citadel, and in the bombproofs under it, which
were cut in the solid rock; and I thought it a surprising place, both for strength and
building: notwithstanding which our shots and shells had made amazing devastation,
and ruinous heaps all around it.
After the taking of this island, our ships with some others commanded by commodore
Stanhope in the Swiftsure, went to Basse-road, where we blocked up a French fleet.
Our ships were there from June till February following; and in that time I saw a
great many scenes of war, and stratagems on both sides to destroy each others
fleet. Sometimes we would attack the French with some ships of the line; at other
times with boats; and frequently we made prizes. Once or twice the French attacked
us by throwing shells with their bomb-vessels; and one day as a French vessel was
throwing shells at our ships she broke from her springs, behind the isle of I de
Re: the tide being
complicated, she came within a gun shot of the Nassau; but the Nassau could not
bring a gun to bear upon her, and thereby the Frenchman got off. We were twice
attacked by their fire floats, which they chained together, and then let them
float down with the tide; but each time we sent boats with graplings, and towed
them safe out of the fleet.
We had different commanders while we were at this place, Commodores stanhope,
Dennis, Lord Howe, &c. From hence, before the spanish war began, our ship and
the Wasp sloop were sent to St. Sebastian in spain, by Commodore Stanhope; and
Commodore Dennis afterwards sent our ship as a cartel to Bayonne in France** Among others whom we brought
from Bayonne, were two gentlemen, who had been in the West Indies, where they sold slaves; and they confessed they had made at one time a false bill of sale, and sold two Portuguese white men among a lot of
slaves. [Equiano's note], after
which †† Some people have it, that sometimes shortly before
persons die, their ward has been seen; that is, some spirit exactly in their
likeness, though they are themselves at other places at the same time. One
day while we were at Bayonne, Mr. Mondle saw one of our men, as he thought,
in the gun-room; and a little after, coming on the quarter-deck, he spoke of
some circumstances of this man to some of the officers. They told him that
the man was then out of the ship, in one of the boats with the Lieutenant:
but Mr. Mondle would not believe it, and we searched the ship, when he found
the man was actually out of her; and when the boat returned some time
afterwards, we found the man had been drowned at the very time Mr. Mondle
thought he saw him. [Equiano's note] we went in February
in 1762, to Belle-Isle, and there stayed till the summer, when we lest it, and
returned to Portsmouth.
After our ship was fitted out again for service, in September she went to
Guernsey, where I was very glad to see
my old hostess, who was now
a widow, and my former little charming companion, her daughter. I spent some time
here very happily with them, till October, when we had orders to repair to
Portsmouth. We parted from each other with a great deal of affection; and I
promised to return soon, and see them again; not knowing what all-powerful fate
had determined for me. Our ship having arrived at Portsmouth, we went into the
harbour, and remained there till the latter end of November, when we heard great
talk about a peace; and, to our very great joy, in the beginning of December we
had orders to go up to London with our ship to be paid off. We received this news
with loud huzzas, and every other demonstration of gladness; and nothing but mirth
was to be seen throughout every part of the ship. I too was not without my share
of the general joy on this occasion. I thought now of nothing but being freed, and
working for myself, and thereby getting money to enable me to get a good
education; for I always had a great desire to be able at least to read and write;
and while I was on ship-board I had endeavoured to improve myself in both. While I
was in the Aetna particularly, the captain's clerk taught me to write, and gave me
a smattering of arithmetic as far as the rule of three. There was also one Daniel
Queen, about forty years of age, a man very well educated, who messed with me on
board this ship, and he likewise dressed and attended the captain. Fortunately
this man soon became very much attached to me, and took very great pains to
instruct me in many things. He taught me to shave and dress hair a little,
and also to read in the Bible, explaining many passages to me, which I did not
comprehend. I was wonderfully surprised to see the laws and rules of my own
country written almost exactly here; a circumstance which I believe tended to
impress our manners and customs more deeply on my memory. I used to tell him of
this resemblance; and many a time we have sat up the whole night together at this
employment. In short, he was like a father to me; and some even used to call me
after his name; they also styled me the black Christian. Indeed I almost loved him
with the affection of a son. Many things I have denied myself that he might have
them; and when I used to play at marbles or any other game, and won a few
halfpence, or got any little money, which I sometimes did, for shaving any one, I used to
buy him a little sugar or tobacco, as far as my stock of money would go. He used
to say, that he and I never should part; and that when our ship was paid off, as I
was as free as himself or any other man on board, he would instruct me in his
business, by which I might gain a good livelihood. This gave me new life and
spirits; and my heart burned within me, while I thought the time long till I
obtained my freedom. For though my master had not promised it to me, yet, besides
the assurances I had received that he had no right to detain me, he always treated
me with the greatest kindness, and reposed in me an unbounded confidence; he even
paid attention to my morals; and would never suffer me to deceive him, or tell
lies, of which he used to tell me the consequences; and that if I did so God would not love
me; so that from all this tenderness, I had never once supposed, in all my dreams
of freedom, that he would think of detaining me any longer than I wished.
In pursuance of our orders we sailed from Portsmouth for the Thames, and arrived
at Deptford the 10th of December, where we cast anchor just as it was high water.
The ship was up about half an hour, when my master ordered the barge to be manned;
and all in an instant, without having before given me the least reason to suspect
any thing of the matter, he forced me into the barge; saying, I was going to leave
him, but he would take care I should not. I was so struck with the unexpectedness
of this proceeding, that for some time I did not make a reply, only I made an
offer to go for my books and
chest of clothes, but he swore I should not move out of his sight; and if I did he
would cut my throat, at the same time taking his hanger. I began, however, to
collect myself; and, plucking up courage, I told him I was free, and he could not
by law serve me so. But this only enraged him the more; and he continued to swear,
and said he would soon let me know whether he would or not, and at that instant
sprung himself into the barge from the ship, to the astonishment and sorrow of all
on board. The tide, rather unluckily for me, had just turned downward, so that we
quickly fell down the river along with it, till we came among some outward-bound
West Indiamen; for he was resolved to put me on board the first vessel he could
get to receive me. The boat's crew, who pulled against their will, became quite faint
different times, and would have gone ashore; but he would not let them. Some of
them strove then to cheer me, and told me he could not sell me, and that they
would stand by me, which revived me a little; and I still entertained hopes; for
as they pulled along he asked some vessels to receive me, but they would not. But,
just as we had got a little below Gravesend, we came alongside of a ship which was
going away the next tide for the West Indies; her name was the Charming Sally,
Captain James Doran; and my master went on board and agreed with him for me; and
in a little time I was sent sor into the cabin. When I came there Captain Doran
asked me if I knew him: I answered that I did not; 'Then,' said he, 'you are now my
slave.' I told him my master could not sell me to him, nor to any one else. 'Why,' said he, 'did not
your master buy you?' I confessed he did. 'But I have served him,' said I,' many years, and he has taken all my wages and
prize-money, for I only got one sixpence during the war; besides this I have
been baptized; and by the laws of the land no man has a right to sell
me:' And I added, that I had heard a lawyer and others at different
times tell my master so. They both then said that those people who told me so were not my friends; but I replied—'It was very
extraordinary that other people did not know the law as well as they.'
Upon this Captain Doran said I talked too much English; and if I did not behave
myself well, and be quiet, he had a method on board to make me. I was too well
convinced of his power over me to doubt what he said; and my former sufferings in the
slaveship presenting themselves to my mind, the recollection of them made me
shudder. However, before I retired I told them that as I could not get any right
among men here I hoped I should hereafter in Heaven; and I immediately left the
cabin, filled with resentment and sorrow. The only coat I had with me my master
took away with him, and said, "If your
prize-money had been 10,000l. I had a right to it all, and would have taken
it.' I had about nine guineas, which, during my long sea-faring life, I
had scraped together from trifling perquisites and little ventures; and I hid it
that instant, lest my master should take that from me likewise, still hoping that
by some means or other I should make my escape to the snore; and indeed some of my
old snipmates told me not to
despair, for they would get me back again; and that, as soon as they could get
their pay, they would imme diately come to Portsmouth to me, where this ship was
going: but, alas! all my hopes were baffled, and the hour of my deliverance was as
yet far off. My master, having soon concluded his bargain with the captain, came
out of the cabin, and he and his people got into the boat and put off; I followed
them with aching eyes as long as I could, and when they were out of sight I threw
myself on the deck, with a heart ready to burst with sorrow and anguish.
CHAP. V.
The author's reflections on his situation—Is deceived by a
promise of being delivered—His despair at sailing for the West
Indies—Arrives at Montserrat, where he is sold to Mr. King—Various in
teresting instances of oppression, cruelty, and extortion, which the author
saw practised upon the slaves in the West In dies during his captivity from
the year 1763 to 1766—Address
on it to the planters.
THUS, at the moment I expected all my toils to end, was I plunged, as I supposed,
in a new slavery; in comparison of which all my service hitherto had been perfect freedom; and whose
horrors, always present to my mind, now rushed on it with tenfold aggra vation. I
wept very bitterly for some time: and began to think that I must have done
something to displease the Lord, that he thus punished me so severely. This filled
me with painful reflections on my past conduct; I recollected that on the morning
of our arrival at Deptford I had rashly sworn that as soon as we reached London I
would spend the day in rambling and sport. My conscience smote me for this
unguarded expression: I felt that the Lord was able to disappoint me in all
things, and immediately considered my present situation as a judgment of Heaven on
account of my presumption in swearing: I therefore, with contrition of heart,
acknowledged my transgression to God, and poured out my soul before him with unfeigned
repentance, and with earnest supplica tions I besought him not to abandon me in my
distress, nor cast me from his mercy for ever. In a little time my grief, spent
with its own violence, began to subside; and after the first confusion of my
thoughts was over I reflected with more calmness on my present condition: I
considered that trials and disappointments are sometimes for our good, and I
thought God might perhaps have permitted this in order to teach me wisdom and
resignation; for he had hitherto shadowed me with the wings of his mercy, and by
his invisible but powerful hand brought me the way I knew not. These reflections
gave me a little comfort, and I rose at last from the deck with dejection and
sorrow in my countenance, yet mixed with some faint hope that the Lord would
appear for my deliverance.
soon afterwards, as my new master was going on shore, he called me to him, and
told me to behave myself well, and do the business of the ship the same as any of
the rest of the boys, and that I should sare the better for it; but I made him no
answer. I was then asked If I could swim, and I said, No, How ever I was made to
go under the deck, and was well watched. The next tide the ship got under way, and
soon after arrived at the Mother Bank, Portsmouth; where she waited a few days for
some of the West India convoy. While I was here I tried every means I could devise
amongst the people of the ship to get me a boat from the shore, as there was none
suf fered to come alongside of the ship; and their own, whenever it was used, was hoisted in again
immediately. A sailor on board took a guinea from me on pretence of getting me a
boat; and promised me, time after time, that it was hourly to come off. When he
had the watch upon deck I watched also; and looked long enough, but all in vain; I
could never see either the boat or my guinea again. And what I thought was still
the worst of all, the fellow gave information, as I afterwards found, all the
while to the mates, of my intention to go off, if I could in any way do it; but,
rogue like, he never told them he had got a guinea from me to procure my escape.
However, after we had sailed, and his trick was made known to the ship's crew, I
had some satisfaction in seeing him detested and despised by them all for his
behaviour to me. I was still in hopes that my old shipmates would not forget heir promise to come for
me to Portsmouth: and, indeed, at last, but not till the day before we sailed,
some of them did come there, and sent me off some oranges, and other tokens of
their regard. They also sent me word they would come off to me themselves the next
day or the day after; and a lady also, who lived in Gosport, wrote to me that she
would come and take me out of the ship at the same time. This lady had been once
very intimate with my former master: I used to sell and take care of a great deal
of property for her, in different ships; and in return she always shewed great
friendship for me, and used to tell my master that she would take me away to live
with her: but, unfortunately for me, a disagreement soon afterwards took place
between them; and she was succeeded in my master's good graces by another lady, who appeared sole mistress of the Aetna, and mostly lodged on board. I was not so great
a favourite with this lady as with the former; she had conceived a pique against
me on some occasion when she was on board, and she did not fail to instigate my
master to treat me in the manner he did*.*Thus was I
sacrificed to the envy and resentment of this woman for knowing that the
lady whom she had succeeded in my master's good graces designed to take me
into her service; which, had I once got on shore, she would not have been
able to prevent. She felt her pride alarmed at the superiority of her rival
in being attended by a black servant: it was not less to prevent this than
to be revenged on me, that she caused the captain to treat me thus
cruelly. [Equiano's note.]
However, the next morning, the 30th of December, the wind being brisk and
easterly, the Aeolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy, made a signal for
failing. All the ships
then got up their anchors;
and, before any of my friends had an opportunity to come off to my relief, to my
inexpressible anguish our ship had got under way. What tumultuous emotions
agitated my soul when the convoy got under sail, and I a prisoner on board, now
without hope! I kept my swimming eyes upon the land in a state of unutterable
grief; not knowing what to do, and despairing how to help myself. While my mind
was in this situation the fleet sailed on, and in one day's time I lost sight of
the wished-for land. In the first expres sions of my grief I reproached my fate,
and wished I had never been born. I was ready to curse the tide that bore us, the
gale that wasted my prison, and even the ship that conducted us; and I called on
death to relieve me from the horrors I felt and dreaded, that I might be in that place
"Where slaves are free, and men oppress no more,
"Fool that I was, inur'd so long to pain,
"To trust to hope, or dream of joy again.
"* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
"Now dragged once more beyond the western main,
"To groan beneath some dastard planter's chain;
"Where my poor countrymen in bondage wait
"The long enfranchisement of a ling'ring fate;
"Hard ling'ring fate! while, ere the dawn of day,
"Rous'd by the lash they go their cheerless way;
"And as their soul with shame and anguish burn,
"Salute with groans unwelcome morn's return,
"And, chiding ev'ry hour the slow-pac'd sun,
"Pursue their toils till all his race is run.
"No eye to mark their sufferings with a tear;
"No friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer:
"Then, like the dull unpity'd brutes, repair
"To stalls as wretched, and as coarse a fare,
"Thank heaven one day of mis'ry was o'er,
"Then sink to sleep, and wish to wake no more‡.‡ "The Dying Negro," a poem originally
published in 1773. Perhaps it may not be deemed impertinent here to add, that
this elegant and pathetic little poem was occasioned, as appears by the
advertisement prefixed to it, by the following incident. "A black, who, a few days before had ran away from his master, and got himself christened, with intent to marry a white woman his fellow-servant,
being taken and sent on board a ship in the Thames, took an opportunity of
shooting himself through the head." [Equiano's note] Equiano is quoting (imperfectly) from "The Dying Negro, A Poem", by Thomas Day and John Bicknell; as he notes, the poem was first published in 1773, and widely reprinted afterwards.
The turbulence of my
emotions however naturally gave way to calmer thoughts, and I soon perceived what
fate had decreed no mortal on earth could prevent. The convoy sailed on without
any accident, with a pleasant gale and smooth sea, for six weeks, till February,
when one morning the Aeolus ran down a brig, one of the convoy, and she instantly
went down and was ingulfed in the dark recesses of the ocean. The convoy was
immediately thrown into great confusion till it was day-light; and the Aeolus was
illumined with lights to prevent any farther mischief. On the 13th of Febru ary
1763, from the mast head, we descried our destined island Montserrat: and soon
after I beheld those
"Regions of sorrow, doleful shades, where peace
"And rest can rarely dwell. Hope never comes
"That comes to all, but torture without end
"still urges."
At the sight of this land of
bondage, a fresh horror ran through all my frame, and chilled me to the heart. My
former slavery now rose in dreadful review to my mind, and displayed nothing but
misery, stripes, and chains; and, in the first paroxysm of my grief, I called upon
God's thunder, and his avenging power, to direct the stroke of death to me, rather
than permit me to become a slave, and be sold from lord to lord.
In this state of my mind our ship came to an anchor, and soon after discharged
her cargo. I now knew what it was to work hard; I was made to help to unload and
load the ship. And, to comfort me in my distress in that time, two of the sailors
robbed me of all my money, and ran away from the ship. I had been so long used to
an European climate, that at
first I felt the scorching West India sun very painful, while the dashing surf
would toss the boat and the peo ple in it frequently above high water mark.
sometimes our limbs were broken with this, or even attended with instant death,
and I was day by day mangled and torn.
About the middle of May, when the ship was got ready to sail for England, I all
the time believing that Fate's blackest clouds were gathering over my head, and
expecting their bursting would mix me with the dead, Captain Doran sent for me
ashore one morning, and I was told by the mes senger that my fate was then
determined. With trembling steps and fluttering heart I came to the captain, and
found with him one Mr. Robert King, a quaker, and the first merchant in the place.
The captain then told me my
former master had sent me there to be sold; but that he had de sired him to get me
the best master he could, as he told him I was a very deserving boy, which Captain
Doran said he found to be true; and if he were to stay in the West Indies he would
be glad to keep me himself; but he could not venture to take me to London, for he
was very sure that when I came there I would leave him. I at that instant burst
out a crying, and begged much of him to take me to England with him, but all to no
purpose. He told me he had got me the very best master in the whole island, with
whom I should be as happy as if I were in England, and for that reason he chose to
let him have me, though he could sell me to his own brother-in-law for a great
deal more money than what he got from this gentleman. Mr. King, my new master, then made a
reply, and said the reason he had bought me was on account of my good character;
and, as he had not the least doubt of my good behaviour, I should be very well off
with him. He also told me he did not live in the West Indies, but at Philadelphia,
where he was going soon; and, as I understood something of the rules of
arithmetic, when we got there he would put me to school, and fit me for a clerk.
This conversation relieved my mind a little, and I left those gentlemen
considerably more at ease in myself than when I came to them; and I was very
thankful to Captain Doran, and even to my old master, for the character they had
given me; a character which I after wards found of infinite service to me. I went
on board again, and took leave of all my shipmates; and the next day the ship sailed. When she weighed
anchor I went to the waterside and looked at her with a very wishful and aching
heart, and followed her with my eyes until she was totally out of sight. I was so
bowed down with grief that I could not hold up my head for many months; and if my
new master had not been kind to me I believe I should have died under it at last.
And indeed I soon found that he fully deserved the good character which Captain
Doran had given me of him; for he possessed a most amiable disposition and temper,
and was very charitable and humane. If any of his slaves behaved amiss he did not
beat or use them ill, but parted with them. This made them afraid of disobliging
him; and as he treated his slaves better than any other man on the island, so he
was better and more faithfully served by them in return. By this kind
treatment I did at last endeavour to com pose myself; and with fortitude, though
moneyless, determined to face whatever fate had decreed for me. Mr. King soon
asked me what I could do; and at the same time said he did not mean to treat me as
a common slave. I told him I knew something of sea manship, and could shave and
dress hair pretty well; and I could refine wines, which I had learned on
shipboard, where I had often done it; and that I could write, and understood
arithmetic tolerably well as far as the Rule of Three. He then asked me if I knew
any thing of gauging; and, on my answering that I did not, he said one of his
clerks should teach me to guage.
Mr. King dealt in all manner of merchandize, and kept from one to six clerks. He loaded many vessels in
a year; particularly to Philadelphia, where he was born, and was connected with a
great mercantile house in that city. He had besides many vessels and droggers, of
different sizes, which used to go about the island; and others to collect rum,
sugar, and other goods. I understood pulling and managing those boats very well;
and this hard work, which was the first that he set me to, in the sugar seasons
used to be my constant employment. I have rowed the boat, and slaved at the oars,
from one hour to sixteen in the twenty-four; during which I had fif teen pence
sterling per day to live on, though sometimes only ten pence. However this was
considerably more than was allowed to other slaves that used to work often with
me, and belonged to other gentlemen on the island: those poor souls had never
more than nine-pence per day, and seldom more than six-pence, from their masters
or owners, though they earned them three or four pisterinesThese pisterines are of the value of a shilling. [Equiano's note.]: for it
is a common practice in the West Indies for men to purchase slaves though they
have not plantations themselves, in order to let them out to planters and
merchants at so much a piece by the day, and they give what allowance they chuse
out of this pro duce of their daily work to their slaves for subsistence; this
allowance is often very scanty. My master often gave the owners of these slaves
two and a half of these pieces per day, and found the poor fellows in victuals
himself, because he thought their owners did not feed them well enough according
to the work they did. The
slaves used to like this very well; and, as they knew my master to be a man of
feeling, they were always glad to work for him in preference to any other
gentleman; some of whom after they had been paid for these poor people's labours,
would not give them their allowance out of it. Many times have I even seen these
unfortunate wretches beaten for asking for their pay; and often severely flogged
by their owners if they did not bring them their daily or weekly money exactly to
the time; though the poor creatures were obliged to wait on the gentlemen they had
worked for sometimes for more than half the day before they could get their pay;
and this generally on sundays, when they wanted the time for themselves. In
particular, I knew a countryman of mine who once did not bring the weekly money directly that
it was earned; and though he brought it the same day to his master, yet he was
staked to the ground for his pretended negligence, and was just going to receive a
hundred lashes, but for a gentleman who begged him off fifty. This poor man was
very industrious; and, by his frugality, had saved so much money by working on
shipboard, that he had got a white man to buy him a boat, unknown to his master.
some time after he had this little estate, the governor wanted a boat to bring his
sugar from different parts of the island; and, knowing this to be a negro-man's
boat, he seized upon it for himself, and would not pay the owner a farthing. The
man on this went to his master, and complained to him of this act of the governor;
but the only satisfaction he received was to be damned very heartily by his
master, who asked him how dared any of his negroes to have a boat. If the
justly-merited ruin of the governor's fortune could be any gratification to the
poor man he had thus robbed, he was not without consolation. Extortion and rapine
are poor providers; and some time after this the governor died in the King's Bench
in England, as I was told, in great poverty. The last war favoured this poor
negro-man, and he found some means to escape from his Christian master: he came to
England; where I saw him afterwards several times. such treatment as this often
drives these miserable wretches to despair, and they run away from their masters
at the hazard of their lives. Many of them, in this place, unable to get their pay
when they have earned it, and fearing to be flogged, as usual, if they
return home without it, run away where they can for shelter, and a reward is often
offered to bring them in dead or alive. My master used sometimes, in these cases,
to agree with their owners, and to settle with them himself; and thereby he saved
many of them a flogging.
Once, for a few days, I was let out to fit a vessel, and I had no victuals allowed
me by either party; at last I told my master of this treatment, and he took me
away from it. In many of the estates, on the different islands where I used to be
sent for rum or sugar, they would not deliver it to me, or any other negro; he was
therefore obliged to send a white man along with me to those places; and then he
used to pay him from six to ten pisterines a day. From being thus employed, during the time I served Mr.
King, in going about the different estates on the island, I had all the
opportunity I could wish for to see the dreadful usage of the poor men; usage that
reconciled me to my situation, and made me bless God for the hands into which I
had fallen.
I had the good fortune to please my master in every department in which he
employed me; and there was scarcely any part of his business, or houshold affairs,
in which I was not occasionally engaged. I often supplied the place of a clerk, in
receiving and delivering cargoes to the ships, in tending stores, and delivering
goods: and, besides this, I used to shave and dress my master when convenient, and
take care of his horse; and when it was necessary, which was very often, I worked
likewise on board of different vessels of his. By these means I became very useful to my master; and saved
him, as he used to acknowledge, above a hundred pounds a year. Nor did he scruple
to say I was of more advantage to him than any of his clerks; though their usual
wages in the West Indies are from sixty to a hundred pounds current a year.
I have sometimes heard it asserted that a negro cannot earn his master the first
cost; but nothing can be further from the truth. I suppose nine tenths of the
mechanics throughout the West Indies are negro slaves; and I well know the coopers
among them earn two dollars a day; the carpenters the same, and oftentimes more;
as also the masons, smiths, and fishermen, &c. and I have known many slaves
whose masters would not take a thousand pounds current for them. But surely this assertion refutes
itself; for, if it be true, why do the planters and merchants pay such a price for
slaves? And, above all, why do those who make this assertion exclaim the most
loudly against the abolition of the slave trade? so much are men blinded, and to
such inconsistent arguments are they driven by mistaken interest! I grant, indeed,
that slaves are some times, by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working and
stripes, reduced so low, that they are turned out as unfit for service, and left
to perish in the woods, or expire on a dunghill.
My master was several times offered by different gentlemen one hundred guineas for
me; but he always told them he would not sell me, to my great joy: and I used to
double my diligence and care for fear of getting into the hands of those men who
did not allow a valuable
slave the common support of life. Many of them even used to find fault with my
master for feeding his slaves so well as he did; although I often went hungry, and
an Englishman might think my fare very indifferent; but he used to tell them he
always would do it, because the slaves thereby looked better and did more
work.
While I was thus employed by my master I was often a witness to cruelties of every
kind, which were exercised on my unhappy fellow slaves. I used frequently to have
different cargoes of new negroes in my care for sale; and it was almost a constant
practice with our clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the
chastity of the female slaves; and these I was, though with reluctance, obliged to
submit to at all times, being unable to help them. When we have had some of
these slaves on board my master's vessels to carry them to other islands, or to
America, I have known our mates to commit these acts most shamefully, to the
disgrace, not of Christians only, but of men. I have even known them gratify their
brutal passion with females not ten years old; and these abominations some of them
practised to such scandalous excess, that one of our captains discharged the mate
and others on that account. And yet in Montserrat I have seen a negro man staked
to the ground, and cut most shockingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit,
because he had been connected with a white woman who was a common prostitute: as
if it were no crime in the whites to rob an innocent African girl of her virtue;
but most heinous in a black man only to gratify a passion of nature, where the
temptation was offered by one of a different colour, though the most abandoned
woman of her species.
One Mr. D— told me that he had sold 41000 negroes, and that he once cut off a
negro-man's leg for running away—I asked him if the man had died in the operation,
how he as a christian could answer for the horrid act before God? and he told me,
answering was a thing of another world; what he thought and did were policy. I
told him that the christian doctrine taught us to do unto others as we would that
others should do unto us. He then said that his scheme had the desired effect—it
cured that man and some others of running away.
Another negro-man was half hanged, and then burnt, for attempting to poison a cruel overseer. Thus by
repeated cruelties are the wretched first urged to despair, and then murdered,
because they still retain so much of human nature about them as to wish to put an
end to their misery, and retaliate on their tyrants! These overseers are indeed
for the most part persons of the worst character of any denomination of men in the
West Indies. Unfortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not residing on their
estates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the hands of these human
butchers, who cut and mangle the slaves in a shocking manner on the most trifling
occasions, and altogether treat them in every respect like brutes. They pay no
regard to the situation of pregnant women, nor the least attention to the lodging
of the field negroes. Their huts, which ought to be well covered, and the place
dry where they take their
little repose, are often open sheds, built in damp places; so that, when the poor
creatures return tired from the toils of the field, they contract many disorders,
from being exposed to the damp air in this uncomfortable state, while they are
heated, and their pores are open. This neglect certainly conspires with many
others to cause a decrease in the births as well as in the lives of the grown
negroes. I can quote many instances of gentlemen who reside on their estates in
the west Indies, and then the scene is quite changed; the negroes are treated with
lenity and proper care, by which their lives are prolonged, and their masters
profited. To the honour of humanity, I knew several gentlemen who managed their
estates in this manner; and they found that benevolence was their true interest.
And, among many I could
mention in several of the islands, I knew one in Montserrat* whose slaves looked
remarkably well, and never needed any fresh supplies of negroes; and there are
many other estates, especially in Barbadoes, which, from such judicious treatment,
need no fresh stock of negroes at any time. I have the honour of knowing a most
worthy and humane gentleman, who is a native of Barbadoes, and has estates there. This gentleman has written a treatise on the usage of his own slaves. He allows
them two hours for refreshment at mid-day; and many other indulgencies and
comforts, particularly in their lying; and, besides this, he raises more
provisions on his estate than they can destroy; so that by these attentions * Mr. Durbury, and many others, Montserrat. [Equiano's note]
Sir Philip Gibbes, Baronet, Barbadoes. [Equiano's note.}
he saves the lives of his
negroes, and keeps them healthy, and as happy as the condition of slavery can
admit. I myself, as shall appear in the sequel, managed an estate, where, by those
attentions, the negroes were uncommonly cheerful and healthy, and did more work by
half than by the common mode of treatment they usually do. For want, therefore, of
such care and attention to the poor negroes, and otherwise oppressed as they are,
it is no wonder that the decrease should require 20,000 new negroes annually to
fill up the vacant places of the dead.
Even in Barbadoes, notwithstanding those humane exceptions which I have mentioned,
and others I am acquainted with, which justly make it quoted as a place where
slaves meet with the best treatment, and need fewest recruits of any in the West
Indies, yet this island
requires 1000 negroes annually to keep up the original stock, which is only
80,000. so that the whole term of a negro's life may be said to be there but
sixteen years*? And yet the climate here is in every respect the same as that from
which they are taken, except in being more wholesome. Do the British colonies
decrease in this manner? And yet what a prodigious difference is there between an
English and West India climate?
While I was in Montserrat I knew a negro man, named Emanuel Sankey, who
endeavoured to escape from his miserable bondage, by concealing himself on board
of a London ship: but fate did not favour the poor oppressed man; for, being
discovered when the vessel was under sail, he was delivered up again to his
master. This Christian
* Benezet's Account of Guinea, p. 16. [Equiano's note]. Anthony Benezet's Some Historical Account of Guinea,first published in Philadelphia in 1771, was a widely-known and much reprinted text in this period.
master immediately pinned the wretch down to the ground at
each wrist and ancle, and then took some sticks of sealing wax, and lighted them,
and droped it all over his back. There was another master who was noted for
cruelty; and I believe he had not a slave but what had been cut, and had pieces
fairly taken out of the flesh: and after they had been punished thus, he used to
make them get into a long wooden box or case he had for that purpose, in which he
shut them up during pleasure. It was just about the height and breadth of a man;
and the poor wretches had no room, when in the case to move.
It was very common in several of the islands, particularly in st. Kitt's, for the
slaves to be branded with the initial letters of their master's name; and a load
of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks. Indeed on the most trifling occasions they were loaded
with chains; and often instruments of torture were added. The iron muzzle,
thumb-screws, &c. are so well known, as not to need a description, and were
sometimes applied for the slightest faults. I have seen a negro beaten till some
of his bones were broken, for only letting a pot boil over. Is it surprising that
usage like this should drive the poor creatures to despair, and make them seek a
refuge in death from those evils which render their lives intolerable—while,
"With shuddering horror pale, and eyes aghast,
"They view their lamentable lot, and find
"No rest!"
This they frequently do. A negro-man on board a vessel of my master, while I
belonged to her, having been put in irons for some trifling misdemeanor, and kept
in that state for some days,
being weary of life, took an opportunity of jumping overboard into the sea;
however, he was picked up without being drowned. Another, whose life was also a
burden to him, resolved to starve himself to death, and refused to eat any
victuals: this procured him a severe flogging: and he also, on the first occasion
which offered, jumped overboard at Charles Town, but was saved.
Nor is there any greater regard shewn to the little property than there is to the
persons and lives of the negroes. I have already related an instance or two of
particular oppression out of many which I have witnessed; but the following is
frequent in all the islands. The wretched field-slaves, after toiling all the day
for an unfeeling owner, who gives them but little victuals, steal sometimes a few
moments from rest or
refreshment to gather some small portion of grass, according as their time will
admit. This they commonly tie up in a parcel; either a bit's worth (six-pence) or
half a bit's worth; and bring it to town, or to the market, to sell. Nothing is
more common than for the white people on this occasion to take the grass from them
without paying for it; and not only so, but too often also, to my knowledge, our
clerks, and many others, at the same time have committed acts of violence on the
poor, wretched, and helpless females; whom I have seen for hours stand crying to
no purpose, and get no redress or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and
crying sin enough to bring down God's judgment on the islands? He tells us the
oppressor and the oppressed are both in his hands; and if these are not the poor, the broken-hearted, the
blind, the captive, the bruised, which our saviour speaks of, who are they? One of
these depredators once, in st. Eustatia, came on board of our vessel, and bought
some fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day after his departure with the things, he
returned again and wanted his money back: I refused to give it; and, not seeing my
captain on board, he began the common pranks with me; and swore he would even
break open my chest and take my money. I therefore expected, as my captain was
absent, that he would be as good as his word: and he was just proceeding to strike
me, when fortunately a British seaman on board, whose heart had not been debauched
by a West India climate, interposed and prevented him. But had the cruel man
struck me I certainly should have defended myself at the hazard of my life; for
what is life to a man thus oppressed? He went away, however, swearing; and
threatened that whenever he caught me on shore he would shoot me, and pay for me
afterwards.
The small account in which the life of a negro is held in the West Indies, is so
universally known, that it might seem impertinent to quote the following extract,
if some people had not been hardy enough of late to assert that negroes are on the
same footing in that respect as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the
Assembly of Barbadoes, it is enacted 'That if
any negro, or other slave, under punishment by his master, or his order, for
running away, or any other crime or misdemeanor towards his said master,
unfortunately shall suffer in life or member, no person whatsoever shall be liable to a fine; but if
any man shall out of wantonness, or only of
bloody-mindedness, or cruel iniention, wilfully kill a negro, or other
slave, of his own, he shall pay into the public treasury fifteen pounds
sterling.' And it is the same in most, if not all, of the West
India islands. Is not this one of the many acts of the islands which call loudly
for redress? And do not the Assembly which enacted it deserve the appellation of
savages and brutes rather than of christians and men? It is an act at once
unmerciful, unjust, and unwise; which for cruelty would disgrace an assembly of
those who are called barbarians; and for its injustice and insanity would shock the morality and common sense of a Samaide or
Hottentot.
shocking as this and many more acts of the bloody West India code at first view appear, how is the
iniquity of it heightened when we consider to whom it may be extended! Mr. James
Tobin, a zealous labourer in the vineyard of slavery gives an account of a French
planter of his acquaintance, in the island of Martinico, who shewed him many
mulattoes working in the fields like beasts of burden; and he told Mr. Tobin these
were all the produce of his own loins! And I myself have known similar instances.
Pray, reader, are these sons and daughters of the French planter less his children
by being begotten on black women? And what must be the virtue of those
legislators, and the feelings of those fathers, who estimate the lives of their
sons, however begotten, at no more than fifteen pounds; though they should be
murdered, as the act says, out of wantonness and
bloody-mindedness! But is not the slave trade entirely a war
with the heart of man? And surely that which is begun by breaking down the
barriers of virtue involves in its continuance destruction to every principle, and
buries all sentiments in ruin!
I have often seen slaves, particularly those who were meagre, in different
islands, put into scales and weighed; and then sold from three pence to six pence
or nine pence a pound. My master, however, whose humanity was shocked at this
mode, used to sell such by the lump. And at or after a sale it was not uncommon to
see negroes taken from their wives, wives taken from their husbands, and children
from their parents, and sent off to other islands, and wherever else their
merciless lords choose; and probably never more during life see each other!
Oftentimes my heart has bled at these partings; when the friends of the
departed have been at the water side, and, with sighs and tears, have kept their
eyes fixed on the vessel, till it went out of sight.
A poor Creole negro I knew well, who, after having been often thus transported
from island to island, at last resided in Montserrat. This man used to tell me
many melancholy tales of himself. Generally, after he had done working for his
master, he used to employ his few leisure moments to go a fishing. When he had
caught any fish, his master would frequently take them from him without paying
him; and at other times some other white people would serve him in the same
manner. One day he said to me, very movingly, 'sometimes when a white man take away my fish I go to my maser, and he get me
my right; and when my
maser by strength take away my fishes, what me must do? I can't go to any body
to be righted; then,' said the poor man, looking up above, 'I must look up to God Mighty in the top for
right.' This artless tale moved me much, and I could not help feeling
the just cause Moses had in redressing his brother against the Egyptian. I
exhorted the man to look up still to the God on the top, since there was no
redress below. Though I little thought then that I myself should more than once
experience such imposition, and need the same exhortation hereafter, in my own
transactions in the islands; and that even this poor man and I should some time
after suffer together in the same manner, as shall be related hereafter.
Nor was such usage as this confined to particular places or individuals; for, in all the different islands
in which I have been (and I have visited no less than fifteen) the treatment of
the slave, was nearly the same; so nearly indeed, that the history of an island,
or even a plantation, with a few such exceptions as I have mentioned, might serve
for a history of the whole. such a tendency has the slave-trade to debauch men's
minds, and harden them to every feeling of humanity! For I will not suppose that
the dealers in slaves are born worse than other men—No; it is the fatality of this
mistaken avarice, that it corrupts the milk of human kindness and turns it into
gall. And, had the pursuits of those men been different, they might have been as
generous, as tender-hearted and just, as they are unfeeling, rapacious and cruel.
surely this traffic cannot be good, which spreads like a pestilence, and taints
what it touches! which
violates that first natural right of mankind, equality and independency, and gives
one man a dominion over his fellows which God could never intend! For it raises
the owner to a state as far above man as it depresses the slave below it; and,
with all the presumption of human pride, sets a distinction between them,
immeasurable in extent, and endless in duration! Yet how mis taken is the avarice
even of the planters. Are slaves more useful by being thus humbled to the
condition of brutes, than they would be if suffered to enjoy the privileges of
men? The freedom which diffuses health and prosperity through out Britain answers
you—No. When you make men slaves you deprive them of half their virtue, you set
them in your own conduct an example of fraud, rapine, and cruelty, and compel them
to live with you in a state of war; and yet you complain that they are not
honest or faithful! You stupify them with stripes, and think it necessary to keep
them in a state of ignorance; and yet you assert that they are incapable of
learning; that their minds are such a barren soil or moor, that culture would be
lost on them; and that they come from a climate, where nature, though prodigal of
her bounties in a degree unknown to yourselves, has left man alone scant and
unfinished; and incapable of enjoying the treasures she has poured out for him!—An
as sertion at once impious and absurd. Why do you use those instruments of
torture? Are they fit to be applied by one rational being to another? And are ye
not struck with shame and mortification, to see the partakers of your nature
reduced so low? But, above all, are there no dangers attending this mode of treatment? Are you not hourly
in dread of an insurrection? Nor would it be surprising: for when
"—No peace is given
"To us enslav'd, but custody severe;
"And stripes and arbitrary punishment
"Inflicted—What peace can we return?
"But to our power, hostility and hate;
"Untam'd reluctance, and revenge, though slow.
"Yet ever plotting how the conqueror least
"May reap his conquest, and may least rejoice
"In doing what we most in suffering feel."
But by changing your conduct, and treating your slaves as men,
every cause of fear would be banished. They would be faithful, honest, intelligent
and vigorous; and peace, prosperity, and happiness, would attend you.
CHAP. VI.
some account of Brimstone-Hill in Montserrat—Favourable change in the author's situation—He commences merchant
with three pence—His various success in dealing in the different islands,
and America, and the impositions he meets with in his transactions with
Europeans—A cu rious imposition on human nature—Dan ger of the surfs in the
West Indies—Remarkable instance of kidnapping a free mulatto—Ths author is
nearly murdered by Doctor Perkins in savannah.
IN the precedeing chapter I have set before the reader a few of those many
instances of oppression, extortion, and cruelty, which I have been a witness to in the West Indies: but,
were I to enumerate them all, the catalogue would be tedious and disgusting. The
punishments of the slaves on every trifling oc casion are so frequent, and so well
known together with the different instruments with which they are tortured, that
it cannot any longer afford novelty to recite them; and they are too shocking to
yield delight either to the writer or the reader. I shall therefore here after
only mention such as incidentally befell myself in the course of my
adventures.
In the variety of departments in which I was employed by my master, I had an
opportunity of seeing many curious scenes in different islands; but, above all, I
was struck with a celebrated curiosity called Brimstone-Hill, which is a high and
steep mountain, some few miles from the town of Plymouth in Montserrat. I had
often heard of some wonders
that were to be seen on this hill, and I went once with some white and black
people to visit it. When we arrived at the top, I saw under different cliffs great
flakes of brimstone, occasioned by the steams of various little ponds, which were
then boiling naturally in the earth. some of these ponds were as white as milk,
some quite blue, and many others of different colours. I had taken some potatoes
with me, and I put them into different ponds, and in a few minutes they were well
boiled. I tasted some of them, but they were very sulphurous; and the silver shoe
buckles, and all the other things of that metal we had among us, were, in a little
time turned as black as lead.
some time in the year 1763, kind Providence seemed to appear rather more
favourable to me. One of my master's vessels, a Bermudas sloop, about sixty tons
burthen was commanded by one
Captain Thomas Farmer, an English man, a very alert and active man, who gained my
master a great deal of money by his good mangement in carry ing passengers from
one island to ano ther; but very often his sailors used to get drunk and run away
from the vessel, which hindered him in his business very much. This man had taken
a liking to me; and many different times begged of my master to let me go a trip
with him as a sailor; but he would tell him he could not spare me, though the
vessel sometimes could not go for want of hands, for sailors were generally very
scarce in the island. However, at last, from necessity or force, my master was
prevailed on, though very reluctantly, to let me go with this captain; but he gave
him great charge to take care that I did not run away, for if I did he would make
him pay for me. This being the case, the captain had for some time a sharp eye upon me
whenever the vessel anchored; and as soon as she returned I was sent for on shore
again. Thus was I slaving as it were for life, sometimes at one thing, and
sometimes at another; so that the cap tain and I were nearly the most useful men
in my master's employment. I also became so useful to the captain on shipboard,
that many times, when he used to ask for me to go with him, though it should be
but for twenty four hours, to some of the islands near us, my master would answer
he could not spare me, at which the captain would swear, and would no go the trip;
and tell my master I was better to him on board than any three white men he had;
for they used to behave ill in many respects, particularly in getting drunk; and
then they frequently got the boat stove, so as to hinder the ves sel from coming
back as soon as she might
have done. This my master knew very well; and at last, by the captain's constant
entreaties, after I had been several times with him, one day to my great joy, told
me the captain would not let him rest, and asked whether I would go aboard as a
sailor, or stay on shore and mind the stores, for he could not bear any longer to
be plagued in this manner. I was very happy at this proposal, for I immediately
thought I might in time stand some chance by being on board to get a little money,
or possibly make my escape if I should be used ill: I also expected to get better
food, and in greater abundance; for I had oftentimes felt much hunger, though my
master treated his slaves, as I have observed, uncommonly well. I therefore, with
out hesitation, answered him, that I would go and be a sailor if he pleased.
Accordingly I was ordered on board directly. Nevertheless, between the
vessel and the shore, when she was in port, I had little or no rest, as my master
always wished to have me along with him. Indeed he was a very plea sant gentleman,
and but for my expec tations on shipboard I should not have thought of leaving
him. But the captain liked me also very much, and I was entirely his right-hand
man. I did all I could to deserve his favour, and in return I received better
treatment from him than any other I believe ever met with in the West Indies in my
situation.
After I had been sailing for some time with this captain, at length I endea voured
to try my luck and commence merchant. I had but a very small capital to begin
with; for one single half bit, which is equal to three-pence in England, made up
my whole stock. However I trusted to the Lord to be with me; and at one of our trips to
St. Eustatia, a Dutch island, I bought a glass tumbler
with my half bit, and when I came to Montserrat I sold it for a bit, or six-pence.
Luckily we made several successive trips to st. Eustatia (which was a general mart
for the West Indies, about twenty leagues from Montserrat) and in our next,
finding my tumbler so profitable, with this one bit I bought two tumblers more;
and when I came back I sold them for two bits equal to a shilling sterling. When
we went again I bought with these two bits four more of these glasses, which I
sold for fout bits on our return to Montserrat: and in our next voyage to st.
Eustatia, I bought two glasses with one bit, and with the other three I bought a
jug of Geneva, nearly about three pints in measure. When we came to Montserrat, I
sold the gin for eight bits, and the tumblers for two, so that my capital now amounted in all to a
dollar, well husbanded and acquired in the space of a month or six weeks, when I
blessed the Lord that I was so rich. As we sailed to different islands, I laid
this money out in various things occasionally, and it used to turn to very good
account, especially when we went to Guadaloupe, Grenada, and the rest of the
French islands. Thus was I going all about the islands upwards of four years, and
ever trading as I went, during which I experienced many instances of ill usage,
and have seen many injuries done to other negroes in our dealings with whites:
and, amidst our recreations, when we have been dancing and merry-making, they,
without cause, have molested and insulted us. Indeed I was more than once obliged
to look up to God on high, as I had advised the poor fisherman some time before.
And I had not been long
trading for myself in the manner I have related above, when I experienced the like
trial in company with him as follows: This man being used to the water, was upon
an emer gency put on board of us by his master to work as another hand, on a
voyage to santa Cruz; and at our sailing he had brought his little all for a
venture which consisted of six bits' worth of limes and oranges in a bag; I had
also my whole stock, which was about twelve bits' worth of the same kind of goods,
separate in two bags; for we had heard these fruits sold well in that island. When
we came there, in some little convenient time he and I went ashore with our fruits
to sell them; but we had scarcely landed when we were met by two white men, who
presently took our three bags from us. We could not at first guess what they meant
to do; and for some time we thought they were jesting with us; but they
too soon let us know otherwise, for they took our ventures immediately to a house
hard by, and adjoining the fort, while we followed all the way begging of them to
give us our fruits, but in vain. They not only refused to return them but swore at
us, and threatened if we did not immediately depart they would flog us well. We
told them these three bags were all we were worth in the world, and that we
brought them with us to sell when we came from Montserrat, and shewed them the
vessel. But this was rather against us, as they now saw we were strangers as well
as slaves. They still therefore swore, and desired us to be gone, and even took
sticks to beat us; while we, seeing they meant what they said, went off in the
greatest confusion and despair. Thus, in the very minute of gaining more by three
times than I ever did by any
venture in my life before, was I deprived of every farthing I was worth. An
insupportable misfortune! but how to help ourselves we knew not. In our
consternation we went to the commanding officer of the fort, and told him how we
had been served by some of his people; but we obtained not the least redress: he
answered our complaints only by a volley of imprecations against us, and
immediately took a horse-whip, in order to chastise us, so that we were obliged to
turn out much faster than we came in. I now, in the agony of distress and indig
nation, wished that the ire of God in his forked lightning might transsix these
cruel oppressors among the dead. still however we persevered; went back again to
the house, and begged and besought them again and again for our fruits, till at
last some other people that were in the house asked if we would be contented if they kept one bag and
gave us the other two. We, seeing no remedy whatever, consented to this; and they,
observing one bag to have both kinds of fruit in it, which be longed to my
companion, kept that; and the other two, which were mine they gave us back. As
soon as I got them, I ran as fast as I could, and got the first negro man I could
to help me off; my companion, however, stayed a little longer to plead; he told
them the bag they had was his, and likewise all that he was worth in the world;
but this was of no avail, and he was obliged to return without it. The poor old
man wringing his hands, cried bitterly for his loss; and, indeed, he then did look
up to God on high, which so moved me with pity for him, that I gave him nearly one
third of my fruits. We then proceeded to the markets to sell them; and Providence
was more favourable to us
than we could have expected, for we sold our fruits uncommonly well; I got for
mine about thirty-seven bits. such a surprising reverse of fortune in so short a
space of time seemed like a dream, and proved no small encouragement for me to
trust the Lord in any situa tion. My captain afterwards frequently used to take my
part, and get me my right, when I have been plun dered or used ill by these tender
Chris tian depredators; among whom I have shuddered to observe the unceasing
blasphemous execrations which are want only thrown out by persons of all ages and
conditions, not only without oc casion, but even as if they were indul gences and
pleasure.
At one of our trips to st. Kitt's, I had eleven bits of my own; and my friendly
captain lent me five more,
with which I bought a Bible. I was very glad to get this book, which I fcarcely
could meet with any where. I think there was none sold in Mont serrat; and, much
to my grief, from being forced out of the Aetna in the manner I have related, my
Bible, and the Guide to the Indians, the two books I loved above all others, were
left behind.
While I was in this place, st. Kitt's, a very curious imposition on human nature
took place:—A white man wanted to marry in the church a free black woman that had
land and slaves in Montserrat: but the clergyman told him it was against the law
of the place to marry a white and a black in the church. The man then asked to be
married on the water, to which the parson consented, and the two lovers went in
one boat, and the parson and
clerk in another, and thus the ceremony was performed. After this the loving pair
came on board our vessel, and my captain treated them extremely well, and brought
them safe to Montserrat.
The reader cannot but judge of the irksomeness of this situation to a mind like
mine, in being daily exposed to new hardships and impositions, after having seen
many better days, and been as it were, in a state of freedom and plenty; added to
which, every part of the world I had hitherto been in, seemed to me a paradise in
comparison of the West Indies. My mind was therefore hourly replete with
inventions and thoughts of being freed, and, if possible, by honest and honourable
means; for I always remembered the old adage; and I trust it has ever been my
ruling principle, that "Honesty is the best policy;" and
likewise that other golden precept—"To do unto all
men as I would they should do unto me." However, as I was from early
years a predestinarian, I thought whatever fate had determined must ever come to
pass; and therefore, if ever it were my lot to be freed nothing could prevent me,
although I should at present see no means or hope to obtain my freedom; on the
other hand, if it were my fate not to be freed I never should be so, and all my
endeavours for that purpose would be fruitless. In the midst of these thoughts I
therefore looked up with prayers anxiously to God for my liberty; and at the same
time used every honest means, and did all that was possible on my part to obtain
it. In process of time I became master of a few pounds, and in a fair way of
making more, which my
friendly captain knew very well; this occasioned him sometimes to take liberties
with me; but whenever he treated me waspishly I used plainly to tell him my mind,
and that I would die before I would be imposed upon as other negroes were, and
that to me life had lost its relish when liberty was gone. This I said although I
foresaw my then well-being or future hopes of freedom (humanly speaking) depended
on this man. However, as he could not bear the thoughts of my not failing with
him, he always became mild on my threats. I therefore continued with him; and,
from my great attention to his orders and his business, I gained him credit, and
through his kindness to me I at last procured my liberty. While I thus went on,
filled with the thoughts of freedom, and resisting oppression as well as I was
able, my life hung daily in
suspence, particularly in the surfs I have formerly mentioned, as I could not
swim. These are extremely violent throughout the West Indies, and I was ever
exposed to their howling rage and devouring fury in all the islands. I have seen
them strike and toss a boat right up an end, and maim several on board. Once in
the Grenada islands, when I and about eight others were pulling a large boat with
two pun cheons of water in it, a surf struck us, and drove the boat and all in it
about half a stone's throw, among some trees, and above the high water mark. We
were obliged to get all the assistance we could from the nearest estate to mend
the boat, and launch it into the water again. At Montserrat one night, in pressing
hard to get off the shore on board, the punt was overset with us four times; the
first time I was very near being drowned; however the jacket I had on kept me
up above water a little space of time, while I called on a man near me who was a
good swimmer, and told him I could not swim; he then made haste to me, and, just
as I was sinking, he caught hold of me, and brought me to sounding, and then he
went and brought the punt also. As soon as we had turned the water out of her,
lest we should be used ill for being absent, we attempted again three times more,
and as often the horrid surfs served us as at first; but at last, the fifth time
we attempted, we gained our point, at the eminent hazard of our lives. One day
also, at Old Road in Montserrat, our captain, and three men besides myself, were
going in a large canoe in quest of rum and sugar, when a single surf tossed the
canoe an amazing distance from the water, and some of us, near a stone's throw
from each other: most of us were very much bruised; so that I and many more often
said, and really thought, that there was not such another place under the heavens
as this. I longed therefore much to leave it, and daily wished to see my master's
promise performed of going to Philadelphia.
While we lay in this place a very cruel thing happened on board of our sloop which
filled me with horror; though I found afterwards such practices were frequent.
There was a very clever and decent free young mulatto-man who sailed a long time
with us: he had a free woman for his wife, by whom he had a child; and she was
then living on shore, and all very happy. Our captain and mate, and other people
on board, and several elsewhere, even the natives of Bermudas, all knew this young man from a child that
he was always free, and no one had ever claimed him as their property: however, as
might too often overcomes right in these parts, it happened that a Bermudas
captain, whose vessel lay there for a few days in the road, came on board of us,
and seeing the mulatto man, whose name was Joseph Clipson, he told him he was not
free, and that he had orders from his master to bring him to Bermudas. The poor
man could not believe the captain to be in earnest; but he was very soon
undeceived, his men laying violent hands on him; and although he shewed a
certificate of his being born free in St. Kitt's, and most people on board knew
that he served his time to boat building, and always passed for a free man, yet he
was forcibly taken out of our vessel. He then asked to be carried ashore before the secretary or
magistrates, and these infernal invaders of human rights promised him he should;
but, instead of that, they carried him on board of the other vessel: and the next
day, without giving the poor man any hearing on shore, or suffering him even to
see his wife or child, he was carried away, and probably doomed never more in this
world to see them again. Nor was this the only instance of this kind of barbarity I was a witness to. I
have since often seen in Jamaica and other islands, free men, whom I have known in
America, thus villainously trepanned and held in bondage. I have heard of two
similar practices even in Philadelphia: and were it not for the benevolence of the
quakers in that city, many of the sable race, who now breathe the air of liberty,
would, I believe, be groaning indeed under some planter's chains. These
things opened my mind to a new scene of horror to which I had been before a
stranger. Hitherto I had thought only slavery dreadful; but the state of a free
negro appeared to me now equally so at least, and in some respects even worse, for
they live in constant alarm for their liberty; which is but nominal, for they are
universally insulted and plundered without the possibility of redress; for such is
the equity of the West Indian laws, that no free negro's evidence will be admitted
in their courts of justice. In this situation is it surprising that slaves, when
mildly treated, should prefer even the misery of slavery to such a mockery of
freedom? I was now completely disgusted with the West Indies, and thought I never
should be entirely free until I had left them.
"With thoughts like these my anxious boding mind
"Recall'd those pleasing scenes I left behind;
"Scenes where fair Liberty in bright array
"Makes darkness bright, and e'en illumines day;
"Where nor complexion, wealth, or station, can
"Protect the wretch who makes a slave of man."
I determined to make every exertion to obtain my freedom, and to return to Old
England. For this purpose I thought a knowledge of navigation might be of use to
me; for, though I did not intend to run away unless I should be ill used; yet, in
such a case, if I understood navigation, I might attempt my escape in our sloop, which was one of the swiftest
sailing vessels in the West Indies, and I could be at no loss for hands to join
me: and if I should make this attempt, I had intended to have gone for England;
but this, as I said, was only to be in the event of my meeting with any ill usage.
I therefore employed the
mate of our vessel to teach me navigation, for which I agreed to give him
twenty-four dollars, and actually paid him part of the money down; though when the
captain, some time after, came to know that the mate was to have such a sum for
teaching me, he rebuked him, and said it was a shame for him to take any money
from me. However, my progress in this useful art was much retarded by the
constancy of our work. Had I wished to run away I did not want opportunities,
which frequently presented themselves; and particularly at one time, soon after
this. When we were at the island of Gaudaloupe there was a large fleet of
merchantmen bound for Old France; and, seamen then being very scarce, they gave
from fifteen to twenty pounds a man for the run. Our mate, and all the white
sailors, left our vessel on
this account, and went on board of the French ships. They would have had me also
to go with them, for they regarded me; and swore to protect me, if I would go:
and, as the fleet was to sail the next day, I really believe I could have got safe
to Europe at that time. However, as my master was kind, I would not attempt to
leave him; still remembering the old maxim, that \'honesty is
the best policy,' I suffered them to go without me. Indeed my captain
was much afraid of my leaving him and the vessel at that time, as I had so fair an
opportunity: but, I thank God, this fidelity of mine turned out much to my
advantage hereafter, when I did not in the least think of it; and made me so much
in favour with the captain, that he used now and then to teach me some parts of
navigation himself; but some
of our passengers, and others, seeing this, found much fault with him for it,
saying it was a very dangerous thing to let a negro know navigation; thus I was
hindered again in my pursuits. About the latter end of the year 1764, my master
bought a larger sloop, called the Prudence, about seventy or eighty tons, of which
my captain had the command. I went with him into this vessel, and we took a load
of new slaves for Georgia and Charles Town. My master now left me entirely to the
captain, though he still wished for me to be with him; but I, who always much
wished to lose sight of the West Indies, was not a little
rejoiced at the thoughts of seeing any other country. Therefore, relying on the
goodness of my captain, I got ready all the little venture I could; and, when the
vessel was ready, we sailed
to my great joy. When we got to our destined places, Georgia and Charles Town, I
expected I should have an opportunity of selling my little property to advantage:
but here, particularly in Charles Town, I met with buyers, white men, who imposed
on me as in other places. Notwithstanding, I was resolved to have fortitude;
thinking no lot or trial too hard when kind Heaven is the rewarder.
We soon got loaded again, and returned to Montserrat; and there, amongst the rest
of the islands, I sold my goods well; and in this manner I continued trading
during the year 1764; meeting with various scenes of imposition, as usual. After
this, my master fitted out his vessel for Philadelphia, in the year 1765; and
during the time we were loading her, and getting ready for the voyage, I worked with
redoubled alacrity, from the hope of getting money enough by these voyages to buy
my freedom, in time, if it should please God; and also to see the town of
Philadelphia, which I had heard a great deal about for some years past; besides
which, I had always longed to prove my master's promise the first day I came to
him. In the midst of these elevated ideas, and while I was about getting my little
merchandize in readiness, one Sunday my master sent for me to his house. When I
came there I found him and the captain together; and, on my going in, I was struck
with astonishment at his telling me he heard that I meant to run away from him
when I got to Philadelphia: 'And therefore,' said he,
'I must sell you again: you cost me a great deal of money,
no less than forty pounds
sterling; and it will not do to lose so much. You are a valuable
fellow,' continued he; 'and I can get any day for
you one hundred guineas, from many gentlemen in this island.' And then
he told me of Captain Doran's brother-in-law, a severe master, who ever wanted to
buy me to make me his overseer. My captain also said he could get much more than a
hundred guineas for me in Carolina. This I knew to be a fact; for the gentleman
that wanted to buy me came off several times on board of us, and spoke to me to
live with him, and said he would use me well. When I asked what work he would put
me to, he said, as I was a sailor, he would make me a captain of one of his rice
vessels. But I refused: and fearing at the same time, by a sudden turn I saw in
the captain's temper, he might mean to sell me, I told the gentleman I would not live with him on any
condition, and that I certainly would run away with his vessel: but he said he did
not fear that, as he would catch him again; and then he told me how cruelly he
would serve me if I should do so. My captain, however, gave him to understand that
I knew something of navigation: so he thought better of it; and, to my great joy,
he went away. I now told my master I did not say I would run away in Philadelphia;
neither did I mean it, as he did not use me ill, nor yet the captain: for if they
did I certainly would have made some attempts before now; but as I thought that if
it were God's will I ever should be freed it would be so, and, on the contrary, if
it was not his will it would not happen; so I hoped if ever I were freed, whilst I
was used well, it should be
by honest means; but as I could not help myself, he must do as he pleased; I could
only hope and trust to the God of Heaven; and at that instant my mind was big with
inventions and full of schemes to escape. I then appealed to the captain whether
he ever saw any sign of my making the least attempt to run away; and asked him if
I did not always come on board according to the time for which he gave me liberty;
and, more particularly, when all our men left us at Gaudaloupe and went on board
of the French fleet, and advised me to go with them, whether I might not, and that
he could not have got me again. To my no small surprise, and very great joy, the
captain confirmed every syllable that I had said: and even more: for he said he
had tried different times to see if I would make any attempt of this kind,
both at St. Eustatia and in America, and he never found that I made the smallest;
but on the contrary, I always came on board according to his orders; and he did
really believe, if I ever meant to run away, that, as I could never have had a
better opportunity, I would have done it the night the mate and all the people
left our vessel at Guadaloupe. The captain then informed my master, who had been
thus imposed on by our mate, (though I did not know who was my enemy,) the reason
the mate had for imposing this lie upon him; which was, because I had acquainted
the captain of the provisions the mate had given away or taken out of the vessel.
This speech of the captain was like life to the dead to me, and instantly my soul
glorified God; and still more so on hearing my master immediately say
that I was a sensible fellow, and he never did intend to use me as a common slave;
and that but for the entreaties of the captain, and his character of me, he would
not have let me go from the stores about as I had done: that also, in so doing, he
thought by carrying one little thing or other to different places to sell I might
make money. That he also intended to encourage me in this, by crediting me with
half a puncheon of rum and half a hogshead of sugar at a time; so that, from being
careful, I might have money enough, in some time, to purchase my freedom; and,
when that was the case, I might depend upon it he would let me have it for forty
pounds sterling money, which was only the same price he gave for me. This sound
gladdened my poor heart beyond measure; though indeed it was no more than the very
idea I had formed in my mind of my master long before, and I immediately made him
this reply: 'sir, I always had that very thought of you,
indeed I had, and that made me so diligent in serving you.' He then
gave me a large piece of silver coin, such as I never had seen or had before, and
told me to get ready for the voyage, and he would credit me with a tierce of
sugar, and another of rum; he also said that he had two amiable sisters in
Philadelphia, from whom I might get some necessary things. Upon this my noble
captain desired me to go aboard; and, knowing the African metal, he charged me not
to say any thing of this matter to any body; and he promised that the lying mate
should not go with him any more. This was a change indeed; in the same hour to feel the most exquisite pain,
and in the turn of a moment the fullest joy. It caused in me such sensations as I
was only able to express in my looks; my heart was so overpowered with gratitude
that I could have kissed both of their feet. When I left the room I immediately
went, or rather flew, to the vessel, which being loaded, my master, as good as his
word, trusted me with a tierce of rum, and another of sugar, when we sailed, and
arrived safe at the elegant town of Philadelphia. I soon sold my goods here pretty
well; and in this charming place I found every thing plentiful and cheap.
While I was in this place a very extraordinary occurrence befell me. I had been
told one evening of a wise woman, a Mrs. Davis, who
revealed secrets, foretold events, etc. I put little faith in this story at first,
as I could not conceive that
any mortal could foresee the future disposals of Providence, nor did I believe in
any other revelation than that of the Holy Scriptures; however, I was greatly
astonished at seeing this woman in a dream that night, though a person I never
before beheld in my life; this made such an impression on me, that I could not get
the idea the next day out of my mind, and I then became as anxious to see her as I
was before indifferent; accordingly in the evening, after we left off working, I
inquired where she lived, and being directed to her, to my inexpressible surprise,
beheld the very woman in the very same dress she appeared to me to wear in the
vision. she immediately told me I had dreamed of her the preceding night; related
to me many things that had happened with a correctness that astonished
me; and finally told me I should not be long a slave: this was the more agreeable
news, as I believed it the more readily from her having so faithfully related the
past incidents of my life. she said I should be twice in very great danger of my
life within eighteen months, which, if I escaped, I should afterwards go on well;
so giving me her blessing, we parted. After staying here some time till our vessel
was loaded, and I had bought in my little traffic, we sailed from this agreeable
spot for Montserrat, once more to encounter the raging surfs.
We arrived safe at Montserrat, where we discharged our cargo; and soon after that
we took slaves on board for St. Eustatia, and from thence to Georgia. I had always
exerted myself and did double work, in order to make our voyages as short as
possible; and from thus overworking myself while we were at Georgia I caught a
fever and ague. I was very ill for eleven days and near dying; eternity was now
exceedingly impressed on my mind, and I feared very much that awful event. I
prayed the Lord therefore to spare me; and I made a promise in my mind to God,
that I would be good if ever I should recover. At length, from having an eminent
doctor to attend me, I was restored again to health; and soon after we got the
vessel loaded, and set off for Montserrat. During the passage, as I was perfectly
restored, and had much business of the vessel to mind, all my endeavours to keep
up my integrity, and perform my promise to God, began to fail; and, in spite of
all I could do, as we drew nearer and nearer to the islands, my resolutions more and more
declined, as if the very air of that country or climate seemed fatal to piety.
When we were safe arrived at Montserrat, and I had got ashore, I forgot my former
resolutions.—Alas! how prone is the heart to leave that God it wishes to love! and
how strongly do the things of this world strike the senses and captivate the
soul!—After our vessel was discharged, we soon got her ready, and took in, as
usual, some of the poor oppressed natives of Africa, and other negroes; we then
set off again for Georgia and Charlestown. We arrived at Georgia, and, having
landed part of our cargo, proceeded to Charlestown with the remainder. While we
were there I saw the town illuminated; the guns were fired, and bonfires and other
demonstrations of joy shewn, on account of the repeal of the stamp act. Here I disposed of some goods on
my own account; the white men buying them with smooth promises and fair words,
giving me, however, but very indifferent payment. There was one gentleman
particularly who bought a puncheon of rum of me, which gave me a great deal of
trouble; and, although I used the interest of my friendly captain, I could not
obtain any thing for it; for, being a negro man, I could not oblige him to pay me.
This vexed me much, not knowing how to act; and I lost some time in seeking after
this Christian; and though, when the Sabbath came (which the negroes usually make
their holiday) I was much inclined to go to public worship, I was obliged to hire
some black men to help to pull a boat across the water to go in quest of this
gentleman. When I found him, after much entreaty, both from myself and my worthy captain, he
at last paid me in dollars; some of them, however, were copper, and of consequence
of no value; but he took advantage of my being a negro man, and obliged me to put
up with those or none, although I objected to them. Immediately after, as I was
trying to pass them in the market, amongst other white men, I was abused for
offering to pass bad coin; and, though I shewed them the man I got them from, I
was within one minute of being tied up and flogged without either judge or jury;
however, by the help of a good pair of heels, I ran off, and so escaped the bastinadoes I should have
received. I got on board as fast as I could, but still continued in fear of them
until we sailed, which I thanked God we did not long after; and I have never been
amongst them since.
We soon came to Georgia,
where we were to complete our lading; and here worse fate than ever attended me:
for one Sunday night, as I was with some negroes in their master's yard in the
town of Savannah, it happened that their master, one Doctor Perkins, who was a
very severe and cruel man, came in drunk; and not liking to see any strange
negroes in his yard, he and a ruffian of a white man, he had in his service, beset
me in an instant, and both of them struck me with the first weapons they could get
hold of. I cried out as long as I could for help and mercy; but, though I gave a
good account of myself, and he knew my captain, who lodged hard by him, it was to
no purpose. They beat and mangled me in a shameful manner, leaving me near dead. I
lost so much blood from the wounds I received, that I lay quite motionless, and was
so benumbed that I could not feel any thing for many hours. Early in the morning
they took me away to the jail. As I did not return to the ship all night, my
captain, not knowing where I was, and being uneasy that I did not then make my
appearance, he made inquiry after me; and, having found where I was, immediately
came to me. As soon as the good man saw me so cut and mangled, he could not
forbear weeping; he soon got me out of jail to his lodgings, and immediately sent
for the best doctors in the place, who at first declared it as their opinion that
I could not recover. My captain on this went to all the lawyers in the town for
their advice, but they told him they could do nothing for me as I was a negro. He
then went to Doctor Perkins, the hero who had vanquished me, and menaced him, swearing he
would be revenged of him, and challenged him to fight.—But cowardice is ever the
companion of cruelty—and the Doctor refused. However, by the skilfulness of one
Doctor Brady of that place, I began at last to amend; but, although I was so sore
and bad with the wounds I had all over me that I could not rest in any posture,
yet I was in more pain on account of the captain's uneasiness about me than I
otherwise should have been. The worthy man nursed and watched me all the hours of
the night; and I was, through his attention and that of the doctor, able to get
out of bed in about sixteen or eighteen days. All this time I was very much wanted
on board, as I used frequently to go up and down the river for rafts, and other
parts of our cargo, and stow them, when the mate was sick or absent. In
about four weeks I was able to go on duty; and in a fortnight after, having got in
all our lading, our vessel set sail for Montserrat; and in less than three weeks
we arrived there safe towards the end of the year. This ended my adventures in
1764; for I did not leave Montserrat again till the beginning of the following
year.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
THE LIFE, &c.
CHAP. VII.
The author's disgust at the West Indies—Forms schemes to
obtain his freedom—Ludicrous disappointment he and his Cap tain meet with in
Georgia—At last, by several successful voyages, he acquires a sum of money
sufficient to purchase it—Applies to his master, who accepts it, and grants
his manumission, to his great joy—He afterwards enters as a freeman on board
one of Mr. King's ships, and sails for Georgia—Impositions on free
negroes
as usual—His venture of turkies—sails for Montserrat, and on
his passage his friend the Captain, falls ill and dies.
EVERY day now brought me nearer my freedom, and I was impatient till we proceeded
again to sea, that I might have an opportunity of getting a sum large enough to
purchase it. I was not long ungratified; for, in the begin ing of the year 1766,
my master bought another sloop, named the Nancy, the largest I had ever seen. She
was partly laden, and was to proceed to Philadelphia; our Captain had his choice
of three, and I was well pleased he chose this, which was the largest; for, from
his having a large vessel, I had more room, and could carry a larger quantity of
goods with me. Accordingly, when we had delivered our old vessel, the Prudence,
and completed the lading of the
Nancy, having made near three hundred per cent, by four barrels of pork I brought
from Charlestown, I laid in as large a cargo as I could, trusting to God's
providence to prosper my undertaking. With these views I sailed for Philadelphia.
On our passage, when we drew near the land, I was for the first time surprised at
the sight of some whales, having never seen any such large sea monsters before;
and as we sailed by the land, one morning I saw a puppy whale close by the vessel;
it was about the length of a wherry
boat, and it followed us all the day till we got within the Capes. We
arrived safe and in good time at Philadelphia, and I sold my goods there chiefly
to the quakers. They always appeared to be a very honest discreet sort of people,
and never attempted to impose on me; I therefore liked them, and ever after chose
to deal with them in preference
to any others.
One sunday morning while I was here, as I was going to church, I chanced to pass a
meeting-house. The doors being open, and the house full of people, it excited my
curiosity to go in. When I entered the house, to my great sur prise, I saw a very
tall woman standing in the midst of them, speaking in an audible voice something
which I could not understand. Having never seen any thing of this kind before, I
stood and stared about me for some time, wondering at this odd scene. As soon as
it was over, I took an opportunity to make inquiry about the place and people,
when I was informed they were called Quakers. I particularly asked what that woman
I saw in the midst of them had said, but none of them were pleased to satisfy me,
so I quitted them, and soon after, as I was returning, I came to a church crowded with people; the
church-yard was full likewise, and a number of people were even mounted on
ladders, looking in at the windows. I thought this a strange sight, as I had never
seen churches, either in England or the West Indies crowded in this manner before.
I therefore made bold to ask some peo ple the meaning of all this, and they told
me the Rev. Mr. George Whitfield was preaching. I had often heard of this
gentleman, and had wished to see and hear him; but I had never before had an
opportunity. I now therefore resolved to gratify myself with the sight, and
pressed in amidst the multitude. When I got into the church I saw this pious man
exhorting the people with the greatest fervour and earnestness, and sweating as
much as I ever did while in slavery on Montserrat beach. I was very much struck
and impressed with this; I
thought it strange I had never seen divines exert themselves in this manner
before, and was no longer at a loss to account for the thin congregations they
preached to.
When we had discharged our cargo here, and were loaded again, we left this
fruitful land once more, and set sail for Montserrat. My traffic had hitherto succeeded so well with me, that I
thought by selling my goods when we arrived at Montserrat, I should have enough to
purchase my freedom. But as soon as our vessel arrived there, my master came on
board, and gave orders for us to go to St. Eustatia, and discharge our cargo
there, and from thence proceed for Georgia. I was much disappointed at this; but,
thinking as usual, it was of no use to encounter with the decrees of fate, I
submitted without repining, and we went to St. Eustatia. After we had discharged our cargo there, we took
in a live cargo, (as we call a cargo of slaves.) Here I sold my goods tolerably
well; but, not being able to lay out all my money in this small island to as much
advantage as in many other places, I laid out only part, and the re mainder I
brought away with me neat. We sailed from
hence for Georgia, and I was glad when we got there, though I had not much reason
to like the place from my last adventure in Savannah; but I longed to get back to
Montserrat and procure my freedom, which I expected to be able to purchase when I
returned. As soon as we arrived here I waited on my careful doctor, Mr. Brady, to
whom I made the most grate ful acknowledgments in my power for his former kindness
and attention during my illness.
While we remained here an odd circumstance happened to the captain and me, which disappointed us both a
good deal. A silversmith, whom we had brought to this place some voyages before,
agreed with the Captain to return with us to the West Indies, and promised at the
same time to give the Captain a great deal of money, having pretended to take a
liking to him, and being, as we thought, very rich. But while we stayed to load
our vessel, this man was taken ill, in a house where we worked, and in a week's
time became very bad. The worse he grew the more he used to speak of giving the
Captain what he had promised him, so that he expected something considerable from
the death of this man, who had no wife or child, and he attended him day and
night. I used also to go with the Captain, at his own desire, to attend him:
especially when we saw there was no appearance of his recovery: and, in order to recompense me for my trouble,
the Captain promised me ten pounds, when he should get the man's property. I
thought this would be of great service to me, although I had nearly money enough
to purchase my freedom, if I should get safe this voyage to Montserrat. In this
expectation I laid out above eight pounds of my money for a suit of superfine
clothes to dance in at my freedom, which I hoped was then at hand.--- We still
continued to attend this man, being with him the last day he lived till very late
at night. After we were got to bed, about one or two o'clock in the morning, the
Captain was sent for, and informed the man was dead. On this he came to my bed,
and, waking me, informed me of it, and desired me to get up and procure a light,
and immediately go with him. I told him I was very sleepy, and wished he would
take somebody else with him; or else, as the man was dead, and could want no
farther attendance, to let all things remain as they were till the next morn ing.
'No, no,' said he, 'we will have the money to night, I cannot wait
till to-morrow; so let us go.' Accordingly I got up and struck a light,
and away we both went, and saw the man as dead as we could wish. The Captain said
he would give him a grand burial, in gratitude for the promised treasure; and
desired that all the things belonging to the deceased might be brought forth.
Amongnst others there was a nest of drawers, of which he had kept the keys whilst
the man was ill, and we opened them with no small eagerness and expectation; and
as there were a great number within one another, with much impatience we took them one out of the other.
At last, when we came to the smallest, and had opened it, we perceived it to be
full of papers, and supposed to be notes; at the sight of which our hearts leapt
for joy; and that instant the Captain clap ping his hands, cried out, 'Thank God here it is.' But when we came to
the supposed treasure and long-looked-for bounty, (alas! alas! how uncertain and
deceitful are all human affairs!) what had we found? While we thought we were
embracing a substance, we grasped an empty nothing. The whole amount in the nest
of drawers being only one dollar and a half; and all that the man possessed would
not pay for his coffin!. Our sudden and exquisite joy was now succeeded by a
sudden and exquisite pain; and my Captain and I exhibited, for some time, most
ridiculous figures—pictures of
chagrin and disappointment! We returned greatly mor tified, and left the deceased
to do as well as he could for himself, as we had taken so good care of him when
alive for nothing. We set sail once more for Montserrat, and arrived there safe;
but much out of humour with our friend the silversmith. When we had unladen the
vessel, and I had sold my venture, finding myself master of about forty-seven
pounds, I consulted my true friend, the Captain, how I should proceed in offering
my master the money for my freedom. He told me to come on a certain morning, when
he and my master would be at breakfast together. Accordingly, on that morning I
went, and met the Captain there, as he had appointed. When I went in I made my
obeisance to my master, and
with my money in my hand, and many fears in my heart, I prayed him to be as good as his
offer to me, when he was pleased to promise me my freedom as soon as I could
purchase it. This speech seemed to con found him; he began to recoil; and my heart
that instant sunk within me. 'What,' said he, 'give you your freedom? Why, where did you get the
money? Have you got forty-pounds sterling?'
'Yes, sir,' I answered. 'How did you get it?' replied he. I told
him, very honestly. The Captain then said he knew I got the money very honestly
and with much in dustry, and that I was particularly careful. On which my master
replied, I got money much faster than he did; and said he would not have made me
the promise which he did if he had thought I should have got money so soon. 'Come, come,' said my worthy Captain,
clapping my master on the back, 'Come, Robert, (which was his name)
I think you must let him have his freedom;—you have laid your money out very
well; you have received good interest for it all this time, and here is now the
principal at last. I know Gustavas has earned you more than an hundred a-year,
and he will still save you money, as he will not leave you:—Come, Robert, take
the money.' My master then said, he would not be worse than his
promise; and, taking the money, told me to go to the secretary at the Register
Office, and get my manumission drawn up. These words of my master were like a voice from
heaven to me: in an in stant all my trepidation was turned into unutterable bliss,
and I most reverently bowed myself with gratitude, unable to express my feelings,
but by the overflowing of my eyes, and a heart replete with thanks to God; while my true and
worthy friend the Captain, congratulated us both with a peculiar degree of
heart-felt pleasure. As soon as the first transports of my joy were over, and that
I had expressed my thanks to these my worthy friends in the best manner I was
able, I rose with a heart full of affection and reverence, and left the room, in
order to obey my master's joyful mandate of going to the Register Of fice. As I
was leaving the house I called to mind the words of the Psalmist, in the 126th
Psalm, and like him, 'I glorified God in my
heart, in whom I trusted.' These words had been impressed on my mind
from the very day I was forced from Deptford to the present hour; and I now saw
them, as I thought, fulfilled and verified. My imagination was all rapture as I
flew to the Register Office; and, in this respect, like the apostle Peter, (whose deliverance from prison was so sudden and
ex traordinary, that he thought he was in a vision) I could scarcely believe I was
awake. Heavens! who could do justice to my feelings at this moment! Not conquering
heroes themselves, in the midst of a triumph—Not the tender mother who has just
regained her long lost infant, and presses it to her heart—Not the weary hungry
mariner, at the sight of the desired friendly port—Not the lover, when he once
more embraces his beloved mistress, after she has been ravished from his arms!—All
within my breast was tumult, wildness, and delirium! My feet scarcely touched the
ground; for they were winged with joy, and, like Elijah, as he rose to Heaven, they 'were with lightning sped as I went on.'
Every one I met I told of Acts xii. 9. [Equiano's note]
my happiness and blazed about
the virtue of my amiable master and captain.
When I got to the office and acquainted the Register with my errand, he
congratulated me on the occasion, and told me he would draw up my manumission for
half-price, which was a guinea. I thanked him for his kindness; and, having
received it and paid him, I hastened to my master to get him to sign it, that I
might be fully released. Accordingly he signed the manumission that day; so that,
before night I, who had been a slave in the morning, trembling at the will of
another, was become my own master and completely free. I thought this was the
happiest day I had ever experienced; and my joy was still heightened by the
blessings and prayers of many of the sable race, particularly the aged, to whom my
heart had ever been attached with reverence.
As the form of my manumission
has something peculiar in it, and expresses the absolute power and dominion one
man claims over his fellow. I shall beg leave to present it before my readers at
full length:
Montserrat.—To all men unto whom these presents shall
come; I Robert King, of the parish of st. Anthony in the said island, merchant,
send greeting: Know ye that I the aforesaid Robert King, for and in
consideration of the sum of seventy pounds current mo ney of the said island,
to me in hand paid, and to the intent that a negro man-slave, named GUSTAVUS
VASA, shall and may become free, have manumitted, emancipated, enfranchised,
and set free, and by these presents do manumit, emancipate, enfranchise, and
set free, the aforesaid negro man-slave, named GUSTAVUS VASA, for ever;
hereby giving, granting, and releasing unto him, the said GUSTAVUS VASA, all
right, title, dominion, sovereignty, and pro perty, which, as lord and master
over the aforesaid Gustavus Vasa, I had, or now have, or by any means whatso
ever I may or can hereafter possibly have over him the aforesaid negro, for
ever. In witness whereof, I the abovesaid Robert King have unto these presents
set my hand and seal, this tenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one
thousand seven hundred and sixty six.
ROBERT KING.
Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of Terry Legay, Montserrat.
Registered the within manumission at full length, this eleventh day of July,
1766, in liber D.
TERRY LEGAY, Register.
In short, the fair as well as
black people immediately styled me by a new appellation, to me the most desirable
in the world, which was Freeman, and at the dances I gave, my Georgia superfine
blue clothes made no indifferent appearance as I thought. Some of the sable
females, who formerly stood aloof, now began to relax and appear less coy; but my
heart was still fixed on London, where I hoped to be ere long. So that my worthy
captain and his owner my late master, finding that the bent of my mind was towards
London, said to me, 'We hope you won't leave us, but that you will still be with the
vessels.' Here gratitude bowed me down; and none but the generous mind
can judge of my feelings, struggling between in clination and duty. However,
notwithstanding my wish to be in London, I obediently answered my benefactors that I would go in the vessel,
and not leave them; and from that day I was entered on board as an able-bodied
seaman, at thirty-six shillings per month, besides what perquisites I could make.
My intention was to make a voyage or two entirely to please these my honoured
patrons; but I determined that the year following, if it pleased God, I would see
Old England, once more, and surprise my old master, Capt. Pascal, who was hourly
in my mind; for I still loved him, notwithstanding his usage of me, and I pleased
myself with thinking of what he would say when he saw what the Lord had done for
me in so short a time, instead of being, as he might perhaps suppose, under the
cruel yoke of some planter. With these kind of reveries I used often to entertain
my self, and shorten the time till my return; and now, being as in my original
free African state, I embarked
on board the Nancy, after having got all things ready for our voyage. In this
state of serenity we sailed for St. Eustatia; and having smooth seas and calm
weather, we soon arrived there; after taking our cargo on board, we proceeded to
Savannah in Georgia, in August, 1766. While we were there, as usual, I used to go
for the cargo up the rivers in boats; and on this business have been frequently
beset by Alligators, which were very numerous on that coast; and shot many of them
when they have been near getting into our boats; which we have with great
difficulty sometimes prevented, and have been very much frightened at them. I have
seen a young one sold in Georgia alive for sixpence.
During our stay at this place, one evening a slave belonging to Mr. Read, a merchant of Savannah, came
near our vessel, and began to use me very ill. I entreated him to desist, as I
knew there was little or no law for a free negro here; but the fellow, instead of
taking my advice, persevered in his insults, and even struck me. At this I lost
all temper, and fell on him, and beat him soundly. The next morning his master
came to our vessel as we lay alongside the wharf, and desired me to come ashore
that he might have me flogged all round the town, for beating his negro slave! I
told him he had insulted me, and had given the provo cation, by first striking me.
I had told my captain also the whole affair that morning, and desired him to go
along with me to Mr. Read, to prevent bad consequences: but he said that it did
not signify, and if Mr. Read said any thing he would make matters up,
and desired me to go to work, which I accordingly did. The Captain be ing on board
when Mr. Read came and applied to him to deliver me up, he said he knew nothing of
the matter, I was a free man. I was astonished and frightened at this, and thought
I had better keep where I was than go ashore and be flogged round the town, with
out judge or jury. I therefore refused to stir; and Mr. Read went away, swearing
he would bring all the con stables in the town, for he would have me out of the
vessel. When he was gone, I thought his threat might prove too true to my sorrow;
and I was confirmed in this belief, as well by the many instances I had seen of
the treatment of free negroes, as from a fact that had happened within my own
knowledge here a short time before.
There was a free black man, a
carpenter, that I knew, who for asking a gentleman that he worked for, for the
money he had earned, was put into gaol;
and afterwards this oppressed man was sent from Georgia, with false accusations,
of an intention to set the gentleman's house on fire, and run away with his
slaves. I was therefore much embarrassed, and very apprehensive of a flogging at
least. I dreaded, of all things, the thoughts of being striped, as I never in my
life had the marks of any violence of that kind. At that instant a rage seized my
soul, and for a little I determined to resist the first man that should offer to
lay violent hands on me, or basely use me without a trial; for I would sooner die
like a free man, than suffer myself to be scourged by the hands of ruffians, and
my blood drawn like a slave. The captain and others, more cautious, advised me to make
haste and conceal myself; for they said Mr. Read was a very spiteful man, and he
would soon come on board with constables and take me. At first I refused this
counsel, being determined to stand my ground; but at length, by the prevailing
entreaties of the Captain and Mr. Dixon, with whom he lodged, I went to Mr.
Dixon's house, which was a little out of town, at a place called Yea-ma-chra. I was but just gone when Mr. Read, with the constables, came
for me, and searched the vessel; but, not finding me there, he swore he would have
me dead or alive. I was secreted
about five days; however, the good character which my captain always gave me as
well as some other gentlemen who also knew me, procured me some friends. At last
some of them told my Captain that he did not use me well, in suffering me thus to be
imposed upon, and said they would see me redressed, and get me on board some other
vessel. My Captain, on this, immediately went to Mr. Read, and told him, that ever
since I eloped from the vessel his work had been neglected, and he could not go on
with her loading, himself and mate not being well; and, as I had managed things on
board for them, my absence must retard his voyage, and consequently hurt the
owner; he therefore begged of him to forgive me, as he said he never heard any
complaint of me before, during the several years I had been with him. After
repeated entreaties, Mr. Read said I might go to hell, and that he would not
meddle with me; on which my Captain came immediately to me at his lodging, and,
telling me how pleasantly matters had gone on, desired me to go on board.
Some of my other friends then
asked him if he had got the constable's warrant from them; the Captain said, No.
On this I was desired by them to stay in the house; and they said they would get
me on board of some other vessel before the evening. When the Captain heard this
he became almost distracted. He went immediately for the warrant, and, after using
every exertion in his power, he at last got it from my hunters; but I had all the
expences to pay.
After I had thanked all my friends for their kindness, I went on board again to my
work, of which I had always plenty. We were in haste to complete our lading, and were to carry twenty head
of cattle with us to the West-Indies, where they are a very profitable article. In
order to encourage me in working, and to make up for the time I had lost, my
Captain promised me the privilege of carrying two bullocks of my own with me; and this made me work
with redoubled ardour. As soon as I had got the vessel loaded, in doing which I
was obliged to perform the duty of the mate as well as my own work, and that the
bullocks were near coming on board, I asked the Captain leave to bring my two,
according to his promise; but, to my great surprise, he told me there was no room
for them. I then asked him to permit me to take one; but he said he could not. I
was a good deal mortified at this usage, and told him I had no notion that he
intended thus to impose on me; nor could I think well of any man that was so much
worse than his word. On this we had some disagreement, and I gave him to
understand, that I intended to leave the vessel. At this he appeared to be very
much dejected; and our mate who had been very sickly, and whose duty had long devolved upon me,
advised him to persuade me to stay: in consequence of which he spoke very kindly
to me, making many fair promises, telling me, that, as the mate was so sickly, he
could not do without me; and that, as the safety of the vessel and cargo depended
greatly upon me, he therefore hoped that I would not be offended at what had
passed between us, and swore he would make up all matters when we arrived in the
West-Indies; so I consented to slave on as before. Soon after this, as the
bullocks were coming on board, one of them ran at the Captain, and butted him so
furiously in the breast, that he never recovered of the blow. In order to make me
some amends for his treatment about the bullocks, the Captain now pressed me very
much to take some turkeys, and other fowls, with me, and gave me liberty to take as many as I could find
room for: but I told him he knew very well I had never carried any turkeys before,
as I always thought they were such tender birds that they were not fit to cross
the seas. However, he continued to press me to buy them for once; and, what seemed
very surprising to me, the more I was against it, the more he urged my taking
them, insomuch that he ensured me from all losses that might happen by them, and I
was prevailed on to take them; but I thought this very strange, as he had never
acted so with me before. This, and not being able to dispose of my paper-money any
other way, induced me at length to take four dozen. The turkeys, however, I was so
dissatisfied about that I determined to make no more voyages to this quarter, nor
with this captain; and was very apprehensive that my free voyage would be the
worst I had ever made.
We set sail for Montserrat.
The captain and mate had been both complaining of sickness when we sailed, and as
we proceeded on our voyage they grew worse. This was about November, and we had
not been long at sea before we began to meet with strong northerly gales and rough
seas; and in about seven or eight days all the bullocks were near being drowned,
and four or five of them died. Our vessel, which had not been tight at first, was much less so now: and, though we were
but nine in the whole, including five sailors and myself, yet we were obliged to
attend to the pumps every half or three quarters of an hour. The captain and mate
came on deck as often as they were able, which was now but seldom; for they
declined so fast, that they were not well enough to make observations above four
or five times the whole voyage. The whole care of the vessel rested, therefore upon me, and I was obliged to
direct her by mere dint of reason, not being able to work a traverse. The captain
was now very sorry he had not taught me navigation, and protested, if ever he
should get well again, he would not fail to do so; but in about seventeen days his
illness increased so much, that he was obliged to keep his bed, continuing
sensible, however, till the last, constantly having the owner's interest at heart;
for this just and benevolent man ever appeared much concerned about the welfare of
what he was intrusted with. When this dear friend found the symptoms of death
approaching, he called me by my name; and, when I came to him, he asked (with
almost his last breath) if he had ever done me any harm? 'God forbid I should think so,' replied I,
'I should then be the most ungrateful of
wretches to the best of benefactors.' While I was thus expressing my
affection and sorrow by his bedside, he expired without saying another word; and
the day following we committed his body to the deep. Every man on board loved him,
and regretted his death; but I was exceedingly affected at it, and found that I
did not know, till he was gone, the strength of my regard for him. Indeed I had
every reason in the world to be attached to him; for, besides that he was in
general mild, affable, generous, faithful, benevolent, and just, he was to me a
friend and father; and had it pleased Providence, that he had died about five
months before, I verily believe I should not have obtained my freedom when I did;
and it is no improbable that I might not have been able to get it at any rate
afterwards.
The captain being dead, the
mate came on the deck, and made such observations as he was able, but to no
purpose. In the course of a few days more, the few bullocks that remained were
found dead; but the turkies I had, though on the deck, and exposed to so much wet
and bad weather, did well, and I afterwards gained near three hundred per cent, on
the sale of them; so that in the event it proved a happy circumstance for me that
I had not bought the bullocks I intended, for they must have perished with the
rest; and I could not help looking on this, otherwise trifling circumstance, as a
particular providence of God, and was thankful accordingly. The care of the vessel
took up all my time, and engaged my attention entirely. As we were now out of the
variable winds, I thought I should not be much puzzled to hit upon the islands. I was persuaded
I steered right for Antigua, which I wished to reach, as the nearest to us; and in
the course of nine or ten days we made this island, to our great joy; and the day
after we came safe to Montserrat.
Many were surprised when they heard of my conducting the sloop into the port, and
I now obtained a new appellation, and was called Captain. This elated me not a little, and it
was quite flattering to my vanity to be thus styled by as high a title as any
freeman in this place possessed. When the death of the captain became known, he
was much regretted by all who knew him; for he was a man universally respected. At
the same time the sable Captain lost no fame; for the success I had met with
increased the affection of my friends in no small measure.
CHAP. VIII.
The author, to oblige Mr. King, once more embarks for Georgia
in one of his vessels—A new captain is appointed—They sail, and steer a new
course—Three remarkable dreams—The vessel is shipwrecked on the Bahama Bank,
but the crew are preserved, principally by means of the author—He sets out
from the island with the captain, in a small boat, in quest of a ship—Their
distress—Meet with a wrecker—Sail for Providence—Are overiaken again by a
terrible storm, and are all near perishing—Arrive at New Providence—The
author, after some time, sails from thence to Georgia—Meets with another
storm, and is obliged to put back and resit—Arrives at Georgia—Meets new
impositions—Two white men attempt
to kidnap him—Officiates as a parson at a funeral
ceremony—Bids adieu to Georgia, and sails for Martinico.
As I had now, by the death of my captain, lost my great benefactor and friend, I
had little inducement to remain longer in the West Indies, except my gratitude to
Mr. King, which I thought I had pretty well discharged in bringing back his vessel
safe, and delivering his cargo to his satisfaction. I began to think of leaving
this part of the world, of which I had been long tired, and returning to England,
where my heart had always been; but Mr. King still pressed me very much to stay
with his vessel; and he had done so much for me that I found myself unable to
refuse his requests, and consented to go another voyage to Georgia, as the mate,
from his ill state of health,
was quite useless in the vessel. Accordingly a new captain was appointed, whose
name was William Phillips, an old acquaintance of mine; and, having refitted our
vessel, and taken several slaves on board, we set sail for St. Eustatia, where we
stayed but a few days: and on the 30th of January 1767, we steered for Georgia.
Our new captain boasted strangely of his skill in navigating and conducting a
vessel; and in consequence of this he steered a new course, several points more to
the westward than we ever did before; this appeared to me very extraordinary.
On the fourth of February, which was soon after we had got into our new course, I
dreamt the ship was wrecked amidst the surfs and rocks, and that I was the means
of saving every one on board; and on the night following I dreamed the very same
dream. These dreams however
made no impression on my mind; and the next evening, it being my watch below, I
was pumping the vessel a little after eight o'clock, just before I went off the
deck, as is the custom; and being weary with the duty of the day, and tired at the
pump, (for we made a good deal of water) I began to express my impatience, and
uttered with an oath, 'Damn the vessel's bottom
out.' But my conscience instantly smote me for the expression. When I
left the deck I went to bed, and had scarcely fallen asleep when I dreamed the
same dream again about the ship as I had dreamt the two preceeding nights. At
twelve o'clock the watch was changed; and, as I had always the charge of the
captain's watch, I then went upon deck. At half after one in the morning the man
at the helm saw something under the lee-beam that the sea washed
against, and he immediately called to me that there was a grampus, and desired me to look at it. Accordingly I
stood up and observed it for some time; but, when I saw the sea wash up against it
again and again, I said it was not a fish but a rock. Being soon certain of this,
I went down to the captain, and, with some confusion, told him the danger we were
in, and desired him to come upon deck immediately. He said it was very well, and I
went up again. As soon as I was upon deck, the wind, which had been pretty high,
having abated a little, the vessel began to be carried sideways towards the rock,
by means of the current. Still the captain did not appear. I therefore went to him
again, and told him the vessel was then near a large rock, and desired he would
come up with all speed. He
said he would, and I returned to the deck. When I was upon the deck again I saw we
were not above a pistol shot from the rock, and I heard the noise of the breakers
all around us. I was exceedingly alarmed at this; and the captain having not yet
come on the deck I lost all patience; and, growing quite enraged, I ran down to
him again, and asked him why he did not come up, and what he could mean by all
this? 'The breakers,' said I, 'are round us, and the vessel is almost on the
rock.' With that he came on the deck with me, and we tried to put the
vessel about, and get her out of the current, but all to no purpose, the wind
being very small. We then called all hands up immediately; and after a little we
got up one end of a cable, and fastened it to the anchor. By this time the surf
was foamed round us, and made
a dreadful noise on the breakers, and the very moment we let the anchor go the
vessel struck against the rocks. One swell now succeeded another, as it were one
wave calling on its fellow; the roaring of the billows increased, and, with one
single heave of the swells, the sloop was pierced and transfixed among the rocks!
in a moment a scene of horror presented itself to my mind, such as I never had
conceived or experienced before. All my sins stared me in the face; and
especially, I thought that God had hurled his direful vengeance on my guilty head
for cursing the vessel on which my life depended. My spirits at this forsook me,
and I expected every moment to go to the bottom: I determined if I should still be
saved that I would never swear again. And in the midst of my distress, while the
dreadful surfs were dashing
with unremitting fury among the rocks, I remembered the Lord, though fearful that
I was undeserving of forgiveness, and I thought that as he had often delivered he
might yet deliver; and, calling to mind the many mercies he had shewn me in times
past, they gave me some small hope that he might still help me. I then began to
think how we might be saved; and I believe no mind was ever like mine so replete
with inventions and confused with schemes, though how to escape death I knew not.
The captain immediately ordered the hatches to be nailed down on the slaves in the
hold, where there were above twenty, all of whom must unavoidably have perished if
he had been obeyed. When he desired the man to nail down the hatches I thought
that my sin was the cause of this, and that God would charge me with these people's blood.
This thought rushed upon my mind that instant with such violence, that it quite
overpowered me, and I fainted. I recovered just as the people were about to nail
down the hatches; perceiving which, I desired them to stop. The captain then said
it must be done: I asked him why? He said that every one would endeavour to get
into the boat, which was but small, and thereby we should be drowned; for it would
not have carried above ten at the most. I could no longer restrain my emotion, and
I told him he deserved drowning for not knowing how to navigate the vessel; and I
believe the people would have tossed him overboard if I had given them the least
hint of it. However the hatches were not nailed down; and, as none of us could
leave the vessel then on account of the darkness, and as we knew not where to go, and
were convinced besides that the boat could not survive the surfs, we all said we
would remain on the dry part of the vessel, and trust to God till daylight
appeared, when we should know better what to do.
I then advised to get the boat prepared against morning, and some of us began to
set about it; but others abandoned all care of the ship and themselves, and fell
to drinking. Our boat had a piece out of her bottom near two feet long, and we had
no materials to mend her; however, necessity being the mother of invention, I took
some pump leather and nailed it to the broken part, and plastered it over with
tallow-grease. And, thus prepared, with the utmost anxiety of mind we watched for
day-light, and thought every minute an hour till it appeared. At last it saluted our longing eyes,
and kind Providence accompanied its approach with what was no small comfort to us;
for the dreadful swells began to subside; and the next thing that we discovered to
raise our drooping spirits, was a small key or desolate island, about five or six
miles off; but a barrier soon presented itself; for there was not water enough for
our boat to go over the reefs, and this threw us again into a sad consternation;
but there was no alternative, we were therefore obliged to put but few in the boat
at once; and, what was still worse, all of us were frequently under the necessity
of getting out to drag and lift it over the reefs. This cost us much labour and
fatigue; and, what was yet more distressing, we could not avoid having our legs
cut and torn very much with the rocks. There were only four people that would work with me at the oars;
and they consisted of three black men and a Dutch creole sailor; and, though we
went with the boat five times that day, we had no others to assist us. But, had we
not worked in this manner, I really believe the people could not have been saved;
for not one of the white men did any thing to preserve their lives; indeed they
soon got so drunk that they were not able, but lay about the deck like swine, so
that we were at last obliged to lift them into the boat, and carry them on shore
by force. This want of assistance made our labour intolerably severe; insomuch,
that, by going on shore so often that day, the skin was partly stript off my
hands.
However, we continued all the day to toil and strain our exertions, till we had
brought all on board safe to the shore, so that out of thirty-two people we lost not one.
My dream now returned upon my mind with all its force; it was fulfilled in every
part; for our danger was the same I had dreamt of; and I could not help looking on
myself as the principal instrument in effecting our deliverance: for, owing to
some of our people getting drunk, the rest of us were obliged to double our
exertions; and it was fortunate we did, for in a very little time longer the patch
of leather on the boat would have been worn out, and she would have been no longer
fit for service. Situated as we were, who could think that men should be so
careless of the danger they were in? for, if the wind had but raised the swell as
it was when the vessel struck, we must have bid a final farewel to all hopes of
deliverance; and though, I warned the people who were drinking, and entreated them
to embrace the moment of deliverance, nevertheless they persisted, as if not
possessed of the least spark of reason. I could not help thinking, that, if any of
these people had been lost, God would charge me with their lives, which, perhaps,
was one cause of my labouring so hard for their preservation, and indeed every one
of them afterwards seemed so sensible of the service I had rendered them, that
while we were on the key I was a kind of chieftian amongst them. I brought some
limes, oranges, and lemons a shore; and, finding it to be a good soil where we
were, I planted several of them as a token to any one that might be cast away
hereafter. This key, as we afterwards found, was one of the Bahama islands, which
consist of a cluster of large islands, with smaller ones or keys, as they are
called, interspersed among them. It was about a mile in circumference, with a
white sandy beach running in a regular order along it. On that part of it where we
first attempted to land there stood some very large birds, called slamingoes:
these, from the reflection of the sun, appeared to us at a little distance as
large as men; and, when they walked backwards and forwards, we could not conceive
what they were: our captain swore they were cannibals. This created a great panic
among us; and we held a consultation how to act. The captain wanted to go to a key
that was within sight, but a great way off; but I was against it, as in so doing
we should not be able to save all the people;
'And therefore,'said I, 'let us go
on shore here, and perhaps these cannibals may take to the water.'
Accordingly we steered toward
them; and when we approached them, to our very great joy and no less wonder, they
walked off one after the other very deliberately; and at last they took flight and
relieved us entirely from our fears. About the key there were turtles and several
sorts of fish in such abundance that we caught them without bait, which was a
great relief to us after the salt provisions on board. There was also a large rock
on the beach, about ten feet high, which was in the form of a punch-bowl at the
top; this we could not help thinking Providence had ordained to supply us with
rain-water; and it was something singular that, if we did not take the water when
it rained, in some little time after it would turn as salt as sea-water.
Our first care, after refreshment, was to make ourselves tents to lodge in which we did as well as we
could with some sails we had brought from the ship. We then began to think how we
might get from this place, which was quite uninhabited; and we determined to
repair our boat, which was very much shattered, and to put to sea in quest of a
ship or some inhabited island. It took us up however eleven days before we could
get the boat ready for sea in the manner we wanted it, with a sail and other
necessaries. When we had got all things prepared, the captain wanted me to stay on
shore while he went to sea in quest of a vessel to take all the people off the
key; but this I refused; and the captain and myself, with five more, set off in
the boat towards New Providence. We had no more than two musket load of gun-powder
with us if any thing should happen; and our stock of provisions consisted of three gallons of rum,
four of water, some salt beef, some biscuit; and in this manner we proceeded to
sea.
On the second day of our voyage, we came to an island called Abbico, the largest
of the Bahama islands. We were much in want of water; for by this time our water
was expended, and we were exceedingly fatigued in pulling two days in the heat of
the sun; and it being late in the evening, we hauled the boat ashore to try for
water and remain during the night: when we came ashore we searched for water, but
could find none. When it was dark, we made a fire around us for fear of the wild
beasts, as the place was an entire thick wood, and we took it by turns to watch.
In this situation we found very little rest, and waited with impatience for the
morning. As soon as the light
appeared we set off again with our boat, in hopes of finding assistance during the
day. We were now much dejected and weakened by pulling the boat; for our sail was
of no use, and we were almost famished for want of fresh water to drink. We had
nothing left to eat but salt beef, and that we could not use without water. In
this situation we toiled all day in sight of the island, which was very long; in
the evening, seeing no relief, we made shore again, and fastened our boat. We then
went to look for fresh water, being quite faint for the want of it; and we dug and
searched about for some all the remainder of the even ing, but could not find one
drop, so that our dejection at this period became excessive, and our terror so
great, that we expected nothing but death to deliver us. We could not touch our
beef, which was salt as
brine, without fresh water; and we were in the greatest terror from the
apprehension of wild beasts. When unwelcome night came we acted as on the night
before; and the next morning we set off again from the island in hopes of seeing
some vessel. In this manner we toiled as well as we were able till four o'clock,
during which we passed several keys, but could not meet with a ship; and, still
famishing with thirst, went ashore on one of those keys again in hopes of finding
some water. Here we found some leaves with a few drops of water in them, which we
lapped with much eagerness; we then dug in several places, but without success. As
we were digging holes in search of water there came forth some very thick and
black stuff; but none of us could touch it, except the poor Dutch CreCreole, who drank above a quart of it
as eagerly as if had been wine. We tried to catch fish, but could not; and we now
began to repine at our fate, and abandon ourselves to despair; when, in the midst
of our murmuring, the captain all at once cried out. 'A sail! a sail! a sail!' This gladdening
sound was like a reprieve to a convict, and we all instantly turned to look at it;
but in a little time some of us began to be afraid it was not a sail. However, at
a venture, we embarked and steered after it; and, in half an hour to our
unspeakable joy, we plainly saw that it was a vessel. At this our drooping spirits
revived, and we made towards her with all the speed imaginable. When we came near
to her, we found she was a little sloop about the size of a Gravesend hoy, and
quite full or people; a circumstance which we could not make out the meaning of.
Our captain, who was a Welchman, swore that they were pirates, and would kill us.
I said, be that as it might, we must board her if we were to die by it; and, if
they should not receive us kindly, we must oppose them as well as we could; for
there was no alternative between their pe rishing and ours. This counsel was
immediately taken; and I really believe that the captain, myself, and the
Dutchman, would then have faced twenty men. We had two cutlasses and a musquet,
that I brought in the boat; and in this situation, we rowed alongside, and
immediately boarded her. I believe there were about forty hands on board; but how
great was our surprise, as soon as we got on board, to find that the major part of
them were in the same
predicament as ourselves.
They belonged to a whaling schooner that was wrecked two days before us about nine
miles to the north of our vessel. When she was wrecked some of them had taken to
their boats and had left some of their people and property on a key, in the same
manner as we had done; and were going, like us, to New Providence in quest of a
ship, when they met with this little sloop, called a wrecker; their employment in
those seas being to look after wrecks. They were then going to take the remainder
of the people be longing to the schooner; for which the wrecker was to have all
things belonging to the vessel, and likewise their people's help to get what they
could out of her, and were then to carry the crew to New Providence.
We told the people of the
wrecker the condition of our vessel, and we made the same agreement with them as
the schooner's people; and, on their complying, we begged of them to go to our key
directly, because our people were in want of water. They agreed, therefore, to go
along with us first; and in two days we arrived at the key, to the inexpressible
joy of the people that we had left behind, as they had been reduced to great
extremities for want of water in our absence. Luckily for us, the wrecker had now
more people on board than she could carry or victual for any moderate length of
time; they therefore hired the schooner's people to work on the wreck, and we left
them our boat, and embarked for New Providence.
Nothing could have been more fortunate than our meeting with this wrecker, for New Providence was at
such a distance that we never could have reached it in our boat. The island of
Abbico was much longer than we expected; and it was not till after sailing for
three or four days that we got safe to the farther end of it, towards New
Providence. When we arrived there we watered, and got a good many lobsters and
other shellfish; which proved a great relief to us, as our provisions and water
were almost exhausted. We then proceeded on our voyage; but the day after we left
the Island, late in the evening, and whilst we were yet amongst the Bahama keys,
we were overtaken by a violent gale of wind, so that we were obliged to cut away
the mast. The vessel was very near foundering; for she parted from her anchors,
and struck several times on the shoals. Here we expected every minute that she would have gone to pieces, and
each moment to be our last; so much so, that my old captain and sickly useless
mate, and several others, fainted; and death stared us in the face on every side.
All the swearers on board now began to call on the God of Heaven to assist them:
and, sure enough, beyond our comprehension he did assist us, and in a miraculous
manner delivered us! In the very height of our extremity the wind lulled for a few
minutes; and, although the swell was high beyond expression, two men, who were
expert swimmers, attempted to go to the buoy of the anchor, which we still saw on
the water, at some distance, in a little punt that belonged to the wrecker, which
was not large enough to carry more than two. she filled at different times in
their endeavours to get into
her alongside of our vessel; and they saw nothing but death before them, as well
as we; but they said they might as well die that way as any other. A coil of very
small rope, with a little buoy, was put in along with them; and, at last, with
great hazard, they got the punt clear from the vessel; and these two intrepid
water heroes paddled away for life towards the buoy of the anchor. Our eyes were
fixed on them all the time, expecting every minute to be their last: and the
prayers of all those that remained in their senses were of fered up to God, on
their behalf, for a speedy deliverance, and for our own, which depended on them;
and he heard and answered us! These two men at last reached the buoy; and, having
fastened the punt to it, they tied one end of their rope to the small buoy that they had in the punt, and
sent it adrift towards the vessel. We on board observing this threw out boat-hooks
and leads fastened to lines, in order to catch the buoy: at last we caught it, and
fastened a hawser to the end of the small rope; we then gave them a sign to pull,
and they pulled the hawser to them, and fastened it to the buoy: which being done
we hauled for our lives; and, through the mercy of God, we got again from the
shoals into deep water, and the punt got safe to the vessel. It is impossible for
any to conceive our heart-felt joy at this second deliverance from ruin, but those
who have suffered the same hardships. Those whose strength and senses were gone,
came to themselves, and were now as elated as they were before depressed. Two days
after this the wind ceased, and the water became smooth. The punt then went on shore, and we cut down
some trees; and having found our mast and mended it we brought it on board, and
fixed it up. As soon as we had done this we got up the anchor, and away we went
once more for New Providence, which in three days more we reached safe, after
having been above three weeks in a situation in which we did not expect to escape
with life. The inhabitants here were very kind to us; and, when they learned our
situation, shewed us a great deal of hospitality and friendship. soon after this
every one of my old fellow-sufferers that were free parted from us, and shaped
their course where their inclination led them. One merchant, who had a large
sloop, seeing our condition, and knowing we wanted to go to Georgia, told four of
us that his vessel was going there; and, if we would work on board and load her, he
would give us our passage free. As we could not get any wages whatever, and sound
it very hard to get off the place, we were obliged to consent to his proposal; and
we went on board and helped to load the sloop, though we had only our victuals
allowed us. When she was entirely loaded, he told us she was going to Jamaica
first, where we must go if we went in her. This, however, I refused; but my
fellow-sufferers not having any money to help themselves with, necessity obliged
them to accept of the offer, and to steer that course, though they did not like
it.
We stayed in New Providence about seventeen or eighteen days; during which time I
met with many friends, who gave me encouragement to stay there with them, but I
declined it; though, had not
my heart been fixed on England, I should have stayed, as I liked the place
extremely, and there were some free black people here who were very happy, and we
passed our time pleasantly together, with the melodious sound of the catguts,
under the lime and lemon trees. At length Captain Phillips hired a sloop to carry
him and some of the slaves that he could not sell to Georgia; and I agreed to go
with him in this vessel, meaning now to take my farewel of that place. When the
vessel was ready we all embarked; and I took my leave of New Providence, not
without regret. We sailed about four o'clock the morning with a fair wind, for
Georgia; and about eleven o'clock the same morning, a sudden and short gale sprung
up and blew away most of our fails; and, as we were still among the keys, in a very few minutes it dashed
the sloop against the rocks. Luckily for us the water was deep; and the sea was
not so angry, but that, after having for some time laboured hard, and being many
in number, we were saved, through God's mercy: and, by using our greatest
exertions, we got the vessel off. The next day we returned to Providence, where we
soon got her again refitted. some of the people swore that we had spells set upon
us by somebody in Montserrat; and others that we had witches and wizzards amongst
the poor helpless slaves; and that we never should arrive safe at Georgia. But
these things did not de ter me; I said, 'Let us
again face the winds and seas, and swear not, but trust to God, and he will
deliver us.' We therefore once more set sail; and, with hard labour in seven days time
arrived safe at Georgia.
After our arrival we went up to the town of savannah; and the same even ing I went
to a friend's house to lodge, whose name was Mosa, a black man. We were very happy
at meeting each other; and after supper we had a light till it was between nine
and ten o'clock at night. About that time the watch or patrol came by; and,
discerning a light in the house, they knocked at the door: we opened it; and they
came in and sat down and drank some punch with us: they also begged some limes of
me, as they understood I had some, which I readily gave them. A little after this
they told me I must go to the watch-house with them: this surprised me a good
deal, after our kindness to them; and I asked them, Why so? They said that all
negroes who had a light in
their houses after nine o'clock were to be taken into custody, and either pay some
dollars or be flogged. some of those people knew that I was a free man; but, as
the man of the house was not free, and had his master to protect him, they did not
take the same liberty with him they did with me. I told them that I was a free
man, and just arrived from Providence; that we were not making any noise, and that
I was not a stranger in that place, but was very well known there: 'Besides,' said I, 'what will you do with me?'—'That
you shall see,'replied they, 'but
you must go to the watch-house with us.' Now whether they meant to get
money from me or not I was at a loss to know; but I thought immediately of the
oranges and limes at santa Cruz: and seeing that nothing would pacify them I went
with them to the
watch-house, where I remained during the night. Early the next morning these
imposing ruffians flogged a negro-man and woman that they had in the watch-house,
and then they told me that I must be flogged too. I asked why? and if there was no
law for free men? and told them if there was I would have it put in force against
them. But this only exasperated them the more, and instantly swore they would
serve me as Doctor Perkins had done; and were going to lay violent hands on me;
when one of them, more humane than the rest, said that as I was a free man they
could not justify stripping me by law. I then immediately sent for Doctor Brady,
who was known to be an honest and worthy man; and on his coming to my assistance
they let me go.
This was not the only
disagreeable incident I met with while I was in this place; for, one day, while I
was a little way out of the town of savannah, I was beset by two white men, who
meant to play their usual tricks with me in the way of kidnapping. As soon as
these men accosted me, one of them said to the other, 'This is the very fellow we are looking for, that
you lost:' and the other swore immediately that I was the identical
person. On this they made up to me, and were about to handle me; but I told them
to be still and keep off; for I had seen those kind of tricks played upon other
free blacks, and they must not think to serve me so. At this they paused a little,
and one said to the other—it will not do; and the other answered that I talked two
good English. I replied, I believed I did; and I had also with me a revengeful stick equal to the
occasion; and my mind was likewise good. Happily however it was not used; and,
after we had talked together a little in this manner, the rogues left me.
I stayed in savannah some time, anxiously trying to get to Montserrat once more to
see Mr. King, my old master, and then to take a final farewel of the American
quarter of the globe. At last I met with a sloop called the speedwell, Captain
John Bunton, which be longed to Grenada, and was bound to Martinico, a French
island, with a cargo of rice, and I shipped myself on board of her.
Before I left Georgia, a black woman who had a child lying dead, being very
tenacious of the church burial service, and not able to get any white person to
perform it, applied to me for that purpose. I told her I was no parson; and besides, that the service over the
dead did not affect the soul. This however did not satisfy her; she still urged me
very hard: I therefore complied with her earnest entreaties, and at last consented
to act the parson for the sirst time in my life. As she was much respected, there
was a great company both of white and black people at the grave. I then
accordingly as sumed my new vocation, and performed the funeral ceremony to the
satisfaction of all present; after which I bade adieu to Georgia, and sailed sor
Martinico.
CHAP. IX.
The author arrives at Martinico—Meets with new
difficulties—Gets to Montserrat, where he takes leave of his old master, and
sails for England—Meets Capt. Pascal—Learns the French horn—Hires himself
with Doctor Irving, where be learns to freshen sea water—Leaves the doctor,
and goes a voyage to Turkey and Portugal; and afterwards goes a voyage to
Grenada, and another to Jamaica—Returns to the Doctor, and they embark
together on a voyage to the North Pole, with the Hon. Capt. Phipps—some
account of that voyage, and the dangers the author was in—He returns to
England.
I THUs took a final leave of Georgia; for the treatment I had received in it disgusted me very much against
the place; and when I left it and sailed for Martinico I determined never more to
revisit it. My new captain conducted his vessel safer than my former one; and,
after an agreeable voyage, we got safe to our intended port. While I was on this
island I went about a good deal, and found it very pleasant: in parti cular I
admired the town of st. Pierre, which is the principal one in the island, and
built more like an European town than any I had seen in the West Indies. In
general also, slaves were better treated, had more holidays, and looked better
than those in the English islands. After we had done our business here, I wanted
my discharge, which was necessary; for it was then the month of May, and I wished
much to be at Montserrat to bid farewel to Mr. King, and all my other friends there, in time to sail
for Old England in the July fleet. But, alas! I had put a great stumbling block in
my own way, by which I was near losing my passage that season to Eng land. I had
lent my captain some money, which I now wanted to enable me to prosecute my
intentions. This I told him; but when I applied for it, though I urged the
necessity of my occasion, I met with so much shuffling from him, that I began at
last to be afraid of losing my money, as I could not recover it by law; for I have
already mentioned, that throughout the West Indies no black man's testimony is
admitted, on any occasion, against any white person whatever, and therefore my own
oath would have been of no use. I was obliged, therefore, to remain with him till
he might be disposed to return it to me. Thus we sailed from Martinico for the
Grenades. I frequently pressing the captain for my money to no purpose; and, to
render my condition worse, when we got there, the captain and his owners quar
relled; so that my situation became daily more irksome: for besides that we on
board had little or no victuals allowed us, and I could not get my money nor
wages, as I could then have gotten my passage free to Montserrat had I been able
to accept it. The worst of all was, that it was growing late in July, and the
ships in the islands must sail by the 26th of that month. At last, however, with a
great many entreaties, I got my money from the captain, and took the first vessel
I could meet with for st Eustatia. From thence I went in another to Basseterre in
st. Kitts, where I arrived on the 19th of July. On the 22d, having met with a vessel bound to Montserrat, I
wanted to go in her; but the captain and others would not take me on board until I
should advertise myself, and give notice of my going off the island. I told them
of my haste to be in Montserrat, and that the time then would not admit of
advertising, it being late in the evening, and the vessel about to sail; but he
insisted it was necessary, and otherwise he said he would not take me. This
reduced me to great perplexity; for if I should be compelled to submit to this
degrading necessity, which every black freeman is under, of advertising himself
like a slave, when he leaves an island, and which I thought a gross imposition
upon any freeman, I feared I should miss that opportunity of going to Montserrat,
and then I could not get to England that year. The vessel was just going off, and
no time could be lost; I
immediately therefore set about, with a heavy heart, to try who I could get to
befriend me in complying with the demands of the captain. Luckily I found, in a
few minutes, some gentlemen of Montserrat whom I knew; and, having told them my
situation, I requested their friendly assistance in helping me off the island.
some of them, on this, went with me to the captain, and satis fied him of my
freedom; and, to my very great joy, he desired me to go on board. We then set
sail, and the next day, 23d, I arrived at the wished-for place, after an absence
of six months, in which I had more than once experienced the delivering hand of
Provi dence, when all human means of escap ing destruction seemed hopeless. I saw
my friends with a gladness of heart which was increased by my absence and the
dangers I had escaped, and I was received with great friendship by them all, but particularly by Mr.
King, to whom I related the fate of his floop, the Nancy, and the causes of her
being wrecked. I now learned with extreme sorrow, that his house was washed away
during my absence, by the bursting of a pond at the top of a mountain that was
opposite the town of Plymouth. It swept great part of the town away, and Mr. King
lost a great deal of property from the inundation, and nearly his life. When I
told him I intended to go to London that season, and that I had come to visit him
before my departure, the good man expressed a great deal of affection for me, and
sorrow that I should leave him, and warmly advised me to stay there; insisting, as
I was much respected by all the gentlemen in the place, that I might do very well,
and in a short time have land and slaves of my own. I thanked him for this instance of his friendship;
but, as I wished very much to be in London, I declined remaining any longer there,
and begged he would excuse me. I then requested he would be kind enough to give me
a certificate of my behaviour while in his service, which he very readily comp ied
with, and gave me the following:
Montserrat,
January 26, 1767.
The bearer hereof, Gustavus Vasa, was my slave for upwards of three years,
during which he has always behaved himsels well, and discharged his duty
with honesty and assiduity.
ROBERT KING.
To all to whom this may concern.
Having obtained this, I parted from my kind master, after many sincere professions
of gratitude and regard, and
prepared for my departure for London. I immediately agreed to go with one Capt.
John Hamer, for seven guineas (the passage to London) on board a ship called, the
Andromache; and on the 24th and 25th, I had free dances, as they are called, with
some of my countrymen, previous to my seeting off; after which I took leave of all
my friends, and on the 26th I embarked for London, exceedingly glad to see myself
once more on board of a ship; and still more so, in steering the course I had long
wished for. With a light heart I bade Montserrat farewell, and never had my feet
on it since; and with it I bade adieu to the sound of the cruel whip, and all
other dreadful instruments of torture; adieu to the offensive sight of the
violated chastity of the sable females, which has too often accosted my eyes;
adieu to oppressions (although
to me less severe than most of my countrymen); and adieu to the angry howling,
dashing surfs. I wished for a grateful and thankful heart to praise the Lord God
on high for all his mercies! in this extasy I steered the ship all night.
We had a most prosperous voyage, and, at the end of seven weeks, arrived at
Cherry-Garden stairs. Thus were my longing eyes once more gratified with a sight
of London, after having been absent from it above four years. I immediately
received my wages, and I never had earned seven guineas so quick in my life
before; I had thirty-seven guineas in all, when I got cleared of the ship. I now
entered upon a scene quite new to me, but full of hope. In this situation my first
thoughts were to look out for some of my former friends, and amongst the first of
those were the Miss Guerins. Assoon, therefore, as I had regaled myself I went in
quest of those kind ladies,
whom I was very impatient to see; and with some difficulty and perseverance, I
found them at May's-hill, Greenwich. They were most agreeably surprised to see me,
and I quite overjoyed at meeting with them. I told them my history, at which they
expressed great wonder, and freely acknowledged it did their cousin, Capt. Pascal,
no honour. He then visited there frequently; and I met him four or five days after
in Greenwich park. When he saw me he appeared a good deal surprised, and asked me
how I came back? I answered, 'In a
ship.' To which he replied dryly, 'I
suppose you did not walk back to London on the water.'As I saw, by his
manner, that he did not seem to be sorry for his behaviour to me, and that I had
not much reason to expect any favour from him, I told him that he had used me very ill, after I had been
such a faithful servant to him for so many years; on which, without saying any
more, he turned about and went away. A few days after this I met Capt. Pascal at
Miss Guerin's house, and asked him for my prize-money. He said there was none due
to me; for, if my prize-money had been 10,000l. he had a right to it all. I told
him I was informed otherwise: on which he bade me defiance; and in a bantering
tone, desired me to commence a law suit against him for it: 'There are lawyers enough,' said he, 'that will take the cause in hand, and you had
better try it.' I told him then that I would try it, which enraged him
very much; however, out of regard to the ladies, I remained still, and never made
any farther demand of my right. some time afterwards these sriendly ladies asked
me what I meant to do with
myself, and now they could assist me. I thanked them, and said, if they pleased, I
would be their servant; but if not, I had thirty-seven gnineas, which would sup
port me for some time, I would be much obliged to them to recommend me to some
person who would teach me a business whereby I might earn my living. They answered
me very politely, that they were sorry it did not suit them to take me as their
servant, and asked me what business I should like to learn? I said, hair-dressing.
They then promised to assist me in this; and soon after they recommended me to a
gentleman whom I had known before, one Capt. O'Hara, who treated me with much
kindness, and procured me a master, a hair-dresser, in Coventry-court, Haymarket,
with whom he placed me. I was with this man from september till the February following. In that
time we had a neighbour in the same court who taught the French-horn. He used to
blow it so well that I was charmed with it, and agreed with him to teach me to
blow it. Accordingly he took me in hand, and began to instruct me, and I soon
learned all the three parts. I took great delight in blowing on this instrument,
the evenings being long; and besides that I was fond of it, I did not like to be
idle, and it filled up my vacant hours innocently. At this time also I agreed with
the Rev. Mr. Gregory, who lived in the same court, where he kept an academy and an
evening-school, to improve me in arithmetic. This he did as far as barter and
alligation; so that all the time I was there I was entirely employed. In February
1768, I hired myself to Dr. Charles Irving, in Pallmall, so celebrated for his successful
experiments in making sea water fresh; and here I had plenty of hair dressing to
improve my hand. This gentleman was an excellent master; he was exceed ingly kind
and good tempered; and allowed me in the evenings to attend my schools, which I
esteemed a great blessing; therefore I thanked God and him for it, and used all my
diligence to improve the opportunity. This diligence and attention recommended me
to the notice and care of my three preceptors, who on their parts bestowed a great
deal of pains in my instruction, and besides were all very kind to me. My wages,
however, which were by two thirds less than ever I had in my life (for I had only
12l. per annum) I soon found would not be sufficient to defray this extraordinary
expence of masters, and my own necessary ex pences; my old thirty-seven guineas had by
this time worn all away to one. I thought it best, therefore, to try the sea again
in quest of more money, as I had been bred to it, and had hitherto found the
profession of it successful. I had also a very great desire to see Turkey, and I
now determined to gratify it. Accordingly, in the month of May, 1768, I told the
doctor my wish to go to sea again, to which he made no opposition; and we parted
on friendly terms. The same day I went into the city in quest of a master. I was
ex tremely fortunate in my inquiry; for I soon heard of a gentleman who had a ship
going to Italy and Turkey, and he wanted a man who could dress hair well. I was
overjoyed at this, and went immediately on board of his ship, as I had been
directed, which I found to be fitted up with great taste, and I already foreboded no small pleasure in sailing
in her. Not finding the gentleman on board, I was directed to his lodgings, where
I met with him the next day, and gave him a specimen of my dressing. He liked it
so well that he hired me immediately, so that I was perfectly happy; for the ship,
master, and voyage, were intirely to my mind. The ship was called the Delawar, and
my master's name was John Jolly, a neat smart good humoured man, just such an one
as I wished to serve. We sailed from England in July following, and our voyage was
extremely pleasant. We went to Villa Franca, Nice, and Leghorn; and in all these
places I was charmed with the richness and beauty of the countries, and struck
with the elegant buildings with which they abound. We had always in them plenty of
extraordinary good wines and
rich fruits, which I was very fond of; and I had frequent occasions of gratify ing
both my taste and curiosity; for my captain always lodged on shore in those
places, which afforded me opportunities to see the country around. I also learned
navigation of the mate, which I was very sond of. When we left Italy we had
delightful sailing among the Archipelago islands, and from thence to smyrna in
Turkey. This is a very ancient city; the houses are built of stone, and most of
them have graves adjoining to them; so that they sometimes present the appearence
of church-yards. Provisions are very plentiful in this city, and good wine less
than a penny a pint. The grapes, pomegranates, and many other fruits, were also
the richest and largest I ever tasted. The natives are well looking and strong
made, and treated me al ways
with great civility. In general I believe they are fond of black peo ple; and
several of them gave me pressing invitations to stay amongst them, although they
keep the franks, or Christians, separate, and do not suffer them to dwell
immediately amongst them. I was astonished in not seeing women in any of their
shops, and very rarely any in the streets; and when ever I did they were covered
with a veil from head to foot, so that I could not see their faces, except when
any of them out of curiosity uncovered them to look at me, which they sometimes
did. I was surprised to see how the Greeks are, in some measure, kept under by the
Turks, as the negroes are in the West Indies by the white people. The less refined
Greeks, as I have already hinted, dance here in the same manner as we do in our
nation.
On the whole, during our stay
here, which was about five months, I liked the place and the Turks extremely well.
I could not help observing one very remarkable circumstance there: the tails of
the sheep are flat, and so very large, that I have known the tail even of a lamb
to weigh from eleven to thirteen pounds. The fat of them is very white and rich,
and is excellent in puddings, for which it is much used. Our ship being at length
richly loaded with silk, and other articles, we sailed for England.
In May 1769, soon after our return from Turkey, our ship made a delight ful voyage
to Oporto in Portugal, where we arrived at the time of the carnival. On our
arrival, there were sent on board of us thirty-six articles to observe with very
heavy penalties if we should break any of them; and none of us even dared to go on
board any other vessel or on
shore, till the Inquisition had sent on board and searched for every thing
illegal, especially bibles. such as were produced, and certain other things were
sent on shore till the ships were going away; and any person in whose custody a
bible was found concealed, was to be imprisoned and flogged, and sent into slavery
for ten years. I saw here many very magnificent sights, particularly the garden of
Eden, where many of the clergy and laity went in procession in their several
orders with the host, and sung Te De um. I had a great curiosity to go into some
of their churches, but could not gain admittance without using the ne cessary
sprinkling of holy water at my entrance. From curiosity, and a wish to be holy, I
therefore complied with this ceremony, but its virtues were lost upon me, for I
found myself nothing the
better for it. This place abounds with plenty of all kinds of provisions. The town
is well built and pretty, and commands a fine prospect. Our ship having taken in a
load of wine, and other commodities, we sailed for London, and arrived in July
following.
Our next voyage was to the Mediterranean. The ship was again got ready, and we
sailed in september for Genoa. This is one of the finest cities I ever saw; some
of the edifices were of beautiful marble, and made a most noble appearance; and
many had very curious fountains before them. The churches were rich and
magnificent, and curiously adorned both in the inside and out. But all this
grandeur was in my eyes disgraced by the galley slaves, whose condition both there
and in other parts of Italy is truly piteous and wretch ed. After we had stayed
there some weeks, during which
we bought many different things we wanted, and got them very cheap, we sailed to
Naples, a charming city, and remarkably clean. The bay is the most beautiful I
ever saw; the moles for shipping are excellent. I thought it extraordinary to see
grand operas acted here on sunday nights, and even attended by their majesties. I
too, like these great ones, went to those sights, and vainly served God in the day
while I thus served mammon effectually at night. While we remained here, there
happened an eruption of mount Vesuvius, of which I had a perfect view. It was
extreme ly awful; and we were so near that the ashes from it used to be thick on
our deck. After we had transacted our business at Naples, we sailed with a fair
wind once more for smyrna, where we arrived in December. A seraskier or officer, took a liking to me here,
and wanted me to stay, and offered me two wives; however I resused the temptation,
thinking one was as much as some could manage, and more than others would venture
on. The merchants here travel in caravans or large companies. I have seen many
cara vans from India, with some hundreds of camels, laden with different goods.
The people of these caravans are quite brown. Among other articles, they brought
with them a great quantity of locusts, which are a kind of pulse, sweet and
pleasant to the palate, and in shape resembling French beans, but longer. Each
kind of goods is sold in a street by itself, and I always found the Turks very
honest in their dealings. They let no Christians into their mosques or churches,
for which I was very sorry; as I was always fond of going to see the different modes of worship of the
people wherever I went. The plague broke out while we were in smyrna, and we
stopped taking goods into the ship till it was over. she was then richly laden,
and we sailed in about March 1770, for England. One day in our passage we met with
an accident which was near burning the ship. A black cook, in melting some fat,
overset the pan into the fire under the deck, which immediately began to blaze,
and the flame went up very high under the foretop. With the fright, the poor cook
became almost white, and altoge ther speechless. Happily however we got the fire
out without doing much mischief. After various delays in this passage, which was
tedious, we arrived in standgate creek in July; and, at the latter end of the
year, some new event
occurred, so that my noble captain, the ship, and I all separated.
In April 1771, I shipped myself as a steward with Capt. Wm. Robertson of the ship
Grenada Planter, once more to try my fortune in the West Indies; and we sailed
from London for Madeira, Barbados, and
the Grenades.
A white man, an islander, bought some goods of me to the amount of some pounds,
and made me many fair promises as usual, but without any intention of paying me.
He had likewise bought goods from some more of our people, whom he intended to
serve in the same manner; but he still amused us with promises. However, when our
ship was loaded, and near sailing, this honest buyer discovered no intention or sign of paying for any
thing he had bought of us; but on the contrary, when I asked him for my money he
threatened me and another black man he had bought goods of, so that we found we
were like to get more blows than payment. On this we went to complain to one Mr.
M'Intosh, a justice of the peace; we told his worship of the man's villainous
tricks, and begged that he would be kind enough to see us redressed: but being
negroes, although free, we could not get any remedy; and our ship being then just
upon the point of sailing, we knew not how to help ourselves, though we thought it
hard to lose our property in this manner. Luckily for us however, this man was
also indebted to three white sailors, who could not get a farthing from him; they
therefore readily joined us, and we all went together in search of him. When we found where he
was, I took him out of a house and threatened him with vengeance; on which,
finding he was likely to be handled roughly, the rogue offered each of us some
small allowance, but nothing near our demands. This exasperated us much more; and
some were for cutting his ears off; but he begged hard for mercy, which was at
last granted him, after we had entirely stripped him. We then let him go, for
which he thanked us, glad to get off so easily, and ran into the bushes, after
having wished us a good voyage. We then repaired on board, and shortly after set
sail for England. I cannot help remarking here a very narrow escape we had from
being blown up, owing to a piece of negligence of mine. Just as our ship was under
sail, I went down under the cabin to do some business, and had a lighted candle in my hand,
which, in my hurry, without thinking, I held in a barrel of gunpowder. It remained
in the powder until it was near catching sire, when fortunately I observed it and
snatched it out in time, and providentially no harm happened; but I was so
overcome with terror that I immediately fainted at this deliverance.
In twenty-eight days time we arrived in England, and I got clear of this ship.
But, being still of a roving disposition, and desirous of seeing as many different
parts of the world as I could, I shipped myself soon after, in the same year, as
steward on board of a fine large ship, called the Jamaica, Captain David Watt; and
we sailed from England in December 1771, for Nevis and Jamaica. I found Jamaica to be a very fine large island, well
peopled, and the most considerable of the West India islands. There was
a vast number of negroes here, whom I found as usual exceedingly imposed upon by
the white people, and the slaves punished as in the other islands. There are
negroes whose business it is to flog slaves; they go about to different people for
employment, and the usual pay is from one to four bits. I saw many cruel
punishments inflicted on the slaves in the short time I stayed here. In particular
I was present when a poor fellow was tied up and kept hanging by the wrists at
some distance from the ground, and then some half hundred weights were fixed to
his ankles, in which posture he was flogged most unmercifully. There were also, as
I heard, two different masters noted for cruelty on the island, who had staked up
two negroes naked, and in two hours the vermin stung them to death. I heard a gentleman, I well
knew, tell my captain that he passed sentence on a negro man to be burnt alive for
attempting to poison an overseer. I pass over numerous other instances, in order
to relieve the reader by a milder scene of roguery. Before I had been long on the
island, one Mr. smith at Port Morant, bought goods of me to the amount of
twenty-five pounds sterling; but when I demanded payment from him, he was going
each time to beat me, and threatened that he would put me in goal. One time he
would say I was going to set his house on fire; at another, he would swear I was
going to run away with his slaves. I was astonished at this usage from a person
who was in the situation of a gentleman, but I had no alternative; and was
therefore obliged to submit. When I came to Kingston, I was surprised to see the number of Africans
who were assembled together on Sundays; particularly at a large commodious place,
called spring Path. Here each different nation of Africa meet and dance after the
manner of their own country. They still retain most of their native customs: they
bury their dead, and put victuals, pipes and tobacco, and other things, in the
grave with the corps, in the same manner as in Africa. Our ship having got her
loading we sailed for London, where we arrived in the August following. On my
return to London, I waited on my old and good master, Dr. Irving, who made me an
offer of his service again. Being now tired of the sea I gladly accepted it. I was
very happy in living with this gentleman once more; during which time we were
daily employed in reducing old Neptune's dominions by purifying the briny element and
making it fresh. Thus I went on till May 1773, when I was roused by the sound of
fame, to seek new adventures, and find, towards the north pole, what our Creator
never intended we should, a passage to India. An expedition was now fitting out to
explore a north-east passage, conducted by the Honourable Constantine John Phipps,
since Lord Mulgrave, in his Majesty's sloop of war the Race Horse. My master being
anxious for the reputation of this adventure, we therefore prepared every thing
for our voyage, and I attended him on board the Race Horse, the 24th day of May,
1773. We proceeded to Sheerness, where we were joined by his Majesty's sloop the Carcass,
commanded by Captain Lutwidge. On the 4th of June, we sailed towards our destined
place, the pole; and on the
15th of the same month we were off shetland. On this day I had a great and
unexpected deliverance from an accident which was near blowing up the ship and
destroying the crew, which made me ever after during the voyage uncommonly
cautious. The ship was so filled that there was very little room on board for any
one, which placed me in a very aukward situation. I had resolved to keep a journal
of this singular and interesting voyage; and I had no other place for this purpose
but a little cabin, or the doctor's store-room, where I slept. This little place
was stuffed with all manner of combustibles, particularly with tow and aquafortis , and many other
dangerous things. Unfortunately it happened in the evening as I was writing my
journal, that I had occasion to take the candle out of the
lanthorn, and a spark having
touched a single thread of the tow, all the rest caught the flame, and immediately
the whole was in a blaze. I saw nothing but present death before me, and expected
to be the first to perish in the flames. In a moment the alarm was spread, and
many people who were near, ran to assist in putting out the fire. All this time I
was in the very midst of the flames; my shirt, and the handkerchief on my neck,
were burnt, and I was almost smothered with the smoke. However, through God's
mercy, as I was nearly giving up all hopes, some people brought blankets and
mattresses and threw them on the flames, by which means in a short time the fire
was put out. I was severely reprimanded and menaced by such of the officers who
knew it, and strictly charged never more to go there with a light: and, indeed, even my own fears
made me give heed to this command for a little time—but at last, not being able to
write my journal in any other part of the ship, I was tempted again to venture by
stealth with a light in the same cabin, though not without considerable fear and
dread on my mind. On the 20th of June, we began to use Dr. Irving's apparatus for
making salt water fresh; I used to attend the distillery: I frequently purified
from twenty-six to forty gallons a day. The water thus distilled was perfectly
pure, well tasted, and free from salt; and was used on various occasions on board
the ship. On the 28th of June, being in lat. 78, we made Greenland, where I was
surprized to see the sun did not set. The weather now became extremely cold; and
as we sailed between north and east, which was our course, we saw many very high and
curious mountains of ice; and also a great number of very large whales, which used
to come close to our ship, and blow the water up to a very great height in the
air. One morning we had vast quantities of sea-horses about the ship, which neighed exactly like any other horses.
We fired some harpoon guns amongst them, in order to take some; but we could not
get any. The 30th, the captain of a Greenland ship came on board, and told us of
three ships that were lost in the ice; however we still held on our course till
July the 11th, when we were stopt by one compact impenetrable body of ice. We ran
along it from east to west above ten degrees; and on the 27th we got as far north
as 80, 37; and in 19 or 20 degrees; east longitude from London. On the 29th and
30th of July, we saw one
continued plain of smooth unbroken ice, bounded only by the horizon; and we
fastened to a piece of ice that was eight yards eleven inches thick. We had
generally sunshine, and constant daylight; which gave cheerfulness and novelty to
the whole of this striking, grand, and uncommon scene; and, to heighten it still
more, the reflection of the sun from the ice gave the clouds a most beautiful
appearance. We killed many different animals at this time, and among the rest nine
bears. Though they had nothing in their paunches but water yet they were all very
fat. We used to decoy them to the ship sometimes by burning feathers of skins. I
thought them course eating, but some of the ship's company relished them very
much. some of our people once, in the boat, fired at and wounded a seahorse, which dived immediately; and
in a little time after, brought up with it a number of others. They all joined in
an attack upon the boat, and were with difficulty prevented from staving or
oversetting her; but a boat from the Carcass having come to assist ours, and
joined it, they dispersed, after having wrested an oar from one of the men. One of
the ship's boats had before been attacked in the same manner, but happily no harm
was done. Though we wounded several of these animals we never got but one. We
remained hereabouts until the 1st of August; when the two ships got completely
fastened in the ice, occasioned by the loose ice that set in from the sea. This
made our situation very dreadful and alarming; so that on the 7th day, we were in
very great apprehension of having the ships squeezed to pieces. The officers now held a council to
know what was best for us to do in order to save our lives; and it was determined
that we should endeavour to escape by dragging our boats along the ice towards the
sea; which, however, was farther off than any of us thought. This determination
filled us with extreme dejection, and confounded us with despair; for we had very
little prospect of escaping with life. However, we sawed some of the ice about the
ships, to keep it from hurting them; and thus kept them in a kind of pond. We then
began to drag the boats as well as we could towards the sea; but, after two or
three days labour, we made very little progress; so that some of our hearts
totally failed us, and I really began to give up myself for lost, when I saw our
surrounding calamities. While we were at this hard labour, I once fell into
a pond we had made amongst some loose ice, and was very near being drowned; but
providentially some people were near who gave me immediate assistance, and thereby
I escaped drowning. Our deplorable condition, which kept up the constant
apprehension of our perishing in the ice, brought me gradually to think of
eternity in such a manner as I never had done before. I had the fears of death
hourly upon me, and shuddered at the thoughts of meeting the grim king of terrors
in the natural state I then was in, and was exceedingly
doubtful of a happy eternity if I should die in it. I had no hopes of my life
being prolonged for any time; for we saw that our existence could not be long on
the ice after leaving the ships, which were now out of sight, and some miles from
the boats. Our appearance
now became truly lamentable; pale dejection seized every countenance; many, who
had been before blasphemers, in this our distress began to call on the good God of
heaven for his help; and in the time of our utter need he heard us, and against
hope or human probability, delivered us! It was the eleventh day of the ships
being thus fastened, and the fourth of our drawing the boats in this manner, that
the wind changed to the E. N. E. The weather immediately became mild, and the ice
broke towards the sea, which was to the s. W. of us. Many of us on this got on
board again, and with all our might we hove the ships into every open water we
could find, and made all the sail on them in our power: and now, having a prospect
of success, we made signals for the boats and the remainder of the people. This seemed to us like
a reprieve from death; and happy was the man who could first get on board of any
ship, or the first boat he could meet. We then proceeded in this manner till we
got into the open water again, which we accomplished in about thirty hours, to our
infinite joy and gladness of heart. As soon as we were out of danger, we came to
anchor and refitted; and on the 19th of August, we sailed from this uninhabited
extremity of the world, where the inhospitable climate affords neither food nor
shelter, and not a tree or shrub of any kind grows amongst its barren rocks; but
all is one desolate and expanded waste of ice, which even the constant beams of
the sun for six months in the year, cannot penetrate or dissolve. The sun now
being on the decline, the days shortened as we sailed to the southward; and, on
the 28th, in latitude 73, it was dark by ten o'clock at night. September the 10th,
in latitude 58-59, we met a very severe gale of wind and high seas, and shipped a
great deal of water in the space of ten hours. This made us work exceedingly hard
at all our pumps a whole day; and one sea, which struck the ship with more force
than any thing I ever met with of the kind before, laid her under water for some
time, so that we thought she would have gone down. Two boats were washed from the
booms, and the long-boat from the chucks: all other moveable things on the decks
were also washed away, among which were many curious things of different kinds
which we had brought from Greenland; and we were obliged, in order to lighten the
ship, to toss some of our guns overboard. We saw a ship at the same time, in
very great distress, and her masts were gone; but we were unable to assist her. We
now lost sight of the Carcass till the 26th, when we saw land about Orfordness, off which place she
joined us. From thence we sailed for London, and on the 30th came up to Deptford.
And thus ended our Arctic voyage, to the no small joy of all on board, after
having been absent four months; in which time, at the imminent hazard of our
lives, we explored nearly as far towards the Pole as 81 degrees north, and 20
degrees east longitude; being much farther, by all accounts, than any navigator
had ever ventured before; in which we fully proved the impracticability of finding
a passage that way to India.
CHAP. X.
The author leaves Doctor Irving, and engages on board a
Turkey ship—Account of a black man's being kidnapped on board and sent to
the West Indies, and the author's fruitless endeavours to procure his
freedom—some account of the manner of the author's conversion to the faith
of Jesus Christ.
Our voyage to the North Pole being ended, I returned to London with Doctor Irving,
with whom I continued for some time, during which I began seriously to reflect on
the dangers I had escaped, particularly those of my last voyage, which made a
lasting impression on my mind; and, by the grace of God, proved afterwards a mercy to me; it
caused me to reflect deeply on my eternal state, and to seek the Lord with full
purpose of heart ere it was too late. I rejoiced greatly; and heartily thanked the
Lord for directing me to London, where I was determined to work out my own
salvation, and in so doing, procure a title to heaven; being the result of a mind
blended by ignorance and sin.
In process of time I left my master, Doctor Irving, the purifier of waters. I
lodged in Coventry-court, Haymarket, where I was continually oppressed and much
concerned about the salvation of my soul, and was determined (in my own strength)
to be a first-rate Christian. I used every means for this purpose; and, not being
able to find any person amongst those with whom I was then acquainted that
acquiesced with me in point of religion, or, in scripture language, that would
shew me any good, I was much dejected, and knew not where to seek relief; however,
I first frequented the neighbouring churches, st. James's, and others, two or
three times a day, for many weeks: still I came away dissatisfied: something was
wanting that I could not obtain, and I really found more heart-felt relief in
reading my bible at home than in attending the church; and, being resolved to be
saved, I pursued other methods. First I went among the quakers, where the word of
God was neither read or preached, so that I remained as much in the dark as ever.
I then searched into the Roman Catholic principles, but was not in the least
edified. I at length had recourse to the Jews, which availed me nothing, as the fear of eternity
daily harassed my mind, and I knew not where to seek shelter from the wrath to
come. However this was my conclusion, at all events, to read the four evangelists,
and whatever sect or party I found adhering thereto, such I would join. Thus I
went on heavily without any guide to direct me the way that leadeth to eternal
life. I asked different people questions about the manner of going to heaven, and
was told different ways. Here I was much staggered, and could not find any at that
time more righteous than myself, or indeed so much inclined to devotion. I thought
we should not all be saved (this is agreeable to the holy scriptures) nor would
all be damned. I found none among the circle of my acquaintance that kept wholly
the ten commandments. so righteous was I in my own eyes, that I was convinced I excelled
many of them in that point, by keeping eight out of ten; and finding those who in
general termed themselves Christians not so honest or so good in their morals as
the Turks, I really thought the Turks were in a safer way of salvation than my
neighbours: so that between hopes and fears I went on, and the chief comforts I
enjoyed were in the musical French horn, which I then practised, and also dressing
of hair. Such was my situation some months, experiencing the dishonesty of many
people here. I determined at last to set out for Turkey, and there to end my days.
It was now early in the spring 1774. I sought for a master, and found a captain
John Hughes, commander of a ship called Anglicania, fitting out in the river
Thames, and bound to Smyrna in
Turkey. I shipped myself with him as a steward; at the same time I
recommended to him a very clever black man, John Annis, as a cook. This man was on
board the ship near two months doing his duty: he had formerly lived many years
with Mr. William Kirkpatrick, a gentleman of the island of St. Kitts, from whom he
parted by consent, though he afterwards tried many schemes to inveigle the poor man. He had
applied to many captains who traded to St. Kitts to trepan him; and when all their attempts and schemes of
kidnapping proved abortive, Mr. Kirkpatrick came to our ship at Union stairs, on
Easter Monday, April the fourth, with two wherry boats and six men, having learned
that the man was on board; and tied, and forcibly took him away from the ship, in
the presence of the crew and the chief mate, who had detained him after he had
information to come away. I
believe this was a combined piece of business: but, be that as it may, it
certainly reflected great disgrace on the mate and captain also, who, although
they had desired the oppressed man to stay on board, yet this vile act on the man
who had served him, he did not in the least assist to recover or pay me a farthing
of his wages, which was about five pounds. I proved the only friend he had, who
attempted to regain him his liberty if possible, having known the want of liberty
myself. I sent as soon as I could to Gravesend, and got knowledge of the ship in
which he was; but unluckily she had sailed the first tide after he was put on
board. My intention was then immediately to apprehend Mr. Kirkpatrick, who was
about setting off for scotland; and, having obtained a habeas
corpus for him, and got a tipstaff to go with me to st. Paul's church-yard,
where he lived, he, suspecting something of this kind, set a watch to look out. My
being known to them, obliged me to use the following deception: I whitened my
face, that they might not know me, and this had the desired effect. He did not go
out of his house that night, and next morning I contrived a well plotted
stratagem, notwithstanding he had a gentleman in his house to personate him. My
direction to the tipstaff, who got admittance into the house, was to conduct him
to a judge, accord ing to the writ. When he came there, his plea was, that he had
not the body in custody, on which he was admitted to bail. I proceeded immediately
to that well known philanthropist, Granville sharp, Esq who received
me with the utmost kindness, and gave me every instruction that was needful on the occasion. I lest him in
full hope that I should gain the unhappy man his liberty, with the warmest sense
of gratitude towards Mr. sharp, for his kindness; but alas! my attor ney proved
unfaithful; he took my money, lost me many months employ, and did not do the least
good in the cause; and when the poor man arrived at st. Kitts, he was, according
to custom, staked to the ground with four pins through a cord, two on his wrists,
and two on his ancles, was cut and flogged most unmercifully, and afterwards
loaded cruelly with irons about his neck. I had two very moving letters from him,
while he was in this situation; and made attempts to go after him at a great
hazard, but was sadly disappointed: I also was told of it by some very respectable
families now in London, who saw him in st. Kitts, in the same state, in which he
remained till kind death released him out of the hands of his ty rants.
During this disagreeable busi ness I was under strong convictions of sin, and
thought that my state was worse than any man's; my mind was unaccountably
disturbed; I often wished for death, though at the same time con vinced I was
altogether unprepared for that awful summons. suffering much by villains in the
late cause, and being much concerned about the state of my soul, these things (but
particularly the latter) brought me very low; so that I became a burden to myself,
and viewed all things around me as emptiness and vanity, which could give no
satisfaction to a troubled conscience. I was again determined to go to Turkey, and
resolved, at that time, never more to return to England. I engaged as steward on
board a Turkeyman (the Wester Hall, Capt. Lina) but was prevented by means of my
late captain, Mr. Hughes, and others. All this appeared to be against me, and the only
comfort I then experienced was, in reading the holy scriptures, where I saw that
'there is no new thing under the
sun,' Eccles. i. 9; and what was appointed for me I must submit to.
Thus I continued to travel in much heaviness, and fre quently murmured against the
Almighty, particularly in his providential dealings; and, awful to think! I be gan
to blaspheme, and wished often to be any thing but a human being. In these severe
conflicts the Lord answered me by awful 'visions of the night, when deep sleep falleth upon men, in slumberings upon
the bed,' Job xxxiii. 15. He was pleased, in much mercy, to give me to
see, and in some measure understand, the great and awful scene of the
judgment-day, that 'no unclean person, no
unholy thing, can enter into the kingdom of God, Eph. v. 5. I would then, if it had been
possible, have changed my nature with the meanest worm on the earth; and was ready
to say to the mountains and rocks 'fall on
me,' Rev. vi. 16; but all in vain. I then in the greatest agony
requested the divine Creator, that he would grant me a small space of time to
repent of my follies and vile iniquities, which I felt were grievous. The Lord, in
his manifold mercies, was pleased to grant my request, and being yet in a state of
time the sense of God's mercies were so great on my mind when I awoke, that my
strength entirely failed me for many minutes, and I was exceedingly weak. This was
the first spiritual mercy I ever was sensible or, and being on praying ground, as
soon as I recovered a little strength, and got out of bed and dressed myself, I
invoked Heaven from my inmost soul, and servently begged that God would never again permit me to blaspheme
his most holy name. The Lord, who is long suffering, and full of compassion to
such poor rebels as we are, condescended to hear and answer. I felt that I was al
together unholy, and saw clearly what a bad use I had made of the faculties I was
endowed with: they were given me to glorify God with; I thought, therefore, I had
better want them here, and enter into life eternal, than abuse them and be cast
into hell sire. I prayed to be directed, if there were any holier than those with
whom I was acquaint ed, that the Lord would point them out to me. I appealed to
the searcher of hearts, whether I did not wish to love him more, and serve him
better. Notwithstanding all this, the reader may ea sily discern, if a believer,
that I was still in nature's darkness. At length I hated the house in which I lodged, because
God's most holy name was blasphemed in it; then I saw the word of God verified,
viz. 'Before they call, I will answer; and
while they are yet speaking, I will hear.'
I had a great desire to read the bible the whole day at home; but not having a
convenient place for retirement, I left the house in the day, rather than stay
amongst the wicked ones; and that day as I was walking, it pleased God to direct
me to a house where there was an old sea-faring man, who experienced much of the
love of God shed abroad in his heart. He began to discourse with me; and, as I
desired to love the Lord, his conversation rejoiced me greatly; and indeed I had
never heard before the love of Christ to believers set forth in such a manner, and
in so clear a point of view. Here I had more questions to put to the man than his time would
permit him to answer: and in that memor able hour there came in a dissenting
minister; he joined our discourse, and asked me some few questions; among others,
where I heard the gospel preached? I knew not what he meant by hearing the gospel;
I told him I had read the gospel: and he asked where I went to church, or whether
I went at all or not? To which I replied 'I
attended St. James's, St. Martin's, and St. Ann's soho;' 'so,' said he, 'you
are a churchman?' I answered, I was. He then invited me to a love feast
at his chapel that evening. I ac cepted the offer, and thanked him; and soon after
he went away, I had some further discourse with the old Christian, added to some
profitable reading, which made me exceedingly happy. When I left him he reminded
me of coming to the feast; I
assured him I would be there. Thus we parted, and I weighed over the heavenly
conversation that had passed between these two men, which cheered my then heavy
and drooping spirit more than any thing I had met with for many months. However, I
thought the time long in going to my supposed banquet. I also wished much for the
company of these friendly men; their company pleased me much; and I thought the
gentleman very kind in asking me, a stranger, to a feast; but how singular did it
appear to me, to have it in a chapel! When the wished for hour came I went, and
happily the old man was there, who kindly seated me, as he belonged to the place.
I was much astonished to see the place filled with people, and no signs of eating
and drinking. There were many ministers in the company. At last they began by giving out hymns, and
between the singing, the ministers engaged in prayer: in short, I knew not what to
make of this sight, having never seen any thing of the kind in my life before now.
some of the guests began to speak their experience, agreeable to what I read in
the scriptures: much was said by every speaker of the providence of God, and his
unspeakable mercies, to each of them. This I knew in a great measure, and could
most heartily join them. But when they spoke of a future state, they seemed to be
altogether certain of their calling and election of God; and that no one could
ever seperate them from the love of Christ, or pluck them out of his hands. This
filled me with utter consternation, intermingled with admiration. I was so amazed
as not to know what to think of the com pany; my heart was attracted, and my affections were enlarged. I
wished to be as happy as them, and was persuaded in my mind that they were
different from the world 'that lieth in wickedness,'
1 John v. 19. Their language and singing, &c. did well harmonize; I was
entirely overcome, and wished to live and die thus. Lastly, some persons in the
place produced some neat baskets full of buns, which they distributed about; and
each person communicated with his neighbour, and sipped water out of different
mugs, which they handed about to all who were present. This kind of Christian
fellow ship I had never seen, nor ever thought of seeing on earth; it fully
reminded me of what I had read in the holy scrip tures, of the primitive
Christians, who loved each other and broke bread; in partaking of it, even from
house to house. This entertainment (which lasted about four hours) ended in
singing and prayer. It was
the first soul feast I ever was present at. This last twenty-four hours produced
me things, spiritual and temporal, sleeping and waking, judgment and mercy, that I
could not but admire the goodness of God, in directing the blind, blasphem ous
sinner in the path that he knew not of, even among the just; and instead of
judgment he has shewed mercy, and will hear and answer the prayers and
supplications of every returning prodigal:
O! to grace how great a debtor
Daily I'm constrain'd to be!
After this I was resolved to win Heaven if possible; and if I perished I thought
it should be at the feet of Jesus, in praying to him for salvation. After having
been an eye-witness to some of the happiness which attended those who feared God,
I knew not how, with any
propriety, to return to my lodgings, where the name of God was continually
profaned, at which I felt the greatest horror; I paused in my mind for some time,
not knowing what to do; whether to hire a bed elsewhere, or go home again. At
last fearing an evil report might arise, I went home, with a farewel to
card-playing and vain jesting, &c. I saw that time was very short, eternity
long, and very near; and I viewed those persons alone blessed who were found ready
at midnight call, or when the judge of all, both quick and dead, cometh.
The next day I took courage, and went to Holborn, to see my new and worthy
acquaintance, the old man, Mr. C—; he, with his wife, a gracious woman, were at
work at silk weaving; they seemed mutually happy, and both quite glad to see me,
and I more so to see them. I
sat down and we conversed much about soul matters, &c. Their discourse was
amazingly delightful, edifying, and pleasant. I knew not at last how to leave this
agreeable pair, till time summoned me away. As I was going they lent me a little
book, entitled "The conversion of an Indian." It was in questions and answers. The
poor man came over the sea to London, to inquire after the Christian's God, who,
(through rich mercy) he found, and had not his journey in vain. The above book was
of great use to me, and at that time was a means of strengthening my faith;
however, in parting, they both invited me to call on them when I pleased. This
delighted me, and I took care to make all the improvement from it I could; and so
far I thanked God for such com pany and desires. I prayed that the many evils I felt within might be
done away, and that I might be weaned from my former carnal acquaintances. This
was quickly heard and answered, and I was soon connected with those whom the
scripture calls the excellent of the earth. I heard the gospel preached, and the
thoughts of my heart and actions were laid open by the preachers, and the way of
salvation by Christ alone was evidently set forth. Thus I went on happily for near
two months; and I once heard, during this period, a reverend gentleman Mr. G.
speak of a man who had departed this life in full assurance of his going to glory
I was much asto nished at the assertion; and did very deliberately inquire how he
could get at this knowledge. I was answered fully, agreeable to what I read in the
oracles of truth; and was told also, that if I did not experience the new birth,
and the pardon of my
sins, through the blood of Christ, before I died, I could not enter the kingdom of
heaven. I knew not what to think of this report, as I thought I kept eight
commandments out of ten; then my worthy interpreter told me I did not do it, nor
could I; and he added, that no man ever did or could keep the commandments,
without offending in one point. I thought this sounded very strange, and puzzled
me much for many weeks; for I thought it a hard saying. I then asked my friend Mr.
L—d, who was a clerk in a chapel, why the commandments of God were given, if we
could not be saved by them? To which he replied, 'The law is a schoolmaster to bring us to
Christ,' who alone could and did keep the commandments, and fulfilled
all their requirements for his elect people, even those to whom he had given a living faith, and the sins
of those chosen vessels were already atoned for and
forgiven them whilst living; and if I did not experience the same before my exit,
the Lord would say at that great day to me, 'Go, ye
cursed,' &c. &c. for God would appear faithful in his judgments
to the wicked, as he would be faithful in shewing mercy to those were ordained to
it before the world was; therefore Christ Jesus seemed to be all in all to that
man's soul. I was much wounded at this discourse, and brought into such a dilemma
as I never expected. I asked him, if he was to die that
moment, whether he was sure to enter the kingdom of God? and added, 'Do you know that your sins are forgiven
you?' He answered in the affirmative. Then confusion, anger, and
discontent seized me, and I staggered much at this sort of doctrine; it brought me to a stand, not
knowing which to believe, whether salvation by works, or by faith only in Christ.
I requested him to tell me how I might know when my sins were forgiven me. He
assured me he could not, and that none but God alone could do this. I told him it
was very mysterious; but he said it was really matter of fact, and quoted many
portions of scripture immediately to the point, to which I could make no reply. He
then desired me to pray to God to shew me these things. I answered, that I prayed
to God every day? He said, 'I perceive you are
a churchman. I answered, I was. He then entreated me to beg of God to
shew me what I was, and the true state of my soul. I thought the prayer very short
and odd; so we parted for that time. I weighed all these things well over, and
could not help thinking how it was possible for a man to know that his sins were forgiven him in
this life. I wished that God would reveal this self same thing unto me. In a short
time after this I went to Westminster chapel; the Rev. Mr. P— preached from Lam.
iii. 39. It was a wonderful sermon; he clearly shewed that a living man had no
cause to complain for the punishments of his sins; he evidently justified the Lord
in all his dealings with the sons of men; he also shewed the justice of God in the
eternal punishment of the wicked and impenitent. The discourse seemed to me like a
two-edged sword cutting all ways; it afforded me much joy, intermingled with many
fears about my soul; and when it was ended, he gave it out that he intended, the
ensuing week, to examine all those who meant to attend the Lord's table. Now I
thought much of my good works, and at the same time was doubtful of my being a proper object to re
ceive the sacrament; I was full of me ditation till the day of examining. However,
I went to the chapel, and, though much distressed, I addressed the reverend
gentleman, thinking if I was not right, he would endeavour to convince me of it.
When I conversed with him, the first thing he asked me, was, what I knew of
Christ? I told him I believed in him, and had been baptized in his name. 'Then,' said he, 'when
were you brought to the knowledge of God? and how were you convinced of
sin?' I knew not what he meant by these questions; I told him I kept
eight commandments out of ten; but that I sometimes swore on board ship, and
sometimes when on shore, and broke the sabbath. He then asked me if I could read?
I answered, 'Yes.' 'Then,' said he, 'do you not read
in the bible he that
offends in one point is guilty of all?' I said, 'Yes.' Then he assured me, that one sin unatoned for was as sufficient
to damn a soul as one leak was to sink a ship. Here I was struck with awe; for the
minister exhorted me much, and reminded me of the shortness of time, and the
length of eternity, and that no unregenerate soul, or any thing unclean, could
enter the kingdom of Heaven.
He did not admit me as a communicant; but recommended me to read the scriptures,
and hear the word preached, not to neglect fervent prayer to God, who has promised
to hear the suppli cations of those who seek him in godly sincerity; so I took my
leave of him, with many thanks, and resolved to follow his advice, so far as the
Lord would condescend to enable me. During this time I was out of employ, nor was
I likely to get a situation
suitable for me, which obliged me to go once more to sea. I engaged as steward of
a ship called the Hope, Capt. Richard strange, bound from London to Cadiz in
spain. In a short time after I was on board I heard the name of God much blas
phemed, and I feared greatly, lest I should catch the horrible infection. I
thought if I sinned again, after having life and death set evidently before me, I
should certainly go to hell. My mind was uncommonly chagrined, and I murmured much
at God's providential dealings with me, and was discontented with the
commandments, that I could not be saved by what I had done; I hated all things,
and wished I had never been born; confusion seized me, and I wished to be
annihilated. One day I was standing on the very edge of the stern of the ship,
thinking to drown myself;
but this scripture was instantly impressed on my mind—'That no murderer hath eternal life abiding in
him,' 1 John iii. 15. Then I paused, and thought myself the unhappiest
man living. Again I was convinced that the Lord was better to me than I deserved,
and I was better off in the world than many. After this I began to fear death; I
fretted, mourned, and prayed, till I became a burden to others, but more so to
myself. At length I concluded to beg my bread on shore rather than go again to sea
amongst a people who feared not God, and I entreated the captain three different
times to discharge me; he would not, but each time gave me greater and greater
encouragement to continue with him, and all on board shewed me very great
civility: notwithstanding all this I was unwilling to embark again. At last some
of my religious friends
advised me, by saying it was my lawful calling, consequently it was my duty to
obey, and that God was not confined to place, &c. &c. particularly Mr. G.
s. the governor of Tothil-fields Bridewell, who pitied my case, and read the
eleventh chapter of the Hebrews to me, with exhortations. He prayed for me, and I
believed that he prevailed on my behalf, as my burden was then greatly removed,
and I found a heartfelt resignation to the will of God. The good man gave me a
pocket Bible and Alleine's Alarm to the
Unconverted . We parted, and the next day I went on board again. We
sailed for Spain, and I found favour with the captain. It was the fourth of the
month of September when we sailed from London; we had a delightful voyage to
Cadiz, where we arrived the twenty-third of the same month. The place is strong, commands a fine prospect,
and is very rich. The Spanish galloons frequent that port, and some arrived whilst
we were there. I had many opportunities of reading the scriptures. I wrestled hard
with God in fervent prayer, who had declared in his word that he would hear the
groanings and deep sighs of the poor in spirit. I found this verified to my utter
astonishment and comfort in the following manner:
On the morning of the 6th of October, (I pray you to attend) all that day, I
thought that I should either see or hear something supernatural. I had a secret
impulse on my mind of something that was to take place, which drove me continually
for that time to a throne of grace. It pleased God to enable me to wrestle with
him, as Jacob did: I prayed that if sudden death were to happen, and I perished,
it might be at Christ's feet.
In the evening of the same
day, as I was reading and meditating on the fourth chapter of the Acts, twelfth verse , under the solemn
apprehensions of eternity, and reflecting on my past actions, I began to think I
had lived a moral life, and that I had a proper ground to believe I had an
interest in the divine favour; but still meditating on the subject, not knowing
whether salvation was to be had partly for our own good deeds, or solely as the
sovereign gift of God;—in this deep consternation the Lord was pleased to break in
upon my soul with his bright beams of heavenly light; and in an instant as it
were, removing the veil, and letting light into a dark place, I saw clearly with
the eye of faith the crucified Saviour bleeding on the cross on mount Calvary: the
scriptures became an unsealed book, I saw myself a condemned criminal under the
law, which came with its
full force to my conscience, and when 'the
commandment came sin revived, and I died.' I saw the Lord Jesus Christ
in his humiliation, loaded and bearing my reproach, sin, and shame. I then clearly
perceived that by the deeds of the law no flesh living could be justified. I was
then convinced that by the first Adam sin came, and by the second Adam (the Lord
Jesus Christ) all that are saved must be made alive. It was given me at that time
to know what it was to be born again, John iii. 5. I saw the eighth chapter to the Romans, and the doctrines
of God's decrees, verified agreeable to his eternal, everlasting, and unchangeable
purposes. The word of God was sweet to my taste, yea sweeter than honey and the
honeycomb. Christ was revealed to my soul as the chiefest among ten thousand.
These heavenly moments were
really as life to the dead, and what John calls an earnest of the spirit*. This
was indeed unspeakable, and I firmly believe undeniable by many. Now every leading
providential circumstance that happened to me, from the day I was taken from my
parents to that hour, was then in my view, as if it had but just then occurred. I
was sensible of the invisible hand of God, which guided and protected me when in
truth I knew it not: still the Lord pursued me although I slighted and disregarded
it; this mercy melted me down. When I considered my poor wretched state I wept,
seeing what a great debtor I was to sovereign free grace. Now the Ethiopian was
willing to be saved by Jesus Christ, the sinner's only surety, and also to rely on
none other person or thing for salvation. * John xvi. 13, 14. &c. [Equiano's note]
Self was obnoxious, and good
works he had none, for it is God that worketh in us both to will and to do. Oh!
The amazing things of that hour can never be told—it was joy in the Holy Ghost! I
felt an astonishing change; the burden of sin, the gaping jaws of hell, and the
fears of death, that weighed me down before, now lost their horror; indeed I
thought death would now be the best earthly friend I ever had. Such were my grief
and joy as I believe are seldom experienced. I was bathed in tears, and said, What
am I that God should thus look on me the vilest of sinners? I felt a deep concern
for my mother and friends, which occasioned me to pray with fresh ardour, and in the abyss of thought, I
viewed the unconverted people of the world in a very awful state, being without
God and without hope.
It pleased God to pour out
on me the Spirit of prayer and the grace of supplication, so that in loud acclamations I was
enabled to praise and glorify his most holy name. When I got out of the cabin, and
told some of the people what the Lord had done for me, alas, who could understand
me or believe my report!—None but to whom the arm of the Lord was revealed. I
became a barbarian to them in talking of the love of Christ: his name was to me as
ointment poured forth; indeed it was sweet to my soul, but to them a rock of
offence. I thought my case singular, and every hour a day until I came to London,
for I much longed to be with some to whom I could tell of the wonders of God's
love towards me, and join in prayer to him whom my soul loved and thirsted after.
I had uncommon commotions within, such as few can tell aught about. Now the bible
was my only companion and
comfort; I prized it much, with many thanks to God that I could read it for
myself, and was not left to be tossed about or led by man's devices and notions.
The worth of a soul cannot be told.—May the Lord give the reader an understanding
in this. Whenever I looked in the bible I saw things new, and many texts were
immediately applied to me with great comfort, for I knew that to me was the word
of salvation sent. Sure I was that the spirit which indited the word opened my heart to receive the truth
of it as it is in Jesus—that the same spirit enabled me to act faith upon the
promises that were precious to me, and enabled me to believe to the salvation of
my soul. By free grace I was persuaded that I had a part in the first
resurrection, and was enlightened with the 'light of the
living,' Job xxxiii. 30. I wished for a man of God with whom I
might converse: my soul was like the chariots of Aminadab, Canticles vi. 12. These among others, were
the precious promises that were so powerfully applied to me: 'All things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer,
believing, ye shall receive,' Matt. xxi. 22. 'Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto
you,' John xiv. 27. I saw the blessed Redeemer to be the fountain of
life, and the well of salvation. I experienced him to be all in all; he had
brought me by a way that I knew not, and he had made crooked paths straight. Then
in his name I set up my Ebenezer, saying, Hitherto he hath helped me: and could
say to the sinners about me, Behold what a saviour I have! Thus I was, by the
teaching of that all-glorious Deity, the great One in Three, and Three in One,
confirmed in the truths of the bible, those oracles of everlasting truth, on which every
soul living must stand or fall eternally, agreeable to Acts iv. 12. 'Neither is there salvation in any other, for there
is none other name under heaven given among men whereby we must be saved, but
only Christ Jesus.' May God give the reader a right understanding in
these facts! 'To him that believeth, all things
are possible, but to them that are unbelieving nothing is pure, Titus
i. 15.
During this period we remained at Cadiz until our ship got laden. We sailed about the fourth of November; and,
having a good passage, we arrived in London the month following, to my comfort,
with heartfelt gratitude to God for his rich and unspeakable mercies.
On my return I had but one text which puzzled me, or that the devil endeavoured to buffet me with, viz.
Rom. xi. 6. and, as I had heard of
the Reverend Mr. Romaine, and his great knowledge in the scriptures, I wished much
to hear him preach. One day I went to Blackfriars church, and, to my great satisfaction
and surprise, he preached from that very text. He very clearly shewed the difference between human
works and free election, which is according to God's sovereign will and pleasure.
These glad tidings set me entirely at liberty, and I went out of the church
rejoicing, seeing my spots were those of God's Children. I went to Westminster
Chapel, and saw some of my old friends, who were glad when they perceived the
wonderful change that the Lord had wrought in me, particularly Mr. G— s—, my
worthy acquaintance, who was a man of a choice spirit, and had great zeal sor the Lord's service. I
enjoyed his correspondence till he died in the year 1784. I was again examined at
that same chapel, and was received into church-fellowship amongst them: I rejoiced
in spirit, making melody in my heart to the God of all my mercies, Now my whole
wish was to be dissolved, and to be with Christ—but, alas! I must wait mine
appointed time.
MISCELLANEOUS VERSES, OR, Reflections on the state of my Mind during my
first Convictions, of the Necessity of believing the Truth, and experiencing
the inestimable Benefits of Christianity.
Well may I say my life has been
One scene of sorrow and of pain;
From early days I griefs have known,
And as I grew my griefs have grown:
Dangers were always in my path;
And fear of wrath, and sometimes death;
While pale dejection in me reign'd
I often wept, by grief constrain'd.
When taken from my native land,
By an unjust and cruel band,
How did uncommon dread prevail!
My sighs no more I could conceal.
To ease my mind I often strove,
And tried my trouble to remove:
I sung, and utter'd sighs between—
Assay'd to stifle guilt with sin.
But O' not all that I could do
Would stop the current of my woe;
Conviction still my vileness shew'd;
How great my guilt—how lost to good!
' Prevented, that I could not die,
' Nor could to one sure refuge fly;
' An orphan state I had to mourn,—
' Forsook by all, and left forlorn.'
Those who beheld my downcast mein,
Could not guess at my woes unseen:
They by appearance could not know
The troubles that I waded through.
Lust, anger, blasphemy, and pride,
With legions of such ills beside,
' Troubled my thoughts,' while doubts and fears
Clouded and darken'd most my years.
'Sighs now no more would be confin'd—
'They breath'd the trouble of my mind:'
I wish'd for death, but check'd the word,
And often pray'd unto the Lord.
Unhappy, more than some on earth,
I thought the place that gave me birth—
strange thoughts oppress'd—while I replied
" Why not in Ethiopia died?"
And why thus spar'd when nigh to hell?—
God only knew—I could not tell!
' A tott ring fence a bowing wall,'
' I thought myself ere since the fall.'
Oft times I mus'd, and nigh despair,
While birds melodious fill'd the air:
' Thrice happy songsters, ever free,'
How blest were they, compar'd to me!
Thus all things added to my pain,
While grief compell'd me to complain;
When sable clouds began to rise
My mind grew darker than the skies.
The English nation call'd to leave,
How did my breast with sorrows heave!
I long'd for rest—cried "Help me, Lord!
" some mitigation, Lord, afford!"
Yet on, dejected, still I went—
Heart-throbbing woes within me pent;
Nor land, nor sea, could comfort give,
Nor aught my anxious mind relieve.
Weary with troubles yet unknown
To all but God and self alone,
Numerous months for peace I strove,
Numerous foes I had to prove.
Inur'd to dangers, griefs, and woes,
Train'd up midst perils, death, and foes,
said, "Must it thus ever be?—
" No quiet is permitted me."
Hard hap, and more than heavy lot!
I pray'd to God "Forget me not—
" What thou ordain'st help me to bear;
" But O! deliver from despair!"
strivings and wrestling seem'd in vain;
Nothing I did could ease my pain:
Then gave I up my work and will,
Consess'd and own'd my doom was hell!
Like some poor pris'ner at the bar,
Conscious of guilt, of sin and fear,
Arraign'd, and self-condemn'd, I stood—
' Lost in the world and in my blood!'
Yet here, 'midst blackest clouds confin'd,
A beam from Christ, the day-star shin'd;
surely, thought I, if Jesus please,
He can at once sign my release.
I, ignorant of his righteousness,
set up my labours in its place;
' Forgot for why his blood was shed,
' And pray'd and fasted in its stead.'
He dy'd for sinners—I am one!
Might not his blood for me atone?
Tho' I am nothing else but sin,
Yet surely he can make me clean!
Thus light came in, and I believ'd;
Myself forgot, and help receiv'd!
My saviour then I know I found,
For, eas'd from guilt no more I groan'd.
O, happy hour, in which I ceas'd
To mourn, for then I found a rest!
My soul and Christ were now as one—
Thy light, O Jesus, in me shone!
Bless'd be thy name, for now I know
I and my works can nothing do;
"The Lord alone can ransom man—
"For this the spotless Lamb was slain!"
When sacrifices, works, and pray'r,
Prov'd vain, and ineffectual were,
" Lo, then I come!" the savior cry'd,
And bleeding, bow'd his head and dy'd!
He dy'd for all who ever saw
No help in them, nor by the law:—
I this have seen; and gladly own
"Salvation is by Christ alone*!"
* Act. iv. 12. [Equiano's Note]
CHAP. XI.
The author embarks on board a ship bound for Cadiz—Is near
being shipwrecked—Goes to Malaga—Remarkable fine cathedral there—The author
disputes with a popish priest—Picking up eleven miserable men at sea in
returning to England—Engages again with Doctor Irving to accompany him to
Jamaica and the Musquito shore—Meets with an Indian prince on board—The
author attempts to instruct him in the truths of the Gospel—Frustrated by
the bad example of some in the ship—They arrive on the Musquito shore with
some slaves they purchased at Jamaica, and begin to cultivate a
plantation—some account of the manners and customs of the Musquito
Indians—successful device of the author's to quell a riot
among them—Curious entertainment given by them to Doctor Irving and the
author, who leaves the shore and goes for Jamaica—Is barbarously treated by
a man with whom he engaged for his passage—Escapes and goes to the Musquito
admiral, who treats him kindly—He gets another vessel and goes on
board—Instances of bad treatment—Meets Doctor Irving—Gets to Jamaica—Is
cheated by his captain—Leaves the Doctor and goes for England.
WHEN our ship was got ready for sea again, I was intreated by the captain to go in
her once more; but, as I felt myself now as happy as I could with to be in this
life, I for some time refused; however, the advice of my friends at last
prevailed; and, in full resignation to the will of God, I again embarked for Cadiz in March 1775. We
had a very good passage, without any material accident, until we arrived off the
Bay of Cadiz; when one Sunday, just as we were going into the harbour, the ship
struck against a rock and knocked off a garboard plank, which is the next to the
keel. In an instant all hands were in the greatest confusion, and began with loud
cries to call on God to have mercy on them. Although I could not swim, and saw no
way of escaping death, I felt no dread in my then situation, having no desire to
live. I even rejoiced in spirit, thinking this death would be sudden glory. But
the fulness of time was not yet come. The people near to me were much astonished
in seeing me thus calm and resigned; but I told them of the peace of God, which
through sovereign grace I enjoyed, and these words were that instant in my
mind:
"Christ is my pilot wise, my compass is his word;
"My soul each storm desies, while I have such a Lord.
"I trust his faithfulness and power,
"To save me in the trying hour.
"Though rocks and quicksands deep through all my passage lie,
"Yet Christ shall safely keep and guide me with his eye,
"How can I sink with such a prop,
"That bears the world and all things up?"
At this time there were many large Spanish flukers or passage-vessels full of
people crossing the channel; who seeing our condition, a number of them came
alongside of us. As many hands as could be employed began to work; some at our
three pumps, and the rest unloading the ship as fast as possible. There being only
a single rock called the Porpus on which we struck, we soon got off it, and
providentially it was then high water, we therefore run the ship ashore at the nearest place to keep
her from sinking. After many tides, with a great deal of care and industry, we got
her repaired again. When we had dispatched our business at Cadiz, we went to
Gibraltar, and from thence to Malaga, a very pleasant and rich city, where there
is one of the finest cathedrals I had ever seen. It had been above fifty years in
building, as I heard, though it was not then quite finished; great parts of the
inside, however, was completed and highly decorated with the richest marble
columns and many superb paintings; it was lighted occasionally by an amazing
number of wax tapers of different sizes, some of which were as thick as a man's
thigh; these, however, were only used on some of their grand festivals.
I was very much shocked at the custom of bull-baiting, and other diversions which prevailed here on
Sunday evenings, to the great scandal of Christianity and morals. I used to
express my abhorrence of it
to a priest whom I met with. I had frequent contests about religion with the
reverend father, in which he took great pains to make a proselyte of me to his
church; and I no less to convert him to mine. On these occasions I used to produce
my Bible, and shew him in what points his church erred. He then said he had been
in England, and that every person there read the Bible, which was very wrong; but
I answered him that Christ desired us to search the scriptures. In his zeal for my
conversion, he solicited me to go to one of the universities in Spain, and
declared that I should have my education free; and told me, if I got myself made a
priest, I might in time
become even pope; and that Pope Benedict was a black man. As I was ever desirous
of learning, I paused for some time upon this temptation; and thought by being
crafty I might catch some with guile;
but I began to think that it would be only hypocrisy in me to embrace his offer,
as I could not in conscience conform to the opinions of his church. I was
therefore enabled to regard the word of God, which says, 'Come out from amongst them,' and refused Father Vincent's offer. so
we parted without conviction on either side.
Having taken at this place some fine wines, fruits, and money, we proceeded to
Cadiz, where we took about two tons more of money, &c. and then sailed for
England in the month of June. When we were about the north latitude 42, we had
contrary wind for several
days, and the ship did not make in that time above six or seven miles strait
course. This made the captain exceeding fretful and peevish: and I was very sorry
to hear God's most holy name often blasphemed by him. One day, as he was in that
impious mood, a young gentleman
on board, who was a passenger, reproached him, and said he acted wrong; for we
ought to be thankful to God for all things, as we were not in want of any thing on
board; and though the wind was contrary for us, yet it was fair for some others,
who, perhaps, stood in more need of it than we. I immediately seconded this young
gentleman with some boldness, and said we had not the least cause to murmur, for
that the Lord was better to us than we deserved, and that he had done all things
well. I expected that the captain would be very angry with me for
speaking, but he replied not a word. However, before that time on the following
day, being the 21st of June, much to our great joy and astonishment, we saw the
providential hand of our benign Creator, whose ways with his blind creatures are
past finding out. The preceding night I dreamed that I saw a boat immediately off
the starboard main shrouds; and exactly at half past one o'clock, the following
day at noon, while I was below, just as we had dined in the cabin, the man at the
helm cried out, A boat! which brought my dream that instant into my mind. I was
the first man that jumped on the deck; and looking from the shrouds onward,
according to my dream, I descried a little boat at some distance; but, as the
waves were high, it was as much as we could do sometimes to discern her; we however stopped the ship's
way, and the boat, which was extremely small, came alongside with eleven miserable
men, whom we took on board immediately. To all human appearance, these people must
have perished in the course of one hour or less, the boat being small, it barely
contained them. When we took them up they were half drowned, and had no victuals,
compass, water, or any other necessary whatsoever, and had only one bit of an oar
to steer with, and that right before the wind; so that they were obliged to trust
entirely to the mercy of the waves. As soon as we got them all on board, they
bowed themselves on their knees, and, with hands and voices lifted up to heaven,
thanked God for their deliverance; and I trust that my prayers were not wanting
amongst them at the same
time. This mercy of the Lord quite melted me, and I recollected his words, which I
faw thus verified in the 107th Psalm, 'O give
thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, for his mercy endureth for ever. Hungry
and thirsty, their souls fainted in them. They cried unto the Lord in their
trouble, and he delivered them out of their distressess. And he led them forth
by the right way, that they might go to a city of habitation. O that men would
praise the Lord for his goodness and for his wonderful works to the children of
men! For he satisfieth the longing soul, and silleth the hungry soul with
goodness.
'Such as sit in darkness and in the shadow of
death:
'Then they cried unto the Lord in their
trouble, and he saved them out of their distresses. They that go down to the sea in ships; that
do business in great waters: these see the works of the Lord, and his wonders
in the deep. Whoso is wise and will observe these things, even they shall
understand the loving kindness of the Lord.'
The poor distressed captain said, 'that the
Lord is good; for, seeing that I am not fit to die, he there fore gave me a
space of time to repent.' I was very glad to hear this expression, and
took an opportunity when convenient of talking to him on the providence of God.
They told us they were Portuguese, and were in a brig loaded with corn, which
shifted that morning at five o'clock, owing to which the vessel sunk that instant
with two of the crew; and how these eleven got into the boat (which was lashed to
the deck) not one of them could tell. We provided them with every
necessary, and brought them all safe to Lon don: and I hope the Lord gave them
repentance unto life eternal.
I was happy once more amongst my friends and brethren, till November, when my old
friend, the celebrated Doctor Irving, bought a remarkable sine sloop, about 150
tons. He had a mind for a new adventure in cultivating a plantation at Jamaica,
and the Musquito shore; asked me to go with him, and said that he would trust me
with his estate in preference to any one. By the advice, therefore, of my friends,
I accepted of the offer, knowing that the harvest was fully ripe in those parts,
and hoped to be an in strument under God, of bringing some poor sinner to my well
beloved master, Jesus Christ. Before I embarked, I found with the Doctor four
Masquito Indians, who were
chiefs in their own country, and were brought here by some English traders for
some selfish ends. One of them was the Musquito king's son; a youth of about
eighteen years of age; and whilst he was here he was baptized by the name of
George. They were going back at the government's expense, after having been in
England about twelve months, during which they learned to speak pretty good
English. When I came to talk to them about eight days before we sailed, I was very
much mortified in finding that they had not frequented any churches since they
were here, to be baptized, nor was any attention paid to their morals. I was very
sorry for this mock Christianity, and had just an opportunity to take some of them
once to church before we sailed. We embarked in the month of Novem ber 1776, on board of the sloop Morning
star, Captain David Miller, and sailed for Jamaica. In our passage, I took all the
pains that I could to instruct the Indian prince in the doctrines of Christianity,
of which he was entirely ignorant; and, to my great joy, he was quite attentive,
and received with gladness the truths that the Lord enabled me to set forth to
him. I taught him in the compass of eleven days all the let ters, and he could put
even two or three of them together and spell them. I had Fox's Martyrology with
cuts, and he used to be very fond of looking into it, and would ask many questions
about the papal cruelties he saw depicted there, which I explained to him. I made
such progress with this youth, especially in religion, that when I used to go to
bed at different hours of the night, if he was in his bed, he would get up on purpose to go to prayer
with me, without any other clothes than his shirt; and before he would eat any of
his meals amongst the gentlemen in the cabin, he would sirst come to me to pray as
he called it. I was well pleased at this, and took great delight in him, and used
much supplication to God for his conversion. I was in full hope of seeing daily
every appearance of that change which I could wish; not knowing the devices of
satan, who had many of his emissaries to sow his tares as fast as I sowed the good
seed, and pull down as fast as I built up. Thus we went on nearly four fifths of
our passage, when satan at last got the upper hand. some of his messengers, seeing
this poor heathen much advanced in piety, began to ask him whether I had converted
him to Christianity, laughed and made their jest at him, for which I rebuked them
as much as I could; but this treatment caused the prince to halt between two
opinions. some of the true sons of Belial, who did not believe that there was any
hereafter, told him never to fear the devil, for there was none existing; and if
ever he came to the prince, they desired he might be sent to them. Thus they
teazed the poor innocent youth, so that he would not learn his book any more! He
would not drink nor carouse with these ungodly actors, nor would he be with me,
even at prayers. This grieved me very much. I endeavoured to persuade him as well
as I could, but he would not come; and entreated him very much to tell me his
reasons for acting thus. At last he asked me, 'How comes it that all the white men on board who can read and write, and
observe the sun, and know
all things, yet swear, lie, and get drunk, only excepting yourself?' I
answered him, the reason was, that they did not fear God; and that if any one of
them died so they could not go to, or be happy with God. He replied, that if these
persons went to hell he would go to hell too. I was sorry to hear this; and, as he
sometimes had the tooth-ach, and also some other persons in the ship at the same
time, I asked him if their tooth-ach made his easy: he said, No. Then I told him
if he and these people went to hell together, their pains would not make his any
lighter. This answer had great weight with him: it depressed his spirits much; and
he became ever after, during the passage, fond of being alone. When we were in the
latitude of Martinico, and near making the land, one morning we had a brisk gale
of wind, and, carrying
too much sail, the main-mast went over the side. Many people were then all about
the deck, and the yards, masts, and rigging, came tumbling all about us, yet there
was not one of us in the least hurt, although some were within a hair's breadth of
being killed: and, particularly, I saw two men who, by the providential hand of
God, were most miraculously preserved from being smashed to pieces. On the fifth
of January we made Antigua and Montserrat, and ran along the rest of the islands:
and on the fourteenth we arrived at Jamaica. One sunday while we were there I took
the Musquito Prince George to church, where he saw the sacrament administered.
When we came out we saw all kinds of people, almost from the church door for the
space of half a mile down to the waterside, buying and selling all kinds of commodities: and these acts
afforded me great matter of exhortation to this youth, who was much astonished.
Our vessel being ready to sail for the Musquito shore, I went with the Doctor on
board a Guinea-man, to purchase some slaves to carry with us, and cul tivate a
plantation; and I chose them all my own countrymen. On the twelfth of February we
sailed from Jamaica, and on the eighteenth arrived at the Musquito shore, at a
place called Du peupy. All our Indian guests now, after I had admonished them and
a few cases of liquor given them by the Doctor, took an affectionate leave of us,
and went ashore, where they were met by the Musquito king, and we never saw one of
them afterwards. We then sailed to the southward of the shore, to a place called
Cape Gracias a Dios, where there was a large lagoon or lake, which received the emptying of
two or three very fine large rivers, and abounded much in fish and land tortoise.
some of the native Indians came on board of us here; and we used them well, and
told them we were come to dwell amongst them, which they seemed pleased at. so the
Doctor and I, with some others, went with them ashore; and they took us to
different places to view the land, in order to choose a place to make a plantation
of. We fixed on a spot near a river's bank, in a rich soil; and, having got our
necessaries out of the sloop, we began to clear away the woods, and plant
different kinds of vegetables, which had a quick growth. While we were employed in
this manner, our vessel went northward to Black River to trade. While she was
there, a spanish guarda costa met with and took her. This proved very hurtful, and a great embarrassment to
us. However, we went on with the culture of the land. We used to make fires every
night all around us, to keep off wild beasts, which, as soon as it was dark, set
up a most hideous roaring. Our habitation being far up in the woods, we frequently
saw different kinds of animals; but none of them ever hurt us, except poisonous
snakes, the bite of which the Doctor used to cure by giving to the patient as soon
as possible, about half a tumbler of strong rum, with a good deal of Cayenne
pepper in it. In this manner he cured two natives and one of his own slaves. The
Indians were exceedingly fond of the Doctor, and they had good reason for it; for
I believe they never had such an useful man amongst them. They came from all
quarters to our dwelling; and some woolwow or flat-headed
Indians, who lived fifty or
sixty miles above our river, and this side of the south sea, brought us a good
deal of silver in exchange for our goods. The principal articles we could get from
our neighbouring Indians, were turtle oil, and shells, little silk grass, and some
provisions; but they would not work at any thing for us, except fishing; and a few
times they assist ed to cut some trees down, in order to build us houses; which
they did exactly like the Africans, by the joint labour of men, women, and
children. I do not recollect any of them to have had more than two wives. These
always accompanied their husbands when they came to our dwelling, and then they
generally carried whatever they brought to us, and always squatted down behind
their husbands. Whenever we gave them any thing to eat, the men and their wives
eat seperate. I never saw the least sign of incontinence amongst them. The women are ornamented with beads,
and fond of painting themselves; the men also paint, even to excess, both their
faces and shirts: their favourite colour is red. The women generally cultivate the
ground, and the men are all fishermen and canoe makers. Upon the whole, I never
met any nation that were so simple in their manners as these people, or had so
little ornament in their houses. Neither had they, as I ever could learn, one word
expressive of an oath. The worst word I ever heard amongst them when they were
quarrelling, was one that they had got from the English, which was 'you rascal.' I never saw any mode of worship among them;
but in this they were not worse than their European brethren or neighbours, for I
am sorry to say that there was not one white person in our dwelling, nor any where else, that I saw,
in different places I was at on the shore, that was better or more pious than
those unenlightened indians; but they either worked or slept on sundays: and, to
my sorrow, working was too much sun day's employment with ourselves; so much so,
that in some length of time we really did not know one day from another. This mode
of living laid the foundation of my decamping at last. The natives are well made
and warlike; and they particularly boast of having never been conquered by the
spaniards. They are great drinkers of strong liquors when they can get them. We
used to distil rum from pine apples, which were very plentiful here; and then we
could not get them away from our place. Yet they seemed to be sin gular, in point
of honesty, above any other nation I was ever amongst. The country being hot, we lived under an
open shed, where we had all kinds of goods, without a door or a lock to any one
article; yet we slept in safety, and never lost any thing, or were disturbed. This
surprised us a good deal; and the Doctor, myself, and others, used to say if we
were to lie in that manner in Europe we should have our throats cut the first
night. The Indian governor goes once in a certain time all about the province or
district, and has a number of men with him as attendants and assistants. He
settles all the differences among the people, like the judge here, and is treated
with very great respect. He took care to give us timely notice before he came to
our habitation, by sending his stick as a token, for rum, sugar, and gunpowder,
which we did not refuse sending; and at the same time we made the utmost
preparation to receive his
honour and his train. When he came with his tribe, and all our neighbouring
chieftians, we expected to sind him a grave reverend judge, solid and sagacious;
but instead of that, before he and his gang came in sight, we heard them very
clamorous; and they even had plundered some of our good neighbouring Indians,
having intoxi cated themselves with our liquor. When they arrived we did not know
what to make of our new guests, and would gladly have dispensed with the honour of
their company. However, having no alternative, we feasted them plentifully all the
day till the evening; when the governor, getting quite drunk, grew very unruly,
and struck one of our most friendly chiefs, who was our nearest neighbour, and
also took his gold-laced hat from him. At this a great commotion taken place; and
the Doctor interfered to
make peace, as we could all understand one another, but to no purpose; and at last
they became so outrageous that the Doctor, fearing he might get into trouble, left
the house, and made the best of his way to the nearest wood, leaving me to do as
well as I could among them. I was so enraged with the Governor, that I could have
wished to have seen him tied fast to a tree and flogged for his behaviour; but I
had not people enough to cope with his party. I therefore thought of a stratagem
to appease the riot. Recollecting a passage I had read in the life of Columbus,
when he was amongst the Indians in Mexico or Peru, where on some occasion, he
frightened them, by telling them of certain events in the heavens, I had recourse
to the same expedient; and it succeeded beyond my most sanguine expectations. When I had formed my
determination. I went in the midst of them; and, tak ing hold of the Governor, I
pointed up to the heavens. I menaced him and the rest: I told them God lived
there, and that he was angry with them, and they must not quarrel so; that they
were all brothers, and if they did not leave off, and go away quietly, I would
take the book (pointing to the Bible) read, and tell God to
make them dead. This operated on them like magic.—The clamour im mediately ceased,
and I gave them some rum and a few other things; after which they went away
peaceably; and the Governor afterwards gave our neighbour, who was called Captain
Plasmyah, his hat again. When the Doctor returned, he was exceedingly glad at my
success in thus getting rid of our troublesome guests. The Musquito people within our vicinity, out of
respect to the Doctor, myself, and his people, made entertainments of the grand
kind, called in their tongue tourrie or dryckbot. The English of this expression is, a feast of drinking about,
of which it seems a corruption of lan guage. The drink consisted of pine apples
roasted, and casades chewed or beaten in mortars; which, after lying some time,
ferments, and becomes so strong as to intoxicate, when drank in any quantity. We
had timely notice given to us of the entertainment. A white family, whithin five
miles of us, told us how the drink was made, and I and two others went before the
time to the village, where the mirth was appointed to be held, and there we saw
the whole art of making the drink, and also the kind of animals that were to be
eaten there. I cannot say the sight of either the drink or the meat were
enticing to me. They had some thousands of pine apples roasting, which they
squeezed dirt and all, into a canoe they had there for the purpose. The casade
drink was in beef barrels, and other vessels, and looked exactly like hog-wash.
Men, women, and children, were thus employed in roasting the pine apples, and
squeezing them with their hands. For sood they had many land torpins or tortoises,
some dried turtle, and three large alligators alive, and tied fast to the trees. I
asked the people what they were going to do with these alligators; and I was told
they were to be eaten. I was much surpris ed at this, and went home, not a little
disgusted at the preparations. When the day of the feast was come, we took some
rum with us, and went to the appointed place, where we found a great assemblage of these people, who
received us very kindly. The mirth had begun before we came; and they were dancing
with music: and the musical instruments were nearly the same as those of any other
sable people; but, as I thought much less melodious than any other nation I ever
knew. They had many curious gestures in dancing, and a variety of motions and
postures of their bodies, which to me were in no wise attracting. The males danced
by themselves, and the females also by themselves, as with us. The Doctor shewed
his people the example, by immediately joining the women's party, though not by
their choice. On per ceiving the women disgusted, he joined the males. At night
there were great illuminations, by setting fire to many pine trees, while the
dryckbot went round merrily by calabashes or gourds: but the liquor might more
justly be called eating than
drinking. One Owden, the oldest father in the vicinity, was dressed in a strange
and terrifying form. Around his body were skins adorned with different kinds of
feathers, and he had on his head a very large and high head-piece, in the form of
a grenadier's cap, with prickles like a porcupine: and he made a certain noise
which resembled the cry of an alligator. Our people skipped amongst them out of
complaisance, though some could not drink of their tourrie; but our rum met with
customers enough, and was soon gone. The alligators were killed and some of them
roasted. Their manner of roasting is by digging a hole in the earth, and filling
it with wood, which they burn to coal, and then they lay sticks across, on which
they set the meat. I had a raw piece of the alligator in my hand: it was very
rich: I thought it looked like fresh salmon, and it had a most fragrant smell, but I could not
eat any of it. This merry-making at last ended without the least discord in any
person in the company, although it was made up of different nations and
complexions.
The rainy season came on here about the latter end of May, which continued till
August very heavily; so that the rivers were overflowed, and our provisions then
in the ground were washed away. I thought this was in some measure a judgment upon
us for working on sundays, and it hurt my mind very much. I often wished to leave
this place and sail for Europe; for our mode of procedure and living in this
heathenish form was very irksome to me. The word of God saith, 'What does it avail a man if he gain the whole
world, and lose his own soul?' This was much and hea vily impressed on
my mind; and though I did
not know how to speak to the Doctor for my discharge, it was disagreeable for me
to stay any longer. But about the middle of June I took courage enough to ask him
for it. He was very unwilling at sirst to grant my request; but I gave him so many
reasons for it, that at last he consented to my going, and gave me the follow ing
certificate of my behaviour:
The bearer, Gustavus Vassa, has served me several years with strict honesty,
sobriety, and fidelity. I can, therefore with justice recommend him for
these qualifications; and indeed in every respect I consider him as an ex
cellent servant. I do hereby certify that he always behaved well, and that
he is perfectly trust-worthy.
CHARLES IRVING.
Musquito shore,
June 15, 1776.
Though I was much attached
to the Doctor, I was happy when he consented. I got every thing ready for my
departure, and hired some Indians, with a large canoe, to carry me off. All my
poor countrymen, the slaves, when they heard of my leaving them, were very sorry,
as I had always treated them with care and affection, and did every thing I could
to comfort the poor creatures, and render their condition easy. Having taken leave
of my old friends and companions, on the 18th of June, accompanied by the Doctor,
I left that spot of the world, and went southward above twenty miles along the
river. There I found a sloop, the captain of which told me he was going to
Jamaica. Having agreed for my passage with him and one of the owners, who was also
on board, named Hughes, the Doctor and I parted, not without shed ding tears on both sides. The vessel then
sailed along the river till night, when she stopped in a lagoon within the same
river. During the night a schooner belonging to the same owners came in, and, as
she was in want of hands, Hughes, the owner of the sloop asked me to go in the
schooner as a sailor, and said he would give me wages. I thanked him; but I said I
wanted to go to Jamaica. He then immediately changed his tone, and swore, and
abused me very much, and asked how I came to be freed. I told him, and said that I
came into that vicinity with Dr. Irving; whom he had seen that day. This account
was of no use; he still swore exceedingly at me, and cursed the master for a fool
that sold me my freedom, and the doctor for another in letting me go from him.
Then he desired me to go in the schooner, or else I should not go out of the sloop as a
free-man. I said this was very hard, and begged to be put on shore again; but he
swore that I should not. I said I had been twice amongst the Turks, yet had never
seen any such usage with them, and much less could I have expected any thing of
this kind among the Christians. This incensed him exceedingly; and, with a volley
of oaths and imprecations, he replied,
>'Christians! damn you, you are one of st. Paul's men; but by G—, except you
have st. Paul's or st. Peter's faith, and walk upon the water to the shore, you
shall not go out of the vessel;' which I now learnt was going amongst
the spaniards towards Carthagena, where he swore he would sell me. I simply asked
him what right he had to sell me? but, without another word, he made some of his
people tie ropes round each of my ancles, and also to each wrist, and another rope round my body, and hoisted
me up without letting my feet touch or rest upon any thing. Thus I hung, without
any crime committed, and without judge or jury; merely because I was a free man,
and could not by the law get any redress from a white person in those parts of the
world. I was in great pain from my situation, and cried and begged very hard for
some mercy; but all in vain. My tyrant, in a great rage brought a mus quet out of
the cabin and loaded it before me and the crew, and swore that he would shoot me
if I cried any more. I had now no alternative; I therefore remained silent, seeing
not one white man on board who said a word on my behalf. I hung in that manner
from between ten and eleven o'clock at night till about one in the morning; when, finding my cruel abuser
fast asleep, I begged some of his slaves to slack the rope that was round my body,
that my feet might rest on something. This they did at the risk of being cruelly
used by their master, who beat some of them severely at first for not tying me
when he commanded them. Whilst I remained in this condition, till between five and
six o'clock next morning, I trust I prayed to God to forgive this blasphemer, who
cared not what he did, but when he got up out of his sleep in the morning was of
the very fame temper and disposition as when he left me at night. When they got up
the anchor, and the vessel was getting under way, I once more cried and begged to
be released; and now, being fortunately in the way of their hoisting the sails,
they released me. When I was let down, I spoke to one Mr. Cox, a carpenter, whom I knew on board, on
the impropriety of this conduct. He also knew the doctor, and the good opinion he
ever had of me. This man then went to the captain, and told him not to carry me
away in that manner? that I was the doctor's steward, who regarded me very highly,
and would resent this usage when he should come to know it. On which he desired a
young man to put me ashore in a small canoe I brought with me. This sound
gladdened my heart, and I got hastily into the canoe and set off, whilst my tyrant
was down in the cabin; but he soon spied me out, when I was not above thirty or
forty yards from the vessel, and running upon the deck with a loaded musket in his
hand, he presented it at me, and swore heavily and dreadfully, that he would shoot
me that instant, if I did not come back on board. As I knew the wretch would
have done as he said, without hesitation, I put back to the vessel again; but, as
the good Lord would have it, just as I was alongside he was abusing the captain
for letting me go from the vessel; which the captain returned, and both of them
soon got into a very great heat. The young man that was with me now got out of the
canoe; the vessel was sailing on fast with a smooth sea: and I then thought it was
neck or no thing, so at that instant I set off again, for my life, in the canoe,
towards the shore; and fortunately the confusion was so great amongst them on
board, that I got out of the reach of the mus ket shot unnoticed, while the vessel
sailed on with a fair wind a different way; so that they could not overtake me
without tacking: but even before that could be done I should have been on shore, which I soon reached, with
many thanks to God for this unexpected deliverance. I then went and told the other
owner, who lived near that shore (with whom I had agreed for my passage) of the
usage I had met with. He was very much astonished and appeared very sorry for it.
After treating me with kindness, he gave me some refreshment, and three heads of
roasted Indian corn, for a voyage of about eighteen miles south, to look for
another vessel. He then directed me to an Indian chief of a district, who was also
the Musquito admiral, and had once been at our dwelling; after which I set off
with the canoe across a large lagoon alone (for I could not get any one to assist
me), though I was much jaded, and had pains in my bowels, by means of the rope I
had hung by the night before. I was therefore at different times unable to manage the canoe, for
the paddling was very laborious. However, a little before dark I got to my
destined place, where some of the Indians knew me, and received me kindly. I asked
for the admiral; and they conducted me to his dwelling. He was glad to see me, and
refreshed me with such things as the place afforded; and I had a hammock to fleep
in. They acted towards me more like Christians than those whites I was amongst the
last night, though they had been baptised. I told the admiral I wanted to go to
the next port to get a vessel to carry me to Jamaica; and requested him to send
the canoe back which I then had, for which I was to pay him. He agreed with me,
and sent five able Indians with a large canoe to carry my things to my intended
place, about fifty miles; and we set off the next morning. When we got out of
the lagoon and went along shore, the sea was so high that the canoe was oftentimes
very near being filled with water. We were obliged to go ashore and drag across
different necks of land; we were also two nights in the swamps, which swarmed with
musquito flies, and they proved troublesome to us. This tiresome journey of land
and water ended, however, on the third day, to my great joy; and I got on board of
a sloop commanded by one Captain Jenning. she was then partly loaded, and he told
me he was expecting daily to sail for Jamaica; and having agreed with me to work
my passage, I went to work accordingly. I was not many days on board before we
sailed; but to my sorrow and disappointment, though used to such tricks, we went
to the southward along the Musquito shore, instead of steering for Jamaica. I
was compelled to assist in cutting a great deal of mahogany wood on the shore as
we coasted along it, and load the vessel with it, before she sailed. This fretted
me much; but, as I did not know how to help myself among these deceivers, I
thought patience was the only remedy I had left, and even that was forced. There
was much hard work and little victuals on board, except by good luck we happened
to catch turtles. On this coast there was also a particular kind of fish called
manatee, which is most excellent eating, and the flesh is more like beef than
fish; the scales are as large as a shilling, and the skin thicker than I ever saw
that of any other fish. Within the brackish waters along shore there were likewise
vast numbers of alligators, which made the fish scarce. I was on board this sloop
sixteen days, during which,
in our coasting, we came to another place, where there was a smaller sloop called
the Indian Queen, commanded by one John Baker. He also was an Englishman, and had
been a long time along the shore trading for turtle shells and silver, and had got
a good quantity of each on board. He wanted some hands very much; and,
understanding I was a freeman, and wanted to go to Jamaica, he told me if he could
get one or two, that he would sail immediately for that Island: he also pretended
to shew me some marks of at tention and respect, and promised to give me
forty-five shillings sterling a a month if I would go with him. I thought this
much better than cutting wood for nothing. I therefore told the other captain that
I wanted to go to Jamaica in the other vessel; but he would not listen to me; and,
seeing me resolved to go in
a day or two, he got the vessel to sail, intending to carry me away against my
will. This treatment mortified me extremely. I
immediately, according to an agreement I had made with the captain of the Indian
Queen, called for her boat, which was lying near us, and it came alongside; and,
by the means of a north-pole shipmate which I met with in the sloop I was in, I
got my things into the boat, and went on board of the Indian Queen, July the 10th.
A few days after I was there, we got all things ready and sailed: but again, to my
great mortification, this vessel still went to the south, nearly as far as
Carthagena, trading along the coast, instead of going to Jamaica, as the captain
had promised me: and, what was worst of all, he was a very cruel and bloody-minded
man, and was a horrid blasphemer. Among others, he had a white pilot, one stoker,
whom he beat often as severely as he did some negroes he had on board. One night
in particular, after he had beaten this man most cruelly, he put him into the
boat, and made two negroes row him to a desolate key, or small island; and he
loaded two pistols, and swore bitterly that he would shoot the negroes if they
brought stoker on board again. There was not the least doubt but that he would do
as he said, and the two poor fellows were obliged to obey the cruel mandate; but,
when the captain was asleep, the two negroes took a blanket and carried it to the
unfortunate stoker, which I believe was the means of saving his life from the
annoyance of insects. A great deal of entreaty was used with the captain the next
day, before he would consent to let stoker come on board; and when the poor man was brought on board he
was very ill, from his situation during the night, and he remained so till he was
drowned a little time after. As we sailed southward we came to many uninhabited
islands, which were overgrown with fine large cocoa nuts. As I was very much in
want of provisions, I brought a boat load of them on board, which lasted me and
others for several weeks, and afforded us many a delicious repast in our scarcity.
One day, before this, I could not help ob serving the providential hand of God,
that ever supplied all our wants, though in the ways and manner we know not. I had
been a whole day without food, and made signals for boats to come off, but in
vain. I therefore earnestly prayed to God for relief in my need; and at the close
of the evening I went off the deck. Just as I laid down I heard a noise on the deck; and, not knowing
what it meant, I went directly on the deck again, when what should I see but a
fine large fish about seven or eight pounds, which had jumped aboard! I took it,
and admired, with thanks, the good hand of God; and, what I con sidered as not
less extraordinary, the captain, who was very avaricious, did not attempt to take
it from me, there being only him and I on board; for the rest were all gone ashore
trading. sometimes the people did not come off for some days: this used to fret
the captain, and then he would vent his fury on me by beating me, or making me
feel in other cruel ways. One day especially, in his wild, wicked, and mad career,
after striking me several times with different things, and once across my mouth,
even with a red burning stick out of the fire, he got a barrel of gunpowder on the deck, and swore that
he would blow up the vessel. I was then at my wit's end, and earnestly prayed to
God to direct me. The head was out of the barrel; and the captain took a lighted
stick out of the fire to blow himself and me up, because there was a vessel then
in sight coming in, which he supposed was a spaniard, and he was afraid of falling
into their hands. seeing this I got an axe, unnoticed by him, and placed myself
between him and the powder, having resolved in myself as soon as he attempted to
put the fire in the barrel to chop him down that instant. I was more than an hour
in this situation; during which he struck me often, still keeping the fire in his
hand for this wicked purpose. I really should have thought myself justifiable in
any other part of the world if I had killed him, and prayed to God, who gave me a mind
which rested solely on himself. I prayed for resignation, that his will might be
done: and the following two portions of his holy word, which oc cured to my mind,
buoyed up my hope, and kept me from taking the life of this wicked man. 'He hath determined the times before appointed, and
set bounds to our habitations,' Acts xvii. 26. And, 'Who is there among you that feareth the Lord, that
obeyeth the voice of his servant, that walketh in darkness and hath no light?
let him trust in the name of the Lord, and stay upon his God,' Isaiah
l. 20. And thus by the grace of God I was enabled to do. I found him a present
help in the time of need, and the captain's fury began to sub side as the night
approached: but I found,
" That he who cannot stem his anger's tide
" Doth a wild horse without a bridle ride."
The next morning we discovered that the vessel which had caused such a fury in the
captain was an English sloop. They soon came to an anchor where we were, and, to
my no small surprise, learned that Doctor Irving was on board of her on his way
from the Musquito shore to Jamaica. I was for going immediately to see this old
master and friend, but the captain would not suffe me to leave the vessel. I then
informe the Doctor, by letter, how I was treated and begged that he would take me
out of the sloop: but he informed me that it was not in his power, as he was a
passenger himself; but he sent me some rum and sugar for my own use. I now learned
that after I had left the estate which I managed for this gentleman on the Musquito shore, during which
the slaves were well fed and comfortable, a white overseer had supplied my place:
this man through inhumanity and ill-judged avarice, beat and cut the poor slaves
most unmercifully; and the consequence was, that every one got into a large
Puriogua canoe, and endeavoured to escape; but not knowing where to go, or how to
manage the canoe, they were all drowned; in consequence of which the Doctor's
plantation was left uncultivated, and he was now returning to Jamaica to purchase
more slaves, and stock it again.
On the 14th of October, the Indian Queen arrived at Kingston in Jamaica. When we
were unloaded I demanded my wages, which amounted to eight pounds five shillings
sterling; but Captain Baker refused to give me one farthing, although it was the
hardestearned money I ever
worked for in my life. I found out Doctor Irving upon this, and acquainted him of
the cap tain's knavery. He did all he could to help me to get my money; and we
went to every magistrate in Kingston (and there were nine) but they all refused to
do any thing for me, and said my oath could not be admitted against a white man.
Nor was this all; for Baker threatened that he would beat me severely if he could
catch me for attempting to demand my money; and this he would have done, but that
I got, by means of Doctor Irving, under the protection of Captain Douglas, of the
squirrel man of war. I thought this exceeding hard usage; though indeed I found it
to be too much the practice there to pay free negro men for their labour in this
manner.
One day I went with a free negroe taylor, named Joe Diamond, to one Mr. Cochran, who was indebted to him
some trifling sum; and the man, not being able to get his money, be gan to murmur.
The other immediately took a horse-whip to pay him with it, but, by the help of a
good pair of heels, the taylor got off. such oppressions as these made me seek for
a vessel to get off the island as fast as I could: and by the mercy of God, I
found a ship in November bound for England, when I embarked with a con voy, after
having taken a last farewell of Doctor Irving. When I left Jamaica he was employed
in refining sugars; and some months after my arrival in England I learned, with
much sorrow, that this my amiable friend was dead, owing to his having eaten some
poisoned fish.
We had many very heavy gales of wind in our passage; in the course of which no material incident occurred,
except that an American privateer, falling in with the fleet, was captured and set
sire to by his Majesty's ship the squirrel.
On January the seventh, 1777, we arrived at Plymouth. I was happy once more to
tread upon English ground; and, after passing some little time at Plymouth and
Exeter, among some pious friends, whom I was happy to see, I went to London with a
heart replete with thanks to God for past mercies.
CHAP. XII.
Different transactions of the author's life till the present
time—His application to the late Bishop of London to be appointed a
missionary to Africa—some account of his share in the conduct of the late
expedition to Sierra Leone—Petition to the Queen—Conclusion.
SUCH were the various scenes which I was a witness to, and the fortune I
experienced until the year 1777. Since that period, my life has been more uniform,
and the incidents of it fewer, than in any other equal number of years preceding;
I therefore hasten to the conclusion of a narrative, which I fear the reader may think already
sufficiently tedious.
I had suffered so many impositions in my commercial transactions in different
parts of the world, that I became heartily disgusted with the seafaring life, and
was determined not to return to it, at least for some time. I therefore once more
engaged in service shortly after my return, and continued for the most part in
this situation until 1784.
Soon after my arrival in London, I saw a remarkable circumstance relative to
African complexion, which I thought so extraordinary, that I beg leave just to
mention it: A white negro woman, that I had formerly seen in London and other
parts, had married a white man, by whom she had three boys, and they were every
one mullattoes, and yet they had fine light hair. In 1779, I served Governor Macnamara, who had
been a considerable time on the coast of Africa. In the time of my service, I used
to ask frequently other servants to join me in family prayer; but this only
excited their mockery. However, the Governor, understanding that I was of a
religious turn, wished to know what religion I was of; I told him I was a
Protestant of the Church of England, agreeable to the thirty nine articles of that
church; and that whomsoever I found to preach according to that doctrine, those I
would hear. A few days after this, we had some more discourse on the same subject;
when he said he would, if I chose, as he thought I might be of service in
converting my countrymen to the Gospel faith, get me sent out as missionary to
Africa. I at first refused going, and told him how I had been served on a like
occasion by some white
people the last voyage I went to Jamaica, when I attempted (if it were the will of
God) to be the means of converting the Indian prince; and said I supposed they
would serve me worse than Alexander the coppersmith did St. Paul, if I should
attempt to go amongst them in Africa. He told me not to fear, for he would apply
to the Bishop of London to get me ordained. On these terms I consented to the
Governor's proposal to go to Africa in hope of doing good, if possible, amongst my
countrymen; so, in order to have me sent out properly, we immediately wrote the
following letters to the late Bishop of London:
To the Right Reverend Father in God, ROBERT, Lord Bishop of London:
The MEMORIAL of Gustavus Vassa
SHEWETH,
THAT your memorialist is a native of Africa, and has a knowledge of the
manners and customs of the inhabitants of that country.
That your memorialist has resided in different parts of Europe for
twenty-two years last past, and embraced the Christian faith in the year
1759.
That your memorialist is desirous of returning to Africa as a missionary, if
encouraged by your Lordship, in hopes of being able to prevail upon his
countrymen to become Christians; and your memorialist is the more induced to
undertake the same, from the success that has attended the like undertakings
when encouraged by the Portugeuse through their different
settlements on the coast of Africa, and also by the Dutch: both governments
encouraging the blacks, who, by their education are qualified to undertake
the same, and are found more proper than European clergymen, unacquainted
with the language and customs of the country.
Your memorialist's only motive for soliciting the office of a missionary is,
that he may be a means, under God, of reforming his countrymen and
persuading them to embrace the Christian religion. Therefore your
memorialist humbly prays your Lordship's encouragement and support in the
undertaking.
Gustavus Vassa.
At Mr. Guthrie's, Taylor, No. 17, Hedge-lane.
MY LORD,
I have resided near seven years on the coast of Africa, for most part of the
time as commanding officer. From the knowledge I have of the country and its
inhabitants, I am inclined to think that the within plan will be attended
with great success, if countenanced by your Lordship. I beg leave further to
represent to your Lordship, that the like attempts, when encouraged by other
governments, have met with uncommon success; and at this very time I know a
very respectable character a black priest at Cape Coast Castle. I know the
within named Gustavus Vassa, and believe him a moral good man.
I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's Humble and
obedient servant, MATT. MACNAMARA.
Grove, 11th March 1779.
This letter was also
accompanied by the following from Doctor Wallace, who had resided in Africa for
many years, and whose sentiments on the subject of an African mission were the
same with Governor Macnamara's.
March 13, 1779.
MY LORD,
I have resided near five years on Senegambia on the coast of Africa, and
have had the honour of silling very considerable employments in that
province. I do approve of the within plan, and think the undertaking very
laudable and proper, and that it deserves your Lordship's protection and
encouragement, in which case it must be attended with the intended
success.
I am, my Lord, Your Lordships Humble and obedient servant, THOMAS
WALLACE.
With these letters, I waited
on the Bishop by the Governor's desire, and presented them to his Lordship. He
received me with much condescension and politeness; but, from some certain
scruples of delicacy, and saying the Bishops were not of opinion of sending a new
missionary to Africa, he declined to ordain me.
My sole motive for thus dwelling on this transaction, or inserting these papers,
is the opinion which gentlemen of sense and education, who are acquainted with
Africa, entertain of the probability of converting the inhabitants of it to the
faith of Jesus Christ, if the attempt were countenanced by the legislature.
shortly after this I left the Governor, and served a nobleman in the Dorsetshire
militia, whith whom I was encamped at Coxheath for some time; but the operations there were too
minute and uninteresting to make a detail of.
In the year 1783, I visited eight counties in Wales, from motives of curiosity.
While I was in that part of the country I was led to go down into a coal-pit in
shropshire, but my curiosity nearly cost me my life; for while I was in the pit
the coals fell in, and buried one poor man, who was not far from me: upon this I
got out as fast as I could, thinking the furface of the earth the safest part of
it.
In the spring of 1784, I thought of visiting old ocean again. In consequence of
this I embarked as steward on board a fine new ship called the London, commanded
by Martin Hopkin, and sailed for New-York. I admired this city very much; it is
large and well-built, and abounds with provisions of all kinds. While we lay here a
circumstance happened which I thought extremely singular:—One day a malefactor was
to be executed on a gallows; but with a condition that if any woman, having
nothing on but her shift, married the man under the gallows, his life was to be
saved. This extraordinary privilege was claimed; a woman presented herself; and
the marriage ceremony was performed.
Our ship having got laden were turned to London in January 1785. When she was
ready again for another voyage, the captain being an agreeable man, I sailed with
him from hence in the spring, March 1785, for Philadelphia. On the 5th of April,
we took our departure from the land's-end, with a pleasant gale; and about nine
o'clock that night the moon shone bright, and the sea was smooth, while our ship
was going free by the
wind, at the rate of about four or five miles an hour.—At this time another ship
was going nearly as fast as we on the opposite point, meeting us right in the
teeth, yet none on board observed either ship until we struck each other forcibly
head and head, to the astonishment and consternation of both crews. she did us
much damage, but I believe we did her more; for when we passed by each other,
which we did very quickly, they called to us to bring to, and hoist out our boat,
but we had enough to do to mind ourselves; and in about eight minutes we saw no
more of her. We refitted as well as we could the next day, and proceeded on our
voyage, and in May arrived at Philadelphia.
I was very glad to see this favorite old town once more; and my pleasure was much
increased in seeing the worthy Quakers freeing and easing the burthens of many of my oppressed African
brethren. It rejoiced my heart when one of these friendly people took me to see a
free-school they had erected for every denomination of black people, whose minds
are cultivated here, and forwarded to virtue; and thus they are made useful
members of the community. Does not the success of this practice say loudly to the
planters, in the language of scripture—"Go ye and
do likewise!"
In October 1585, I was accompanied by some of the Africans, and presented this
address of thanks to the gentlemen called Friends or Quakers, in
Gracechurch-Court, Lombard-street:
GENTLEMEN,
By reading your book, entitled a Caution to Great Britain and her Colonies, concerning the
Calamitous state of the enslaved Negroes: We part of the poor, oppressed, needy,
and much degraded negroes, desire to approach you with this address of thanks,
with our inmost love and warmest acknowledgment; and with the deepest sense of
your benevolence, unwearied labour, and kind interposition, towards breaking the
yoke of slavery, and to administer a little comfort and ease to thousands and tens
of thousands of very grievously afflicted, and too heavy burthened negroes.
Gentlemen, could you, by perseverance, at last be enabled under God, to lighten in
any degree the heavy burthen of the afflicted, no doubt it would in some measure,
be the possible means, under God, of saving the souls of many of the oppressors;
and if so, sure we are that the God, whose eyes are ever upon all his creatures, and always rewards
every true act of virtue, and regards the prayers of the oppressed, will give to
you and yours those blessings which it is not in our power to express or conceive,
but which we as a part of those captivated, oppressed, and afflicted people, most
earnestly wish and pray for.
These gentlemen received us very kindly, with a promise to exert themselves on
behalf of the oppressed Africans, and we parted.
While in town, I chanced once to be invited to a Quaker's wedding. The simple and
yet expressive mode used at their solemnizations is worthy of note. The following
is the true form of it:
After the company have met, they have seasonable exhortations by several of the
members; the bride and bridegroom stand up, and, taking each other by the hand in a solemn manner,the
man declares to this purpose:
"Friends, in the fear of the Lord, and in the presence of
this assembly, whom I desire to be my witnesses, I take this my friend, M. N.
to be my wife; promising, through divine assistance, to be unto her a loving
and faithful husband till death separate us:" and the woman makes the
like declaration. Then the two first sign their names to the record, and as many
more witnesses as have a mind. I had the honour to subscribe mine to a register in
Gracechurch-Court, Lombard-street.—My hand is ever free—if any female Debonair
wishes to obtain it, this mode I recommend.
We returned to London in August; and our ship not going immediately to sea, I
shipped as a steward in an American ship called the Harmony, Captain John Willet, and left London in March
1786, bound to Philadelphia. Eleven days after sailing, we carried our foremast
away. We had a nine weeks passage, which caused our trip not to succeed well, the
market for our goods proving bad; and to make it worse, my commander began to play
me the like tricks as others too often practise on free negroes in the West
Indies. But I thank God I found many friends here, who in some measure prevented
him. On my return to London in August, I was very agreeably surprised to find that
the benevolence of government had adopted the plan of some philanthropic
individuals to send the Africans from hence to their native quarter; and that some
vessels were then engaged to carry them to sierra Leona; an act which redounded to
the honour of all concerned in its promotion, and filled me with prayers and much
rejoicing. There was then in the city, a select committee of gentlemen for the
black poor, to some of whom I had the honour of being known; and, as soon as they
heard of my arrival, they sent for me to the committee. When I came there, they
informed me of the intention of government; and as they seemed to think me
qualified to superintend part of the undertaking, they asked me to go with the
black poor to Africa. I pointed out to them many objections to my going; and
particularly I expressed some difficulties on the account of the slave dealers, as
I would certainly oppose their traffic in the human species by every means in my
power. However these objections were over-ruled by the gentlemen of the committee,
who prevailed on me to consent to go; and recommended me to the honourable Commissioners of his
Majesty's Navy, as a proper person to act as commissary for government in the
intended expedition; and they accordingly appointed me in November 1786, to that
office, and gave me sufficient power to act for the government in the capacity of
commissary, having received my warrant and the following order.
By the principal Officers and Commissioners of his Majesty's
Navy.
WHEREAs you were directed, by our warrant of the 4th of last month, to
receive into your charge from Mr. Joseph Irwin, the surplus provisions
remaining of what was provided for the voyage, as well as the provisions
for the support of the black poor, after the landing at Sierra Leone,
with the cloathing, tools, and all other articles provided at government's
expence; and as the provisions were laid in at the rate of two months for
the voyage, and for four months afrer the landing, but the number
embarked being so much less than we expected, whereby there may be a
considerable surplus of provisions, cloathing, &c. These are, in
addition to former orders, to direct and require you to appropriate or
dispose of such surplus to the best advantage you can for the benefit of
government, keeping and rendering to us a faithful account of what you do
herein. And for your guidance in preventing any white persons going, who
are not intended to have the indulgence of being carried thither, we send
you herewith a list of those recommended by the Committee for the balck
poor, as proper persons to be permitted to embark, and acquaint you that
you are not to suffer any others to go who do not produce a certificate from the committee
for the black poor, of their having their permission for it. For which
this shall be your warrant. Dated at the Navy-Office, January 16,
1787.
J.HINSLOW,
GEO. MARSH,
W. PALMER.
To Mr. Gustavus Vassa, Commissary of Provisions and stores for
the Black Poor going to sierra Leona.
I proceeded immediately to the executing of my duty on board the vessels destined
for the voyage, where I continued till the March following.
During my continuanee in the employment of government, I was struck with the
flagrant abuses committed by the agent, and endeavoured to remedy them, but without effect. One
instance, among many which I could produce, may serve as a specimen. Government
had ordered to be provided all necessaries (slops, as they are called, included)
for 750 persons; however, not being able to muster more than 426, I was ordered to
send the superfluous slops, &c. to the king's stores at Portsmouth; but, when
I demanded them for that purpose from the agent, it appeared they had never been
bought, though paid for by government. But that was not all, government were not
the only objects of peculation; these poor people suffered infinitely more; their
accommodations, were most wretched; many of them wanted beds, and many more
cloathing and other necessaries. For the truth of this, and much more, I do not
seek credit from my own assertion. I appeal to the testimony of Capt. Thompson, of the Nautilus, who
convoyed us, to whom I applied in February 1787, for a remedy, when I had
remonstrated to the agent in vain, and even brought him to be a witness of the
injustice and oppression I complained of. I appeal also to a letter written by
these wretched people, so early as the beginning of the preceding January, and
published in the Morning Herald, on the 4th of that month, signed by twenty of
their chiefs.
I could not silently suffer govern>ment to be thus cheated, and my countrymen
plundered and oppressed, and even lest destitude of the necessaries for almost
their existence. I therefore informed the Commissioners of the Navy of the agent's
proceeding; but my dismission was soon after procured, by means of a gentleman in
the city, whom the agent, conscious of his peculation, had deceived by letter, and who,
moreover, empowered the same agent to receive on board, at the government expence,
a number of persons as passengers, contrary to the orders I received. By this I
suffered a considerable loss in my property: however, the commissioners were
satisfied with my conduct, and wrote to Capt. Thompson, expressing their
opprobation of it.
Thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage; and at last, worn out by treatment,
perhaps not the most mild, and wasted by sickness, brought on by want of medicine,
cloaths, bedding, &c. they reached sirrea Leona just at at the commencement of
the rains. At that season of the year it is impossible to cultivate the lands;
their provisions therefore were exhausted before they could derive any benefit
from agriculture; and it is not surprising that many, especially the lascars,
whose constitutions are very tender, and who had been cooped up in ships from
October to June, and accommodated in the manner I have mentioned, should be so
wasted by their confinement as not long to survive it.
Thus ended my part of the long-talked of expedition to sierra Leona; an expedition
which, however unfortunate in the event, was humane and politic in its design, nor
was its failure owing to government: every thing was done on their part; but there
was evidently sufficient mismanagement attending the conduct and execution of it
to defeat its success.
I should not have been so ample in my account of this transaction, had not the
share I bore in it been made the subject of partial animadversion, and even my
dismission from my employment thought worthy of being made by some a matter of public triumph*. The motives
which might influence any person to descend to a petty contest with an obscure
African, and to seek gratification by his depression, perhaps it is not proper
here to inquire into or relate, even if its detection were necessary to my
vindication; but I thank Heaven it is not. I wish to stand by my own integrity,
and not to shelter myself under the impropriety of another; and I trust the
behaviour of the Commissioners of the Navy to me entitle me to make this
assertion; for after I had been dismissed, March 24, I drew up a memorial
thus:
* See the Public Advertiser, July 14,
1787. [Equiano's Note]
To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury:
The Memorial and Petition of GUSTAVUS VASSA a black Man, late Commissary to the black Poor going
to AFRICA.
HUMBLY SHEWETH,
THAT your Lordships memorialist was, by the Honourable the Commissioners
of his Majesty's Navy on the 4th of December last, appointed to the above
employment by warrant from that board;
That he accordingly proceeded to the execution of his duty on board of
the Vernon, being one of the ships appointed to proceed to Africa with
the above poor;
That your memorialist, to his great grief and astonishment, received a
letter of
dismission from the Honourable Commissioners of the Navy, by your
Lordships orders;
That, conscious of having acted with the most perfect fidelity and the
greatest assiduity in discharging the trust reposed in him, he is
altogether at a loss to conceive the reasons of your Lordships having
altered the favourable opinion you were pleased to conceive of him,
sensible that your Lordships would not proceed to so severe a measure
without some apparent good cause; he therefore has every reason to
believe that his conduct has been grossly misrepresented to your
Lordships, and he is the more confirmed in his opinion, because, by
opposing measures of others concerned in the same expedition, which
tended to defeat your Lordships humane intentions, and to put the
government to a very considerable additional expence, he
created a number of enemies, whose misrepresentations, he has too much reason to believe, laid the foundation of
his dismission. Unsupported by friends; and unaided by the advantages of
a liberal education, he can only hope for redress from the justice of his
cause, in addition to the mortification of having been removed from his
employment, and the advantage which he reasonably might have expected to
have derived therefrom. He has had the misfortune to have sunk a
considerable part of his lit tle property in fitting himself out, and in
other expences arising out of his situation, an account of which he here
annexes. Your memorialist will not trouble your Lordships with a
vindication of any part of his conduct, because he knows not of what
crimes he is accused; he, however, earnestly entreats that you will be pleased to
direct an inquiry into his behaviour during the time he acted in the
public service; and, if it be found that his dismission arose from salse
representations, he is confident that in your Lordships justice he shall
find redress.
Your petitioner therefore humbly prays that your Lordships will take his
case into consideration, and that you will be pleased to order payment of
the above referred-to account, amounting to 32l. 4s. and also the wages
intended, which is most humbly submitted.
London,
May 12, 1787.
The above petition was delivered into the hands of their Lordships, who were kind
enough, in the space of some few months afterwards, without hearing, to order me
50l. sterling—that is, 18l. wages for the time (upwards of four months) I acted a faithful part in
their service. Certainly the sum is more than a free negro would have had in the
western colonies!!!
From that period, to the present time, my life has passed in an even tenor, and
great part of my study and attention has been to assist in the cause of my much
injured countrymen.
March the 21st, 1788, I had the honour of presenting the Queen with a petition on
behalf of my African brethren, which was received most graciously by Her
Majesty*:
To the QUEEN's most Excellent
Majesty.
MADAM,
YOUR Majesty's well known benevolence and humanity emboldens
* At the request of some of my most
particular friends, I take the liberty of inserting it here. [Equiano's note]
me to approach your royal presence, trusting that the obscurity of my
situa tion will not prevent your Majesty from attending to the sufferings
for which I plead.
Yet I do not solicit your royal pity, for my own distress; my sufferings,
although numerous, are in a measure forgotten. I supplicate your
Majesty's compassion for millions of my African countrymen, who groan
under the lash of tyranny in the West Indies.
The oppression and cruelty exercised to the unhappy negroes there, have
at length reached the British legislature, and they are now deliberating
on its redress; even several persons of pro perty in slaves in the West
Indies, have petitioned parliament against its continuance, sensible that it is as impolitic as it is unjust—and what is
inhuman must ever be unwise.
Your Majesty's
reign has been hitherto distinguished by private acts of benevolence and
bounty; surely the more extended the misery is, the greater claim it has
to your Majesty's com passion, and the greater must be your Majesty's
pleasure in administering to its relief.
I presume, therefore, gracious Queen, to implore your interposition with
your royal consort, in favour of the wretch ed Africans; that, by your
Majesty's benevolent influence, a period may now be put to their misery;
and that they may be raised from the condition of brutes, to which they
are at present degraded, to the rights and situation of freemen, and
admitted to partake of the blessings of your Majesty's happy government;
so shall your Majesty enjoy the heart-felt pleasure of procuring
happiness to millions, and be rewarded in the grateful prayers of
themselves, and of their posterity.
And may the all-bountiful Creator shower on your Majesty, and the Royal
Family, every bleffing that this world can afford, and every fulness of
joy which divine revelation has promised us in the next.
I am your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted servant to command,
GUSTAVUS VASSA, The Oppressed Ethiopian.
No. 53. Baldwin's Gardens.
The negro consolidated act, made by the assembly of Jamaica last year, and the new
act of amendment now in agitation there, contain a proof of the existence of those
charges that have been made against the planters relative to the tratment of
their slaves.
I hope to have the satisfaction of seeing the renovation of liberty and justice,
resting on the British government, to vindicate the honour of our common nature.
These are concerns which do not perhaps belong to any particular office: but, to
speak more seriously to every man of sentiment, actions like these are the just
and sure foundation of future fame; a reversion, though remote, is coveted by some
noble minds as a substantial good. It is upon these grounds that I hope and expect
the attention of gentlemen in power. These are designs consonant to the elevation
of their rank, and the dignity of their stations: they are ends suitable to the
nature of a free and ge nerous government; and, connected with views of empire and
dominion, suited to the
benevolence and solid merit of the legislature. It is a pursuit of substantial
greatness.—May the time come—at least the speculation to me is pleasing—when the
sable people shall gratefully commemorate the au spicious aera of extensive
freedom. Then shall those persons* particularly be named with praise and honour,
who generously proposed and stood forth in the cause of humanity, liberty, and
good policy; and brought to the car of the legislature designs worthy of royal
patronage and adoption. May Heaven make the British senators the dispersers of
light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost parts of the earth: * Granville Sharp, Esq the Reverend Thomas
Clarkson; the Reverend James Ramsay; our approved friends, men of virtue,
are an honour to their country, ornamental to human nature, happy in
themselves, and benefactors to mankind! [Equiano's note]
then will be glory to God on
the highest, on earth peace, and good-will to men:—Glory, honour, peace, &c.
to every soul of man that worketh good, to the Britons first, (because to them the
Gospel is preached) and also to the nations. 'Those that honour their Maker have mercy on the poor.'
'It is righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin
is a reproach to any people; destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity,
and the wicked shall fall by their own wickedness.' May the blessings
of the Lord be upon the heads of all those who commiserated the cases of the
oppressed negroes, and the fear of God prolong their days; and may their
expectations be filled with gladness! 'The
liberal devise liberal things, and by liberal things shall stand,'
Isaiah xxxii. 8. They can say with pious Job, 'Did not I weep for him
that was in trouble? was not my soul grieved for the poor?' Job xxx.
25.
As the inhuman traffic of slavery is to be taken into the consideration of the
British legislature, I doubt not, if a system of commerce was established in
Africa, the demand for manufactures will most rapidly augment, as the na tive
inhabitants will insensibly adopt the British fashions, manners, customs, &c.
In proportion to the civilization, so will be the consumption of British
manufactures.
The wear and tear of a continent, nearly twice as large as Europe, and rich in
vegetable and mineral productions, is much easier conceived than calculated.
A case in point.—It cost the Aborigines of Britain, little or nothing in clothing,
&c. The difference between their forefathers and the present generation, in point of consumption, is
literally infinite. The supposition is most obvious. It will be equally im mense
in Africa—The same cause, viz. civilization, will ever have the same effect.
It is trading upon safe grounds. A commercial intercourse with Africa opens an
inexhaustible source of wealth to the manufacturing interests of Great Britain,
and to all which the slave trade is an objection.
If I am not misinformed, the manufacturing interest is equal, if not superior, to
the landed interest, as to the value, for reasons which will soon appear. The
abolition of slavery, so diabolical, will give a most rapid extension of
manufactures, which is totally and diametrically opposite to what some interested
people assert.
The manufactures of this
country must and will, in the nature and reason of things, have a full and
constant employ by supplying the African mar kets.
Population, the bowels and surface of Africa, abound in valuable and use ful
returns; the hidden treasures of cen turies will be brought to light and into
circulation. Industry, enterprize, and mining, will have their full scope, pro
portionably as they civilize. In a word, it lays open an endless field of commerce
to the British manufactures and merchant adventurer. The manufacturing interest
and the general inte rests are synonymous. The abolition of slavery would be in
reality an universal good.
Tortures, murder, and every other imaginable barbarity and iniquity, are practised
upon the poor slaves with impunity. I hope the slave trade will be
abolished. I pray it may be an event at hand. The great body of manusac turers,
uniting in the cause, will con siderably facilitate and expedite it; and, as I
have already stated, it is most substantially their interest and advantage, and as
such the nation's at large, (except those persons concerned in the manufacturing
neck-yokes, collars, chains, hand-cuffs, leg-bolts, drags, thumbscrews, iron
muzzles, and coffins; cats, scourges, and other instruments of torture used in the
slave trade). In a short time one sentiment alone will prevail, from motives of
interest as well as justice and humanity. Europe contains one hundred and twenty
millions of inhabitants. Query—How many millions doth Africa contain? supposing
the Africans, collectively and individually, to expend 5l. a head in raiment and furniture yearly when
civilized, &c. an immensity beyond the reach of imagination!
This I conceive to be a theory founded upon facts, and therefore an infallible
one. If the blacks were permitted to remain in their own country, they would
double themselves every fifteen years. In proportion to such increase will be the
demand for manufactures. Cotton and indigo grow spontaneously in most parts of
Africa; a consideration this of no small consequence to the manufacturing towns of
Great Britain. It opens a most immense, glorious, and happy prospect—the clothing,
&c. of a continent ten thousand miles in circumference, and immensely rich in
productions of every denomination in return for manufac tures.
I have only therefore to
request the reader's indulgence and conclude. I am far from the vanity of thinking
there is any merit in this narrative: I hope censure will be suspended, when it is
considered that it was written by one who was as unwilling as unable to adorn the
plainness of truth by the colouring of imagination. My life and fortune have been
extremely chequered, and my adventures various. Even those I have related are
considerably abridged. If any incident in this little work should appear
uninteresting and trifling to most readers, I can only say, as my excuse for
mentioning it, that almost every event of my life made an impression on my mind,
and influenced my conduct. I early accus tomed myself to look for the hand of God
in the minutest occurrence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality and religion; and in this light,
every circumstance I have related was to me of importance. After all, what makes
any event important, unless by its observation we become better and wiser, and
learn 'to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk
humbly before God?' To those who are possessed of this spirit, there is
scarcely any book or incident so trifling that does not afford some profit, while
to others the experience of ages seems of no use; and even to pour out to them the
treasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of instruction away.
THE END.